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1

Lynk, Michael. "Vignettes of Nablus." Journal of Palestine Studies 20, no. 1 (1990): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537325.

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2

Kamal, Noura. "Nablus under Siege." Anthropos 115, no. 2 (2020): 417–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0257-9774-2020-2-417.

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In recent years, the Palestinian city of Nablus has experienced great suffering due to attacks by the Israeli forces. Strict curfews imposed on the city did not only affect daily life and lead to deteriorating economic conditions, but also had an impact on the psychological well-being of the inhabitants. The peak of the violence was in 2002 when Israeli forces occupied Nablus city and ordered a curfew for three months. The suffering that people faced during this period took on different dimensions - most notably immobility - as a result of the continuous siege and the constant threat of being shot at when breaking the curfew. This article will be examining the ways in which religious belief contributed to creating resilience which had a major influence on the inhabitants’ steadfastness (ṡumud) during the siege and its aftermath.
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3

Lynk, Michael. "Vignettes of Nablus." Journal of Palestine Studies 20, no. 1 (October 1990): 101–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.1990.20.1.00p0048u.

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4

Eldem, Fatih Turgay. "BİR NABLUS MUHAREBESİ HİKAYESİ." VAKANÜVİS - ULUSLARARASI TARİH ARAŞTIRMALARI DERGİSİ 1 (September 10, 2016): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.24186/vakanuvis.261580.

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5

Doumani, Beshara B. "The Political Economy of Population Counts in Ottoman Palestine: Nablus, circa 1850." International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, no. 1 (February 1994): 1–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800059730.

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New evidence, culled from the Nablus advisory council (majlis al-shūrā) records and based on an actual Ottoman population count taken in December 1849, indicates that the city's population at that time numbered at least 20,000 people, more than twice the frequently cited figure of 8,000–9,000. This revision raises serious doubts about the veracity of hitherto commonly accepted population figures, most of them based on contemporary estimates by Western observers, for the various regions of Palestine during the first three-quarters of the 19th century. Moreover, when compared to available data for Nablus from the 16th and the late 19th centuries, it seems that the pattern of Nablus's demographic development differs from what the proponents of Ottoman decline and modernization theses have argued.2 Instead of decreasing during the so-called dark ages of Ottoman decline in the 17th and 18th centuries, Nablus's population increased significantly; and instead of growing robustly during the so-called period of modernization in the second half of the 19th century, it appears to have leveled off.
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6

Cemal, KEMAL. "Nablus Meydan Muharebesi’nde Mustafa Kemal." Ankara Üniversitesi Türk İnkılap Tarihi Enstitüsü Atatürk Yolu Dergisi 13, no. 51 (2013): 617–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/tite_0000000372.

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7

Allanson, Judith. "Nablus mask-like facial syndrome." American Journal of Medical Genetics 102, no. 2 (2001): 212–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajmg.1440.

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8

Teebi, Ahmad S. "Nablus mask-like facial syndrome." American Journal of Medical Genetics 95, no. 4 (2000): 407–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/1096-8628(20001211)95:4<407::aid-ajmg23>3.0.co;2-1.

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9

Leech, Philip. "WhyJabal an-Nar? Researching Nablus." Bulletin for the Council for British Research in the Levant 7, no. 1 (October 2012): 30–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1752726012z.0000000004.

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10

Yaceczko, Lionel. "The Riddle of the Nablus Collection." Studies in Late Antiquity 1, no. 2 (2017): 173–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2017.1.2.173.

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The Nablus Collection is a previously-unpublished hoard of imperial Roman bronze coins from the Tetrarchic Period (294-318) housed at the Catholic University of America. The Collection is comparable to many other, similar hoards and confirms common trends such as weight, time span, and inflation during the period. One programmatic weight reduction, in the year 307/308, is well documented in the Collection, and the hoard further substantiates a lesser-known weight reduction in the year 312 for which no material evidence had as yet been discovered. The Collection, however, differs from other hoards in several remarkable ways, raising questions that require creative hypotheses. The mint distribution supported by comparable hoards of the period contrasts strikingly with that of the Collection, which evidences a balance of eastern and western mints peculiar for the period. The hoard testifies to the economic rise of a frontier colony which by the 320s had become an established community with its own bishop and the importance to attract a flow of foreign coin from across the Empire. The Collection adds a small piece to the story of that turbulent period when Constantine marched from York, crossed the Empire, and finally settled in the East.
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11

Droeber, Julia. "Avoidance as Inter-Religious Competence? Samaritans and Their Religious “Others” in Nablus, Palestine." Religions 11, no. 2 (February 5, 2020): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11020071.

