Journal articles: 'Nag Hammadi texts'

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Morrice, G. "Book Reviews : Nag Hammadi Texts." Expository Times 99, no. 8 (November 1988): 245–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/001452468809900817.

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Piwowarczyk, Przemysław. "Demonologia jako źródło do badań nad pochodzeniem i przeznaczeniem tekstów i kodeksów z Nag Hammadi = Demonology as a source for research of the provenance and purpose of the Nag Hammadi texts and codices." U Schyłku Starożytności : studia źródłoznawcze, no. 17/18 (April 2, 2020): 3–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.36389/uw.uss.18-19.1.1.

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The article contains qualitative and quantitative analyses of the names of spiritual beings in the Nag Hammadi codices and two codices of similar content: the Berolinensis Gnosticus and Tchacos. The investigation shows that the majority of the names in the Nag Hammadi texts are original and find no attestations in Greek, Jewish, and even Egyptian tradition; neither are they attested in the Graeco-Roman magical repertoire. The creation of the Nag Hammadi collection was obviously not motivated by an interest in demonology; certain texts, however – especially the longer redaction of the Apocryphon of John and the sub-collection encompassing codices IV and VIII – could be created by a person or a group interested in ritual power.

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Bush, Stephen. "Philosophy of Religious Experience and the Nag Hammadi Texts." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 42, no. 1 (March 8, 2013): 18–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.v42i1.18.

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This essay, in response to Michael Kaler and Philip Tite, examines several theoretical issues about mystical experience in the Nag Hammadi texts. First is the problem of whether experiences can be an object of study at all, and I argue that they can, so long as we attend to the causes of the experiences. Attending to the causes of experiences, however, means that neo-perennialists must articulate and defend an account of the cause(s) of the cross-culturally universal experiences that they suppose occur. As for the attempt to apply contemporary psychologists' attachment theory to the experiential knowledge described in the Nag Hammadi texts, questions remain about the relation between attachment to the divine figure purportedly experienced and the experiencer's attachment to his or her religious community.

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Kaler, Michael. "Talking about Religious Experience at Nag Hammadi." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 42, no. 1 (March 8, 2013): 2–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.v42i1.2.

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In this article Michael Kaler notes the emphasis found in gnostic texts on transcendent religious experience and argues that this emphasis needs to be taken more into account in modern research than has tended to be the case.

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Burns, Dylan M. "Gnosis Undomesticated: Archon-Seduction, Demon Sex, and Sodomites in the Paraphrase of Shem (nhc vii,1)." Gnosis 1, no. 1-2 (July 11, 2016): 132–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451859x-12340008.

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Scholarship has of late sought to “domesticate” Gnostic literature, situating the Nag Hammadi texts in late ancient Egyptian asceticism. Evidence about “libertine” Gnosticism is now regarded by many to be sheer fiction, entirely without parallel in the Nag Hammadi corpus. Yet not all Gnostic texts are so easy to tame; the Paraphrase of Shem, for instance, is a work replete with seemingly shocking material—ranging from the seduction of an archontic womb to a demonic sex scene and valorization of the Sodomites. This paper will address these sexually explicit passages and demonstrate that they derive from mythic strata associated with “libertine” Gnostic practices, particularly amongst the Manichaeans and the “Borborites” known to Epiphanius of Salamis.

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Majercik, Ruth. "The Existence–Life–Intellect Triad in Gnosticism and Neoplatonism." Classical Quarterly 42, no. 2 (December 1992): 475–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800016098.

