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1

Business blindspots: Replacing myths, beliefs and assumptions with market realities. 2nd ed. Calne, Wilts: Infonortics, 1996.

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2

Business blindspots: Replacing your company's entrenched and outdated myths, beliefs, and assumptions with the realities of today's markets. Chicago, Ill: Probus, 1994.

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3

Woods, Ivan. The reinvestment assumption: A fresh look at the perpetuation of a myth. Melbourne: University of Melbourne. Graduate School of Management, 1987.

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4

Kottler, Jeffrey A., and Richard S. Balkin. Myths, Misconceptions, and Invalid Assumptions about Counseling and Psychotherapy. Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2020.

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5

Kottler, Jeffrey, and Richard S. Balkin. Myths, Misconceptions, and Invalid Assumptions About Counseling and Psychotherapy. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190090692.001.0001.

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In Myths, Misconceptions, and Invalid Assumptions about Counseling the authors examine the science, art, and certainties and uncertainties of psychotherapy. In this book we have selected several dozen issues in our field, many of which are considered generally accepted principles or operating assumptions. We put them under close scrutiny to examine them more carefully. We’ve considered a wide variety of subjects, ranging from those that relate to our espoused beliefs, theoretical models, favored techniques and interventions, to accreditation and licensing requirements. We have also addressed some of the sanctioned statements about the nature and meaning of empirically supported and evidence based treatments. We even question what we can truly “know” for sure and how we can be certain these things are true. When considering the efficacy of psychotherapy, there is overwhelming evidence that the vast majority of clients are significantly improved as a result of our treatments. Advances in the models, methods, and strategies during the last few decades have allowed us to work more swiftly and efficiently, to reach a much more economically and culturally diverse population. But do we really know and understand as much as we pretend to? Is the foundation upon which we stand actually as stable and certain as we think, or at least claim to believe? Are the major assumptions and “truths” that we take for granted and accept as foundational principles really supported by solid data? And how might these assumptions, beliefs, and constructs we hold so sacred perhaps compromise and limit increased creativity and innovation? These are some of the uncomfortable and provocative questions that we wish to raise, and perhaps challenge, so that we might consider alternative conceptions that might further increase our effectiveness and improve our knowledge base grounded with solid evidence.
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6

Sergio, Della Sala, ed. Mind myths: Exploring popular assumptions about the mind and brain. Chichester, England: Wiley, 1999.

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7

Sala, Sergio Della. Mind Myths: Exploring Popular Assumptions About the Mind and Brain. Wiley, 1999.

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8

author, Furnham Adrian, ed. Myths of work: The stereotypes and assumptions holding your organization back. Criterion Collection, 2018.

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9

Wortman, Camille B., and Kathrin Boerner. Beyond the Myths of Coping with Loss: Prevailing Assumptions Versus Scientific Evidence. Oxford University Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780195342819.013.0019.

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10

Schechter, Elizabeth. Duality Myths. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198809654.003.0009.

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This chapter addresses the intuitive fascination of the split-brain phenomenon. According to what I call the standard explanation, it is because we ordinarily assume that people are psychologically unified, while split-brain subjects are not psychologically unified, which suggests that we might not be unified either. I offer a different interpretation. One natural way of grappling with people’s failures to conform to various assumptions we make about them is to conceptualize them as having multiple minds. Such multiple-minds models take their most dramatic form in narrative art as duality myths. The split-brain cases grip people in part because the subjects strike them as living embodiments of such myths.
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11

Ecklund, Elaine Howard, and Christopher P. Scheitle. Beyond Myths, Toward Realities. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190650629.003.0008.

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This chapter summarizes the myths and stereotypes that were dispelled and encourages readers to accept this reality moving forward. Suggestions are provided for scientists, religious people, and all those in between. Productive dialogue is possible, and there are several models of this dialogue already in existence. Scientists and religious communities should attempt to build upon shared concerns, while recognizing that technical disagreements often mask more subtle concerns about meaning and ethics. Both groups should recognize their assumptions about the other and how those assumptions are often incorrect or lack nuance. Faith community leaders can be vital in providing space for members who are scientists to help bridge gaps between the scientific and religious domains.
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12

Ecklund, Elaine Howard, and Christopher P. Scheitle. Beyond Stereotypes and Myths. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190650629.003.0001.