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In this paper, I take issue with the theory and practice of inter-religious competence, based on a case-study of the Samaritans of Nablus. I take as a starting point the contemporary observation that inter-religious relations in Nablus are relatively peaceful, which in most models of inter-religious competence would be considered a product of successfully acquired and implemented inter-religious competences. A second observation, that runs against the grain of all models of inter-religious competence, is that Samaritans do not seem to discuss religious issues in public at all. I try to show that this strategy of avoidance is largely the result of historical experiences, which made “walking between the raindrops” seem the most successful way to maintain social peace. Furthermore, I attempt to demonstrate that the strategy of avoidance is one applied in public, but not in private discourses, which, in turn, I identify as a second strategy of inter-religious competence found in the Nablus context but not in pedagogical models. A third aspect, not mentioned in theoretical models of inter-religious competences, is the political context, which, in the case of Nablus, is marked by a strong discursive emphasis on local and national identity—against an external “enemy”—that overrides any religious boundaries.
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12

Bishara, Amahl. "The Targeted and the Untargeted of Nablus." Middle East Report, no. 235 (July 1, 2005): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/30042442.

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13

Fabbrini, M. "Reperti archeologici nella città vecchia di Nablus." Liber Annuus 55 (January 2005): 355–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.la.2.303623.

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14

Salpietro, Carmelo Damiano, Silvana Briuglia, Luciana Rigoli, Maria Valeria Merlino, and Bruno Dallapiccola. "Confirmation of Nablus mask-like facial syndrome." American Journal of Medical Genetics 121A, no. 3 (August 12, 2003): 283–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajmg.a.20280.

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15

Sawalha, Ansam F. "Deliberate self-poisoning: a study from Nablus." International Journal of Adolescent Medicine and Health 24, no. 4 (December 1, 2012): 373–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijamh.2012.054.

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Abstract Aim: Arab Palestinians have experienced intense political, domestic and economic stressful conditions, which can increase the risk of self-harm. No previous studies haves been published to describe the patterns and rates of deliberate self-harm, particularly self-poisoning, in the Palestinian Authority. The objective of this study was to investigate deliberate self-poisoning in the Palestinian Authority. Methods: All patients admitted to the emergency department of Al-Watani Governmental Hospital from May 2008 to April 2009 and identified as deliberate self-poisoning were investigated. The demographic and clinical data of the subjects were analyzed using SPSS16. Results: A total of 54 individuals were identified. The mean age of these patients was 23.8±7.9 years and less than one-third (16; 29.6%) were under 18 years of age. The majority of the patients were female (35; 64.8%). Two-thirds (37; 68.5%) of the patients were Nablus city residents. An overdose of pharmaceutical products (39; 72.2%) was the most common method of self-poisoning. Significant associations were found between the type of material used in self-poisoning and place of residence (p=0.008) as well as gender (p=0.021). Gastric lavage was performed for 23 (42.6%) individuals, while only four (7.4%) received activated charcoal, and six (11.1%) had both. Conclusion: Rates of deliberate self-poisoning in the Palestinian Authority are lower than those reported from developed countries, but higher than that reported from other Arab countries. Regulations regarding the sale and storage of poisonous agricultural chemicals are needed in the Palestinian Authority.
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16

Cavanaugh, Kathleen, and Jamil Dakwar. "Grave Breaches: A View from Jenin and Nablus." Middle East Report, no. 223 (2002): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1559461.

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17

Karakaş, Nuri. "Nablus Muharebesi’nde Mustafa Kemal Paşa: İthamlar ve Gerçekler." Tarih İncelemeleri Dergisi 33, no. 2 (December 28, 2018): 481–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.18513/egetid.502716.

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18

Doumani, Beshara. "SCENES FROM DAILY LIFE: THE VIEW FROM NABLUS." Journal of Palestine Studies 34, no. 1 (2004): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2004.34.1.37.