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In his Life of Plotinus (16), Porphyry makes reference to certain gnostic ‘revelations’ under the names of ‘Zoroaster and Zostrianos and Nicotheus and Allogenes and Messos and many others of this kind’ which were circulated in Plotinus' school and refuted by Plotinus and his students, including Porphyry himself. Porphyry claims to have made ‘several refutations against the book of Zoroaster’ while Amelius apparently wrote some ‘forty volumes against the book of Zostrianos’. The surprising discovery of Coptic gnostic texts in the Nag Hammadi Library under the specific names of Allogenes (Nag Hammadi Codex XI.3) and Zostrianos (VIII.1) and the close relation of these texts to The Three Steles of Seth (VII.5) and Marsanes (x) has led to the general consensus that we now possess some of the actual texts mentioned by Porphyry.

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Gilhus, Ingvild Sælid. "Historiography as Anti-History: Reading Nag Hammadi Codex II." Archiv für Religionsgeschichte 20, no. 1 (March 28, 2018): 77–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/arege-2018-0006.

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Abstract:Nag Hammadi Codex II was found in Upper Egypt together with twelve other codices. It was buried in the fourth or fifth century and contains seven Christian texts which were not part of the Christian canon, as it now stands. In the codex, the world is seen as a place of birth, desire, change and death, and, because of that, as seriously flawed. The challenge is to explain why it is flawed and how to remedy it. The goal is to return to the beginning and to reach a sort of supra-biological life, characterized by non-change and permanence. In this context, the writing of history takes the character of anti-history. The article raises two questions: What sort of historical narrations do the texts in Nag Hammadi Codex II present? And: What characterizes the historiography in these texts and what purpose did it fulfill?

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Kaler, Michael. "Towards an expanded understanding of Nag Hammadi Paulinism." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 33, no. 3-4 (September 2004): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000842980403300302.

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This article examines the scholarly construct of Paulinism, discussing its origins and briefly tracing its evolution, from F. C. Baur's introduction of the concept to a new, widened paradigm inaugurated by Hans-Martin Schenke (among others), symbolically coming to maturity in the 1987 conference on Paul and the Legacies of Paul. With this new understanding of Paulinism has come an expansion of its field of application. This article suggests that this expanded understanding of Paulinism could be fruitfully applied to the analysis of the Nag Hammadi texts, supplementing the pivotal work of Klaus Koschorke in his article, "Paulus in den Nag-Hammadi-Texten."

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Rasimus, Tuomas. "Ophite Gnosticism, Sethianism and the Nag Hammadi Library." Vigiliae Christianae 59, no. 3 (2005): 235–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570072054640478.

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AbstractThis article discusses the definition of Ophite Gnosticism, its relationship to Sethian Gnosticism, and argues that Eugnostos, Soph. Jes. Chr., Orig. World, Hyp. Arch. and Ap. John not only have important links with each other but also draw essentially on the mythology the heresiologists called that of the Ophites. Before the Nag Hammadi findings, Ophite Gnosticism was often seen as an important and early form of Gnosticism, rooted in Jewish soil, and only secondarily Christianized. Today, not only are similar claims made of Sethian Gnosticism, but also some of the above-mentioned texts are classified as Sethian. In many recent studies, the Ophite mythology is connected with Sethian Gnosticism, even though the exact relationship between these two forms of Gnosticism has remained unclear. It is argued here that the Sethian Gnostic authors drew on earlier forms of Gnosticism, especially on the Ophite mythology, in composing some of the central Sethian texts.

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Uro, Risto. "Insights from Cognitive and Ritual Studies." Bulletin for the Study of Religion 42, no. 1 (March 8, 2013): 22–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/bsor.v42i1.22.

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Since the 1990s, scholarly debates and discussions in Gnostic or Nag Hammadi studies have largely revolved around the issues of whether the category of “Gnosticism” is helpful or detrimental in the analysis of ancient texts and how to classify the texts that were traditionally labeled “gnostic” as well as the groups that produced them. The debate about the category of “Gnosticism” in particular has brought up important issues concerning the ideological commitments of the scholars working on the Nag Hammadi texts and helped to analyze the identity formation process that shaped the history of the variety of early Christian groups during the first three centuries, but the debate has also somewhat exhausted itself. There is certainly room for new approaches and research questions. The panel on religious experience organized by the SBL Nag Hammadi and Gnosticism section and the two papers by Michael Kaler and Philip Tite presented in the panel and published in BSOR can be seen as welcome moves towards something new. Both papers share an interest in what might be called religious experience studies and therefore engage themselves in cross-disciplinary theoretical reflection and cross-fertilization between recent trends in religious studies and gnostic studies. This paper provides a critical response to these two papers with a particular emphasis on ritual and cognitive studies.