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The loudest and most extreme voices get the attention in discussions about religion and science. These voices often feed into stereotypes about how religious people view and relate to science. The authors urge readers to let go of any current assumptions and stereotypes regarding science, religion, scientists, and religious people. Religion vs. Science: What Religious People Really Think uses the latest and broadest survey data alongside in-depth interviews with a variety of religious people in order to move beyond these stereotypes while also recognizing real areas of tension between science and religious people. These areas of tension originate from religious individuals’ desire to maintain a role for God in the world and preserve the sacredness of humanity. This chapter outlines each of the following seven chapters.
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13

Flood, Dawn Rae. The Power of Racial Rape Myths after World War II. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252036897.003.0003.

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This chapter reveals how African American men and their attorneys challenged assumptions about black criminality and forced urban authorities to confront these assumptions during the postwar years, when the civil rights movement expanded nationally. By World War II, instances of lynch mob violence had decreased significantly, but the specter of interracial sexual violence continued to govern trial proceedings, even outside the Jim Crow South. Many Americans continued to believe that black men were sexual predators and likely perpetrators of rape if accused, especially but not exclusively, by white women. Thus, these men specifically asserted that the trial system they faced in Chicago mirrored a Southern system of (in)justice that had not yet fully abandoned lynch-mob violence. Although they were not successful in gaining acquittals, their efforts expand current understandings of racial discrimination and re-imagine the geographic boundaries of the criminalized black male body.
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14

Gilad, Benjamin. Business Blindspots: Replacing Your Company's Entrenched and Outdated Myths, Beliefs and Assumptions With the Realities of Today's Markets. Probus Professional Pub, 1993.

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15

Cohn, Jr., Samuel K. Plague Spreaders. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198819660.003.0007.

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This chapter challenges assumptions that the Black Death initiated a new phase of plague-inspired hatred and persecution, especially against Jews. After the Black Death, no plagues provoked persecution of minorities or outsiders until myths of plague spreaders arose during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The chapter then examines the best-documented and known case of presumed plague spreading, that of Milan in 1630. Instead of persecution of foreign and impoverished plague cleaners (monatti), other outsiders, or the poor, as currently believed, it discovers that the butts of these suspicions were mainly insiders—native-born, propertied artisans, bankers, and military officers. On the other hand, those making the accusations and those executing the punishments stitched a seemingly unconscious coalition between impoverished women and Milanese elites backed by the city’s Health Board, one of the most advanced in Europe, the city’s prestigious physicians, and its archbishop.
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16

Williamson, George S. Myth. Edited by Joel D. S. Rasmussen, Judith Wolfe, and Johannes Zachhuber. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198718406.013.35.

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This chapter examines the nineteenth-century discourse on myth and its influence on Christian theological and cultural debate from the 1790s to the eve of the First World War. After preliminary comments on the eighteenth century, it examines five ‘key’ moments in this history: the Romantic idea of a ‘new mythology’ (focusing on Friedrich Schelling); the ‘religious’ turn in myth scholarship c.1810 (Friedrich Creuzer); debates over the role of myth in the gospels (focusing on David Strauss and Christian Weisse); theories of language and race and their impact on myth scholarship; and Arthur Drews’ The Christ Myth and the debate over the historicity of Jesus. This chapter argues that the discourse on myth (in Germany and elsewhere) was closely bound to the categories and assumptions of Christian theology, reproducing them even as it undermined the authority of the Bible, the clergy, and the churches.
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17

Jeske, Christine. The Laziness Myth. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501752506.001.0001.

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When people cannot find good work, can they still find good lives? By investigating this question in the context of South Africa, where only 43 percent of adults are employed, this book invites readers to examine their own assumptions about how work and the good life do or do not coincide. The book challenges the widespread premise that hard-work determines success by tracing the titular “laziness myth,” a persistent narrative that disguises the systems and structures that produce inequalities while blaming unemployment and other social ills on the so-called laziness of particular class, racial, and ethnic groups. The book offers evidence of the laziness myth's harsh consequences, as well as insights into how to challenge it with other South African narratives of a good life. In contexts as diverse as rapping in a library, manufacturing leather shoes, weed-whacking neighbors' yards, negotiating marriage plans, and sharing water taps, the people described in the book will stimulate discussion on creative possibilities for seeking the good life in and out of employment, in South Africa and elsewhere.
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18

Meierding, Emily. The Oil Wars Myth. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501748288.001.0001.