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The picture of everyday life in besieged Nablus that emerges from this essay is one of simultaneous fragmentation and social cohesion: fragmentation in the class and generational tensions, factional power struggles, estrangement between townsmen and camp dwellers; social cohesion in the enduring family and solidarity networks, well-organized grassroots committees, and the unifying impact of Israeli military pressures. While shedding light on the radical cultural, demographic, and structural transformations underway, this closely observed personal narrative also conveys the sense of imprisonment that characterizes this virtually sealed off town subjected to individual and collective punishments, from targeted assassinations to selective curfews and the intentional destruction of infrastructure and architectural patrimony.
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19

Al-Khatib, Issam A., Yousef S. Al-Qaroot, and Mohammad S. Ali-Shtayeh. "Management of healthcare waste in circumstances of limited resources: a case study in the hospitals of Nablus city, Palestine." Waste Management & Research: The Journal for a Sustainable Circular Economy 27, no. 4 (May 7, 2009): 305–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0734242x08094124.

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The objectives of this study were the assessment of healthcare waste management and the characterization of healthcare waste material generated in the hospitals in Nablus city, Palestine, and furthermore, to estimate the prevalence of hepatitis B among the cleaning personnel working in these hospitals. The medical waste generation rate in kg per bed per day was between 0.59 and 0.93 kg bed— 1 day—1. The waste generation rate in the healthcare facilities of Nablus city hospitals was similar to some other developing countries; however, the percentage of medical wastes in the total waste stream was comparatively high. The density of medical waste at the four hospitals studied ranged between 144.9 and 188.4 kg m— 3 with a mean value of 166.7 kg m—3. The waste segregation and handling practices were very poor. Other alternatives for waste treatment rather than incineration such as a locally made autoclave integrated with a shredder should be evaluated and implemented. The system of healthcare waste management in Nablus city is in need of immediate improvement and attention. Formulating rules and guidelines for medical waste and developing strategies for overcoming the obstacles related to waste management should be considered as an urgent matter.
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20

Turan, Bahar, Mehmet Akif Akinci, Ibrahim Selcuk Esin, and Onur Burak Dursun. "Nablus Mask-Like Facial Syndrome with Moderate Developmental Delay." Eurasian Journal of Medicine 52, no. 2 (June 18, 2020): 229–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5152/eurasianjmed.2020.18448.

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21

ABU ALSAUD, Loay. "Las iglesias de época bizantina en Nablus (Neapolis), Palestina." Zephyrvs 82 (December 1, 2018): 187. http://dx.doi.org/10.14201/zephyrus201882187207.

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22

Allanson, Judith, Amanda Smith, Francesca Forzano, Angela E. Lin, Annick Raas-Rothschild, Heather E. Howley, and Kym M. Boycott. "Nablus syndrome: Easy to diagnose yet difficult to solve." American Journal of Medical Genetics Part C: Seminars in Medical Genetics 178, no. 4 (December 2018): 447–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajmg.c.31660.

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23

Imad, Ibrik, and Hashaika Fadia. "Transition to Solar Energy Using Rooftop of Public Buildings in Palestine." Renewable Energy and Power Quality Journal 18 (June 2020): 87–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.24084/repqj18.235.

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24

Cung, Tam Giao, Anne Sofie Paus, Ammar Aghbar, Torvid Kiserud, and Sven Gudmund Hinderaker. "Stillbirths at a hospital in Nablus, 2010: a cohort study." Global Health Action 7, no. 1 (September 5, 2014): 25222. http://dx.doi.org/10.3402/gha.v7.25222.

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25

Sawalha, A. F., W. M. Sweileh, S. H. Zyoud, S. W. Al Jabi, F. F. Bni Shamseh, and A. A. Odah. "Analysis of prescriptions dispensed at community pharmacies in Nablus, Palestine." Eastern Mediterranean Health Journal 16, no. 7 (July 1, 2010): 788–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.26719/2010.16.7.788.

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26

Makdisi, Ussama, and Beshara Doumani. "Rediscovering Palestine: Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700-1900." Middle East Report, no. 211 (1999): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3013343.

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27

Wilson, Mary C., and Beshara Doumani. "Rediscovering Palestine: Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700-1900." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 27, no. 4 (1997): 744. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/206596.

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28

Abu Alsaud, Loay, and Amer Qobbaj. "Report on the pottery from Tell Sufan in Nablus, Palestine." Palestine Exploration Quarterly 150, no. 2 (April 3, 2018): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00310328.2017.1422172.