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Desjardins, Michel, Craig A. Evans, Robert L. Webb, and Richard A. Wiebe. "Nag Hammadi Texts and the Bible: A Synopsis and Index." Journal of the American Oriental Society 115, no. 2 (April 1995): 305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/604680.

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Painchaud, Louis, and Michael Kaler. "From the Prayer of the Apostle Paul to the Three Steles of Seth: Codices I, XI and VII from Nag Hammadi Viewed as a Collection." Vigiliae Christianae 61, no. 4 (2007): 445–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007207x186042.

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AbstractWhile the individual texts in the various codices found near Nag Hammadi have been studied and discussed, relatively little attention has been paid to the motives underlying their original selection and organisation. Codices I, XI and VII in particular have been shown on palaeographical and codicological grounds to make up a sub-collection within the larger Nag Hammadi collection. Despite their doctrinal diversity, the texts found in these three codices were intended by their compilers to be read in sequence. The purpose of this article is to examine the logic behind this choice and arrangement of texts, and to advance the hypothesis that this three volume collection is intended to progressively introduce the reader to a heterodox and esoteric doctrine of religious conflict and polemic, in which the reader is invited to identify him- or herself with an embattled minority group within the larger Christian community, a group who nonetheless see themselves as enlightened and as being of the "lineage of the Father."

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Roig Lanzillotta, Lautaro. "The Discourse on the Eighth and the Ninth (NHC VI,6), the Prayer of Thanksgiving (NHC VI,7), and the Asclepius (NHC VI,8): Hermetic Texts in Nag Hammadi and Their Bipartite View of Man." Gnosis: Journal of Gnostic Studies 6, no. 1 (February 16, 2021): 49–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451859x-12340102.

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Abstract In an article from 2017, I introduced the study of the anthropological framework of Nag Hammadi texts and established the existence in this corpus of two anthropological patterns, the bipartite and tripartite. The present study continues the analysis by means of an exhaustive investigation of the evidence provided by the three Hermetic treatises included in Nag Hammadi Codex VI, namely, the Discourse on the Eighth and the Ninth, the Prayer of Thanksgiving, and the fragment of Asclepius. It concludes that, far from presenting a tripartite anthropological framework, “die für die Gnosis typische trichotomische Anthropologie,” in the words of Karl-Wolfgang Tröger, these three Hermetic treatises only include a bipartite of view of the human being.

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Albrile, Ezio. "Tingere l’anima." ARYS: Antigüedad, Religiones y Sociedades, no. 13 (October 5, 2017): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2017.3846.

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Resumen: Una piccola chiesa nell’Italia del nord (a Valdurna-Durnholz, nei pressi di Bolzano) esibisce dei dipinti risalenti al XV secolo in cui si ripresentano antichi motivi gnostico-alchemici. In essi un angelo lava l’anima e le impartisce un battesimo celeste, una immagine che troviamo anche in un testo della biblioteca di Nag Hammadi, il Vangelo di Filippo, in cui la purificazione dell’anima e descritta nei termini di un lavaggio e di una immersione in una sostanza detergente; un lessico che trae origine dalle operazioni di lavaggio e di tintura dei tessuti, in particolare dalle manipolazioni di natura alchimica. Ermetismo alchemico, gnosticismo e cristianesimo condividono infatti un comune intento soteriológico che si e trasmesso all’Occidente in forme spesso difficili da decifrare.Abstract: In a little church of northern Italy (in Valdurna-Durnholz, near Bolzano) we can find paintings from the fifteenth century where we have ancient Gnostic-Alchemical themes, again. These works, show an angel washing a soul and gives it the heavenly baptism, something that we find also in a Nag Hammadi text as the Gospel of Philip. In this text, the soul’s purification is described as an act of washing and dipping in a cleansing substance; this is a lexicon coming from the washing and the dying of clothes, and particularly from the Alchemical manipulations. Alchemical Hermeticism, Gnosticism and Christianity share a common soteriological view which has been passed to the West in ways often difficult to understand.Parole chiave: Arte cristiana, Gnosticismo, Testi di Nag Hammadi, Alchimia, ErmetismoKey words: Christian Art, Gnosticism, Nag Hammadi texts, Alchemy, Hermeticism