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Do countries fight wars for oil? Given the resource's exceptional military and economic importance, most people assume that states will do anything to obtain it. Challenging this conventional wisdom, the book reveals that countries do not launch major conflicts to acquire petroleum resources. The book argues that the costs of foreign invasion, territorial occupation, international retaliation, and damage to oil company relations deter even the most powerful countries from initiating “classic oil wars.” Examining a century of interstate violence, the book demonstrates that, at most, countries have engaged in mild sparring to advance their petroleum ambitions. The book elaborates on these findings by reassessing the presumed oil motives for many of the twentieth century's most prominent international conflicts: World War II, the two American Gulf wars, the Iran–Iraq War, the Falklands/Malvinas War, and the Chaco War. These case studies show that countries have consistently refrained from fighting for oil. The book also explains why oil war assumptions are so common, despite the lack of supporting evidence. Since classic oil wars exist at the intersection of need and greed–two popular explanations for resource grabs–they are unusually easy to believe in. The book will engage and inform anyone interested in oil, war, and the narratives that connect them.
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19

Harding, Dennis. Rewriting History. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198817734.001.0001.

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‘Every generation re-writes history in its own way’. Re-writing History applies Collingwood’s dictum to a series of topics and themes, some of which have been central to prehistoric and protohistoric archaeology for the past century or more, while some have been triggered by more recent changes in technology or social attitudes. Some issues are highly controversial, like the proposals for the Stonehenge World Heritage sites. Others challenge long-held popular myths, like the deconstruction of the Celts and by extension the Picts. Yet some traditional tenets of scholarship have gone unchallenged for too long, like the classical definition of civilization itself. But why should it matter? Surely it is in the order of things that each generation rejects received wisdom and adopts ideas that are radical or might offend previous generations? Is this not simply symptomatic of healthy and vibrant debate? Or are there grounds for believing that current changes are of a more disquieting character, denying the basic assumptions of rational argument and freedom of enquiry and expression that have been the foundation of western scholarship since the eighteenth century Enlightenment? Re-writing History addresses contemporary concerns about information and its interpretation, including issues of misinformation and airbrushing of politically-incorrect history. Its subject matter is the archaeology of prehistoric and early historic Britain, and the changes witnessed over two centuries and more in the interpretation of the archaeological heritage by changes in the prevailing political and social as well as intellectual climate. Far from being topics of concern only to academics in ivory towers, the way in which seemingly innocuous issues such as cultural diffusion or social reconstruction in the remote past are studied and presented reflects important shifts in contemporary thinking that challenge long-accepted conventions of free speech and debate.
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20

Boon-Kuo, Louise. Visible Policing Subjects and Low Visibility Policing. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198814887.003.0007.

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This chapter argues that street-based migration policing in Australia is the site of two important dynamics in contemporary practices of racialization. It explores migration policing as a process that racializes the putatively race-neutral legal categories of citizenship and unlawful non-citizenship. Immigration status checks of both citizens and non-citizens reveal how assumptions about ethnicity have informed whether a person is stopped on the street, how investigations into identity and citizenship have been conducted, and whether a person is detained under immigration laws. This chapter also briefly explores the limited oversight over migration policing as a practice which props up the myth of legal racial neutrality. Thinking through these practices, this chapter raises questions about how race is formed and obscured through the low visibility of migration policing and the methodological implications for migration and policing research.
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21

Ecklund, Elaine Howard, and Christopher P. Scheitle. Religious People Are Not Scientists. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190650629.003.0004.

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It is often assumed that working in science precludes being religious. This assumption is reinforced by vocal atheist scientists. This chapter provides narratives from religious people who are scientists, dispelling the myth that religious people cannot be and are not scientists. This chapter notes that religious scientists exist, particularly outside of elite universities; these rank-and-file scientists demonstrate that the irreligiosity of university scientists might have more to do with working in universities than working in science. The chapter also demonstrates how some scientists find a glimpse of faith and the divine in their scientific work. Religious scientists at times feel tension, as if they are stuck between two worlds, however they are also in the unique position to serve as bridge builders.
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22

Hayward, Jack. The State Imperative. Edited by Robert Elgie, Emiliano Grossman, and Amy G. Mazur. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199669691.013.3.