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29

Dawn, C. Ernest, and Beshara Doumani. "Rediscovering Palestine: Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700-1900." American Historical Review 103, no. 3 (June 1998): 935. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2650671.

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30

Abbas, Mokarram, and Bas van Heur. "Thinking Arab women's spatiality: the case of ‘mutanazahat’in Nablus, Palestine." Gender, Place & Culture 21, no. 10 (July 18, 2013): 1214–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0966369x.2013.817969.

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31

Cerchiello, Vania, Paola Ceresa, Ricardo Monteiro, and Nadejda Komendantova. "Assessment of social vulnerability to seismic hazard in Nablus, Palestine." International Journal of Disaster Risk Reduction 28 (June 2018): 491–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ijdrr.2017.12.012.

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32

Shehadeh, Mohammad M., Ammar A. Aghbar, Mu'ath Salman, and Liana Labadi. "Prevalence of inherited color vision deficiency among male school teenagers in Nablus, Palestine." International Eye Research 2, no. 1 (March 28, 2021): 45–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18240/ier.2021.01.08.

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AIM: To find out the prevalence of inherited color vision deficiency (CVD) among Palestinian male-school children aged 14-18 and compare it with other eastern and western countries. METHODS: Six hundred and thirty-four male subjects (n=634) aged 14-18 from Palestinian Governorate of Nablus were randomly selected and screened using Ishihara pseudoisochromatic plates. Subjects who failed Ishihara screening were tested further with computer software of Farnsworth-Munsell 100 Hue test. RESULTS: Out of the 634 male participants, 597 were included in the study and 8.0% of them (48 males) demonstrated red-green CVD. 5.4%, 2.3% and 0.3% of the 48 males exhibited deutan, protan and total color vision deficiency (monochromacy), respectively. CONCLUSION: The results show that the prevalence of red-green CVD among the male school children from Palestinian Governorate of Nablus is not significantly different from that of male populations in nearby and Western countries.
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ALMASRI, Motasem, Nael ABU HASAN, and Naela SABBAH. "Macrolide and lincosamide resistance in staphylococcal clinical isolates in Nablus, Palestine." TURKISH JOURNAL OF MEDICAL SCIENCES 46 (2016): 1064–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.3906/sag-1503-121.

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34

Yazan, Issa. "Compliance of Access Management Techniques on Urban Arterial in Nablus City." IOSR Journal of Engineering 4, no. 10 (October 2014): 48–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.9790/3021-041024856.

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35

Bontemps, Véronique. "Soap Factories in Nablus: Palestinian Heritage (Turâth) at the Local Level." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 14, no. 2 (June 2012): 279–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2012.681939.

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36

Hussein, Ayman S. "Cryptosporidium parvum causes gastroenteritis epidemics in the Nablus region of Palestine." Tropical Medicine & International Health 16, no. 1 (December 3, 2010): 12–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-3156.2010.02673.x.

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37

Adwan, Ghaleb, Eman Abedraboo, Kamel Adwan, and Suhaila Al-Sheboul. "Characterization of Indoor Air Bacterial Isolates from Rafidia Hospital, Nablus-Palestine." Archives of Current Research International 5, no. 3 (January 10, 2016): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.9734/acri/2016/29066.

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38

Audeh, Ida. "Narratives of Siege: Eye-Witness Testimonies from Jenin, Bethlehem and Nablus." Journal of Palestine Studies 31, no. 4 (2002): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2002.31.4.13.