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Roig Lanzillotta, Lautaro. "Spirit, Soul and Body in Nag Hammadi Literature: Distinguishing Anthropological Schemes in Valentinian, Sethian, Hermetic and Thomasine Texts." Gnosis 2, no. 1 (March 22, 2017): 15–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451859x-12340025.

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A close analysis of the views on man in the Nag Hammadi texts reflects that the tripartite pattern distinguishing three elements in the human being (intellect or spirit, soul and body), even if majoritarian, is not the only one at work in the corpus: there is also a group of texts reflecting rather a bipartite scheme discriminating between soul and body only. Irrelevant though it may seem, this difference is seminal, since it not only implies a different psychology, or theory of the soul, but also a different cosmology, which in its turn also involves a dissimilar soteriology or theory concerning man’s salvation. The present study, the first in a series of five, provides a first and general approach that intends to establish the existence of these two differentiated anthropological patterns in the Nag Hammadi corpus. Following studies will offer a more detailed and separate analysis of the textual evidence, assessing the anthropological frameworks behind the different textual groups allegedly found in the corpus, namely the Valentinian, Sethian, Hermetic and Thomasine texts.

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Malachi, Zvi. "Jewish Parallels to Visions and Revelations in the Nag Hammadi Texts." Augustinianum 29, no. 1 (1989): 147–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/agstm1989291/37.

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Attisani, Antonio. "Acta Gnosis." TDR/The Drama Review 52, no. 2 (June 2008): 75–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram.2008.52.2.75.

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In this selection from Un teatro apocrifo, Attisani goes beyond previous academic acknowledgments of Grotowski's interest in Gnostic texts, tracing the influence of key materials found in the Nag Hammadi and the significance of Gnostic belief as a secret subcurrent in the 20th-century theatrical avantgarde.

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Myszor, Wincenty. "The Incarnate Logos in Gnostic Theology." Roczniki Humanistyczne 66, no. 3 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH (October 23, 2019): 49–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh.2018.66.3-4e.

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The Polish version of the article was published in “Roczniki Humanistyczne,” vol. 58–59 (2010–2011), issue 3. The popular version of Gnostic Christology in textbooks presents it as a Docetic Christology. The new texts by Christian Gnostics, uncovered in Nag Hammadi, prove that Gnostic Christology was first and foremost the Christology of the Church. It seems thus that Adolf Harnack’s term “the doctrine of two natures” describing the Gnostic approach is correct. The article quotes examples of Gnostic utterances from Tractatus Tripartitus of Nag Hammadi Codex I. Gnostic theology was close to Logos-centred Christology. The Gnostic statements also contain many other references to ecclesiastical theology. The author of Tractatus Tripartitus was clearly influenced by Church theology, but some ideas were later abandoned by the official doctrine of the Church.

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Roig Lanzillotta, Lautaro. "A Way of Salvation: Becoming Like God in Nag Hammadi." Numen 60, no. 1 (2013): 71–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685276-12341253.