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This chapter argues that the pervasive sense of national decline among French public opinion can only be appreciated if it is judged against the elevated height of state self-esteem over previous centuries. Since the stabilization of the political regime in the second half of the twentieth century, the state has regressed as the overarching and unifying political framework, reversing its traditional standing. Now, many of the traditional state culture’s assumptions are no longer valid, creating a disjunction between expectations about what the state should do and what it can do. While those who speak on behalf of the state endeavor to sustain the myth of its sovereignty, their credibility has become increasingly implausible as the long process of state-building has been unwinding. Thus, France remains exceptional in terms of its norms and ideas about the state, even if it is no longer exceptional in terms of the behavior of the state.
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23

Bruce, Steve. Does Danger Make People Religious? Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198786580.003.0010.

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This chapter takes an interesting proposition—that danger makes people particularly receptive to religion—and uses the examples of the supposed piety of miners and fishermen to explore three very different sorts of social explanation. It could indeed be the case that unpredictably dangerous work disposes people to consider their mortality or to find supernatural ways of dampening anxiety. Or it could be that the unusual social structure of fishing villages and mining communities (generally isolated and introverted) insulates religious traditions from secularizing forces. Or it could be that the piety of these communities is a social myth based on the romantic assumption that those who work close to the elements should be more open to the supernatural than is the cosseted urban office worker. As well as addressing the substantive proposition, it considers practical problems of measuring piety.
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24

Lloyd, G. E. R. Intelligence and Intelligibility. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198854593.001.0001.

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This study investigates the tension between two conflicting intuitions, our twin recognitions: (1) that all humans share the same basic cognitive capacities; and yet (2) their actual manifestations in different individuals and groups differ appreciably. How can we reconcile our sense of what links us all as humans with our recognition of these deep differences? All humans use language and live in social groups, where we have to probe what is distinctive in the experience of humans as opposed to that of other animals and how the former may have evolved from the latter. Moreover, the languages we speak and the societies we form differ profoundly, though the conclusion that we are the prisoners of our own particular experience should and can be resisted. The study calls into question the cross-cultural viability both of many of the analytic tools we commonly use (such as the contrast between the literal and the metaphorical, between myth and rational account, and between nature and culture) and of our usual categories for organizing human experience and classifying intellectual disciplines, mathematics, religion, law, and aesthetics. The result is a robust defence of the possibilities of mutual intelligibility while recognizing both the diversity in the manifestations of human intelligence and the need to revise our assumptions in order to achieve that understanding.
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25

Harvey, Paul, and Kathryn Gin Lum, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Religion and Race in American History. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190221171.001.0001.

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The Oxford Handbook of Religion and Race in American History is a reference work in which thirty-seven leading scholars from the fields of History, Religious Studies, Sociology, Anthropology, and others investigate the complex interdependencies of religion and race through American history. The book covers the religious experience, social realities, theologies, and sociologies of racialized groups in American religious history. It explores how religion contributed to their racialization, and race to perceptions about the validity of their religious expressions. Religion played a significant part in creating race. While Euro-American Christianity was hardly the sole force in this process, Christian myth, originating from interpretations of biblical stories as well as speculations about God’s Providence, necessarily was central to the process of racializing peoples in the Americas––to imposing hierarchies upon groups of humans. But if Christianity fostered racialization, it also undermined it. Sacred passages and practices have been powerful but ambiguous, and arguments about God’s Providence in colonization, proselytization, and slavery have always been contentious. Assumptions about race have also helped to define religion in the United States, and what counts as protectable under the First Amendment. Practitioners of indigenous religions, Islam, Judaism, Buddhism, Hinduism, humanism, and others have drawn on their traditions to claim religious freedom, foster group identity, challenge racialization, and participate in race-making. Race and religion have also been created and debated through popular culture, and this volume includes considerations of music, film, sports, and photography in addition to the chapters covering theoretical approaches, traditions, and historical periods.
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