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The testimonies below were collected from 10 to 17 May 2002. I traveled first to Jenin refugee camp. No matter how many images you have seen in the news, nothing quite prepares you for the devastation at the camp's ground zero. The storeys-high mountains of rubble are littered with reminders of lives disrupted: a mattress here, a child's schoolbook there. The 373-dunam camp, which had been home to about 13,600 residents, had been invaded at least twice before the assault that began on 3 April. The camp held out for nine days––a point of pride for many residents. Though a total of only fifty-six bodies have been found, rumors persist of mass graves and of trucks carrying body bags to undisclosed locations. Many of those who lost their homes are living with relatives in Jenin town and elsewhere, further hampering efforts to account for the missing. According to Human Rights Watch, at least 140 buildings were completely leveled and more than 200 others severely damaged, leaving about 4,000 people––more than a quarter of the population––homeless. The Israelis invaded Bethlehem (population 45,000) on 29 March, the second time in a month. The town was kept under siege for forty-four days, though world attention focused almost exclusively on the Church of the Nativity, traditional birthplace of Christ, besieged as of 2 April. Though not subjected to the kind of devastation seen in Jenin and Nablus, numerous centuries-old facades were destroyed or heavily damaged. I had every intention of traveling to Nablus, a city that had put up impressive resistance to the Israeli onslaught (which began on 3 April) and that had sustained heavy casualties and the destruction of large areas of the historic Old City. However, the numerous roadblocks and alternate routes necessitated by checkpoints and settler snipers turned the forty-minute drive to Nablus into an unpredictable journey that could last up to five hours. I had to settle for phone interviews. Official estimates of fatalities in this city of 110,000 run to about eighty. In Jenin refugee camp and Bethlehem, the sight of residents talking to a stranger with a tape recorder tended to attract other residents, and often more than one perspective was offered on events. Because I allowed interviewees to talk, rarely interrupting them, some of their narratives contain gaps and some confusion, even inconsistencies, which I have made no attempt to eliminate. At the same time, I was struck by how careful interviewees tried to be in recounting their stories, clearly distinguishing between what they had seen and what they had heard. No one rushed to accuse the Israeli army of looting (a commonly reported feature of house searches in the Ramallah area, for example); when they witnessed it, they were careful to describe the scope. Some interviewees reported the presence of Arabic-speaking soldiers, some with Lebanese accents (presumably South Lebanese Army soldiers who fled Lebanon after the Israeli withdrawal in 1999); others did not. Above all else, I was struck by the extraordinary dignity and restraint with which these people described terrible moments in their lives––when they lost a son or their homes, when they were put at great risk, when they tried to locate their dead or wounded––at a time when their entire futures were clouded with doubt.
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Di Meo, Antonella, Barbara Borzi, Marta Faravelli, Marco Pagano, Paola Ceresa, Ricardo Monteiro, and Jalal Al-Dabbeek. "Seismic Vulnerability Assessment of the Urban Building Environment in Nablus, Palestine." International Journal of Architectural Heritage 12, no. 7-8 (August 27, 2018): 1196–215. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15583058.2018.1503364.

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40

Assaf, Huda Khaled, and Abed Mohammed Assaf. "Teaching Occupational Stress Among Elementary School Teachers at Nablus in Palestine." Journal of Educational & Psychological Sciences 08, no. 01 (March 1, 2007): 133–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.12785/jeps/080106.

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41

Al-Khatib, IA, W. El Ansari, TA Areqat, RA Darkhawaja, SH Mansour, MA Tucktuck, and JI Khatib. "Occupational Safety Precautions among Nurses at Four Hospitals, Nablus District, Palestine." International Journal of Occupational and Environmental Medicine 6, no. 4 (October 1, 2015): 243–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15171/ijoem.2015.581.

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42

Lance, Samuel, Granger Wong, and David Young. "Characterization of the ocular findings in the nablus masklike facial syndrome." Journal of American Association for Pediatric Ophthalmology and Strabismus 20, no. 5 (October 2016): 457–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jaapos.2016.04.010.

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43

Schölch, Alexander. "The Demographic Development of Palestine, 1850–1882." International Journal of Middle East Studies 17, no. 4 (November 1985): 485–505. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800029445.

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In my contribution to a volume edited by Roger Owen, I have studied the economic development of Palestine from the Crimean War up to the beginnings of the first Jewish Aliya. In this article I propose to investigate the concomitant demographic development of Palestine, that is, of the Livās of Jerusalem, Nablus/Balqā', and 'Akkā, during roughly the same period.
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44

Alsaud, Loay Abu, Awni Shawamra, Amer Qobbaj, Jehad Yasin, Mohammad Al-Khateeb, Abdul Khaliq Issa, Alfonso Fanjul Peraza, and Verónica Pérez de Dios. "Stable Isotope Dietary Analysis on Human Remains: A case Study at Khirbet Aqabet Al Qadi Burial Chamber, Nablus, Palestine." Radiocarbon 61, no. 4 (July 1, 2019): 1107–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rdc.2019.65.