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Abstract Contrary to general belief, ethical progress as a means to attain the divine and thereby achieve salvation occupies a central place in the Nag Hammadi writings. Plato’s conception of the homoiosis theo or “likeness to god” fits very well this dynamic view of man, since it optimistically claims the possibility of human development and progress. Plato’s dialogues are far from offering a univocal exposition of how this progress was fulfilled, but later Platonists show a rather systematizing tendency. The present paper provides an overview of the homoiosis theo in the Platonic dialogues and evaluates its appropriation by both Middle Platonism and the world of Gnosis. It also offers an exposition and analysis of those Nag Hammadi writings that may allow a proper understanding of the meaning and goal of the homoiosis theo in this collection of texts.

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Dunderberg, Ismo. "Moral Progress in Early Christian Stories of the Soul." New Testament Studies 59, no. 2 (March 12, 2013): 247–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0028688512000355.

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This article explores the ways the story of the soul's present plight and its return to the divine realm is narrated in different Nag Hammadi treatises, and to what effect. The soul's condition is a central concern in two types of stories: there are (1) demiurgical myths, in which the soul's origin is ascribed to an inferior creator-god, and (2) plainer stories of the soul, which are solely focused on the soul, without a creation narrative. The main sources for the latter type are the Exegesis on the Soul (NHC II, 6) and Authoritative Teaching (Authentikos Logos, NHC VI, 3). In addition to these texts, three demiurgical myths from Nag Hammadi Codex II, are drawn into the discussion: The Secret Book of John, The Nature of the Rulers, and On the Origin of the World.The soul pestered by emotions is one of the themes that connects these stories with the long-standing philosophical tradition, starting from Plato's dialogues. The portrayals of this theme become increasingly ‘demonic’, but even the soul's battle against demons is first and foremost a battle against emotions. A new element in these stories is the emphasis placed upon repentance as bringing about transformation in the soul. Although strong sexual imagery is used in these texts to describe both the mythic past and the soul's present plight, the analysis suggests that sexual lust is not the only moral concern in them. Some texts discussed in this article show far greater concern with wine, luxury, good looks, pride, and arrogance than with illicit sex.

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Kelmelytė, Gražina. "The Concept of Bridal Chamber in the Valentinian Inscriptions." Literatūra 62, no. 3 (December 14, 2020): 78–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/litera.2020.3.5.

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This article investigates the Valentinian ritual, called “bridal chamber”, in the only surviving Valentinian funeral epitaphs, Flavia Sophe and NCE 156. These inscriptions stand out from the context of other Valentinian sources because they are extant in the Ancient Greek, not the Coptic language. Bridal chamber is a polysemous concept in the Nag Hammadi texts, and therefore begs the question, what does it mean in the Valentinian funeral epitaphs? Furthermore, this article is an attempt to elucidate the connections between the two inscriptions by interpreting the concept of bridal chamber.

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Bovon, François. "Apocalyptic Traditions in the Lukan Special Material: Reading Luke 18:1–8." Harvard Theological Review 90, no. 4 (October 1997): 383–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816000030935.

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Contemporary New Testament scholarship gives evidence of two trends. Some scholars, particularly those interested in the historical Jesus or the source of collected logia (Q) are going backward, trying to reach Christian origins and still influenced by the romantic dream of the pure beginning. Others are pressing forward, tracing the development of early Christian traditions, both in the canonical and non-canonical texts (particularly the Nag Hammadi Codices) in an attempt to follow the several streams of Christianity. These scholars continue to be influenced by the philosophical construction of organic evolution.

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Gertz, S. R. P. "THE DECLINE OF SOPHIA AND A MISLEADING GLOSS IN PLOTINUS, ENN. II.9 [33].10.25." Classical Quarterly 66, no. 1 (May 2016): 413–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983881600029x.

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In two chapters of Enn. II.9 [33], Plotinus discusses the Gnostic idea that the creation of the world is due to the ‘decline’ (νεῦσις) of a principle that he variously calls Soul or Sophia. The identity of Plotinus' Gnostics is notoriously difficult to establish with any degree of precision; I can only note here that the idea of Sophia's ‘decline’ features in a number of extant Gnostic texts, such as those from Nag Hammadi and the Berlin Codex (Papyrus Berolinensis 8502), as a recent survey of the evidence by Poirier has demonstrated.

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Reaves, Pamela Mullins. "Revelation Relocated: Reflections on Jerusalem in Testimony of Truth (NHC IX,3) and the First Apocalypse of James (NHC V,3; Cod. Tch. 2)." Vigiliae Christianae 73, no. 1 (February 26, 2019): 38–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341373.

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Abstract This article examines treatments of Jerusalem, including its temple and first-century demise, in Testimony of Truth (NHC IX,3) and the First Apocalypse of James (NHC V,3; Cod. Tch. 2). Among Nag Hammadi writings, these texts are relatively unusual in their attention to the historical, Roman presence in the city. Informed by contemporary apocalyptic traditions, Testim. Truth and 1 Apoc. Jas. cast foreign domination not as a crisis, but as a clue, specifically to seek revelation elsewhere. In this spatial sense, revelation is “relocated” in each text, yet in different ways. The article further shows how each presentation of Jerusalem aligns with other interests of Testim. Truth and 1 Apoc. Jas., including their engagement in intra-Christian debate.

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Perrin, Nicholas. "NHC II,2 and the Oxyrhynchus Fragments (P.Oxy 1, 654, 655): Overlooked Evidence for a Syriac Gospel of Thomas." Vigiliae Christianae 58, no. 2 (2004): 138–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007204323120274.

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AbstractWhereas it is generally assumed that the Gospel of Thomas was first composed in Greek, here the author finds evidence, confirming his earlier published thesis, that the well-known Nag Hammadi text was first set down in Syriac. On comparing divergences between the Greek witness to Thomas (P.Oxy 1, 654, 655) and the fuller Coptic version (NHC II,2), it is argued that each of these differences can be readily attributed to the texts' final reliance on a common Aramaic source. In most instances, the hypothesized shared source may be inferred to be of either western Aramaic or Syriac character, but in some cases, the evidence points decisively toward Syriac-speaking provenance. Consequently, the investigation sheds light not only on the relationship between the two extant witnesses of Thomas, but on its dating as well.

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Bull, Christian H. "Visionary Experience and Ritual Realism in the Ascent of the Discourse on the Eighth and the Ninth (nhc vi,6)." Gnosis: Journal of Gnostic Studies 2, no. 2 (July 17, 2017): 169–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2451859x-12340035.

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The Discourse on the Eighth and the Ninth (nhc vi,6) is a dialogue between Hermes Trismegistus and his son, during which they experience visions of the eighth and ninth spheres, above the seven planetary spheres. The paper aims to show that such experiences were not merely literary fiction, but actively pursued and allegedly obtained by those who followed the course of spiritual formation known as the Way of Hermes. A comparison with the Greek and Demotic magical papyri shows that these texts all show signs of “ritual realism,” meaning that correct ritual performance necessarily provides direct access to the divine realm, which should be experienced as real. It is furthermore argued that the Coptic translation of the text, and its presence in the Nag Hammadi codices, might be explained by the interest of Egyptian monks in visions of the divine.

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Painchaud, Louis. "L'UTILISATION DES PARABOLES DANS L'INTERPRÉTATION DE LA GNOSE (NH XI,1)." Vigiliae Christianae 57, no. 4 (2003): 411–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157007203772064586.