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ABSTRACTIn 2016, a burial chamber hewn into limestone was discovered at Khirbet Aqabet Al Qadi on the northwestern slope of Mount Ebal, 2km north of the city center of Nablus. The floor of the chamber is 3.15 × 2.9 m and the height averages 1.8 m. A movable closure at the entrance consists of a limestone slab. The burial chamber houses four sarcophagi. The aim of this case study is to give information not only on the burial chamber but also, for the first time in the region, on human remains. Stable isotope analysis of a human bone sample enabled us to obtain dietary information on one individual. Due to low collagen content, the sample did not allow precise dating but it can be placed between 50 BC and 50 AD. Systematic illegal excavation and looting at funerary sites in the Nablus area has caused material for potential information to be missing at the site. Nonetheless, the dietary information obtained supports other material finds indicating Mediterranean agricultural use of the land. Our evidence demonstrates that the site dates to between the 1st and 3rd centuries AD.
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45

Tawayha, Fajer, Luis Braganca, and Ricardo Mateus. "Contribution of the Vernacular Architecture to the Sustainability: A Comparative Study between the Contemporary Areas and the Old Quarter of a Mediterranean City." Sustainability 11, no. 3 (February 9, 2019): 896. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11030896.

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The strongest point of vernacular architecture is the harmony between environment and buildings. Mediterranean vernacular architecture is harmonized with its local context, including culture and traditions. In addition, it respects environmental and climatic factors, construction materials, and morphology. In the past, people in Palestine built their houses according to their possibilities, needs, available materials, topography, and culture. Without any control from the government or any legal limitations or architects, it was people’s architecture, simple architecture. This paper discusses the differences between vernacular and contemporary residential buildings of the city of Nablus at the building scale. The research methodology adopts explanatory qualitative analysis and comparative synthesis methods for both the old and the new buildings of the city of Nablus and considers many parameters of residential buildings such as building materials, interior spaces, openings and vegetation, and the effect of sociocultural values on each. The outcomes of this research allow understanding how the new city residential buildings are far away from the sustainability principles and how the old city is close to it and how the architects and stakeholders could learn from the strategies of vernacular architecture.
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46

Badawi, Ahmed S. A., Nurul Fadzlin Hasbullaha, Siti Hajar Yusoff, and Aisha Hassan Hashim. "Energy and power estimation for three different locations in Palestine." Indonesian Journal of Electrical Engineering and Computer Science 14, no. 3 (June 1, 2019): 1049. http://dx.doi.org/10.11591/ijeecs.v14.i3.pp1049-1056.

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In this paper power energy estimated based on wind speed records in three different areas in Palestine Nablus, Ramallah and Gaza. The main aims of this study to calculate the total amount of power and energy that can produce and to encourage investment in renewable energy in Palestine. Available meteorological data from local weather stations are used to study the wind energy potential in the West Bank (WB) for two sites and Gaza Strip (GS) for one site. The daily average wind speed data for three sites in Palestine analyzed, and fitted to the Weibull probability distribution function. The parameters of Weibull have been calculated by author using Graphical method. This study shed lights on the relationship between the wind energy and power versus the mean wind speed (MWS). The total gathered energy per unit area during 2006 in WB from Nablus site is 927.1 kwhr/m<sup>2</sup>, whereas 2008.0141 kwhr/m<sup>2</sup> from Ramallah site.This significant study to assess the wind energy production in Palestine to encourage investment in renewable energy sectors.
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47

Mazziotti, Silvio, Tommaso D'Angelo, Giorgio Ascenti, and Alfredo Blandino. "Facial Abnormalities in Nablus Mask-Like Facial Syndrome: Multidetector Computed Tomography Findings." Journal of Oral and Maxillofacial Surgery 72, no. 8 (August 2014): 1579–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.joms.2014.01.013.

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48

Sarig, Merav. "Human rights charities protest at arrest of Palestinian paramedics in Nablus hospital." BMJ 336, no. 7635 (January 10, 2008): 64.1–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.39454.516019.db.

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49

Rood, Judith Mendelsohn. "Rediscovering Palestine: Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700-1900, Beshara Doumani." Digest of Middle East Studies 5, no. 2 (April 1996): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1949-3606.1996.tb00638.x.

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50

Teebi, Ahmad S. "Differences between Nablus Mask-Like Facial syndrome and Blepharo-Naso-Facial syndrome." American Journal of Medical Genetics 102, no. 2 (2001): 214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/1096-8628(20010801)102:2<214::aid-ajmg1423>3.0.co;2-k.

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