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AbstractOf all the various Nag Hammadi texts that use parables drawn from the New Testament, the Interpretation of Knowledge (NHC XI,1) has attracted the least scholarly attention, no doubt due to the text's extremely lacunous state of conservation. But despite the fact that two thirds of the work have been lost, it is still possible to identify references to the parable of the Sower (IntKnow 5,16-19 ; cf. Mt 13,3b-9 and parallels) and the parable of the Good Samaritan (6,19-23 ; cf. Lk 10,29-35), as well as an amalgamation of allusions to the parable of the Lost Sheep (Mt 18,10-14 and parallels), that of the lamb which must be rescued on the Sabbath (Mt 12,11-12) and the tale of the Good Shepherd ( Jn 10,1-21), at IntKnow 10,20a-38. In this article, the function of this material in the Interpretation of Knowledge will be examined and its use will be situated within the wider context of both gnostic and non-gnostic exegesis in early Christianity.

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Franzmann, Majella. "The Concept of Rebirth as the Christ and the Initiatory Rituals of the Bridal Chamber in theGospel of Philip." Antichthon 30 (November 1996): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001003.

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In this article I begin with an outline of the connection between theological concepts related to the person of the Gnostic Christian Saviour and the ritual practice of Gnostic Christian groups. After setting the scene in this general way, I look specifically at theGospel of Philip, investigating the connection between the description of the rebirth of the Saviour at the Jordan and the rebirth of the Gnostic in the ritual of the bridal chamber.The Nag Hammadi corpus, to which theGospel of Philipbelongs, contains many texts which may be identified as Gnostic Christian, partly because of the fact that, in these texts, the key figure of the Saviour or Revealer is identified as Jesus or Christ. The work that Jesus performs in the world for the Gnostics is revelation, for the most part, rather than redemption in the sense in which mainstream Christianity identified his activity. His revelation may involve imparting secret knowledge, especially during that time prior to his final ascent into the heavenly region of light (for those texts which are closely aligned with the mainstream Christian pattern of descent and several stages of ascent for Jesus), but it must be generally categorised as activity designed to awaken the Gnostic to the insight (gnosis) which this person already possesses.

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Zarzeczny, Rafał. "Apokryficzny "Dialogus Iohannis cum Iesu" (CApNT 27) jako gnostycka reinterpretacja dziejów patriarchów i komentarz do Hbr 7, 3." Vox Patrum 50 (June 15, 2007): 291–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.6692.

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This article contains Polish translation and commentary to an apocryphal Gnostic text known as Dialogus Johannis cum Iesu (CApNT 27). The fragmental Coptic manuscript from the Deir el-Bala’izah collection (IV/V century A.D.) is the unique known testimony of this document. The text has a form of dialog between John the Apostle and the Risen Christ or some celestial messenger on creation and story of antediluvian patriarchs. Document reveals a particular similitude with other Gnostic texts, especially the Apocryphon of John from the Nag Hammadi library. It conserves the fragment of Hebr. 7:3, which probably received a large explanation in original document. The speculation on biblical personages, especially on Melchisedek, appears to be an important element in this text. The placement of Melchisedek’s name immediately after the name of Noah may suggests the identification of Melchisedek with Shem, the Noah’s son. Similar motif is known to us from the Jewish and ancient Christian literature, for instance the targumic elaborations of Genesis and the Syriac apocryphal text called Cave of Treasures (Spelunca thesaurorum).

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Duling, Dennis C. "The Eleazar Miracle and Solomon's Magical Wisdom in Flavius Josephus'sAntiquitates Judaicae8.42–49." Harvard Theological Review 78, no. 1-2 (April 1985): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001781600002736x.

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The fascinating legend of Solomon's magical wisdom was widespread in Late Antiquity, and new evidence for it has surfaced in the Dead Sea Scrolls and Nag Hammadi texts. Yet the key literary text for understanding the legend remains the miracle story of Eleazar in Josephus'sAntiquitates Judaicae8.42–49. In this article, I would like to examine the story's form, content, and function. First, it is necessary to clarify the story by a formal analysis and by relating its form to other miracles within the corpus of Josephus, and to similar accounts of miracles in Late Antiquity. Next, I shall examine the way in which this miracle functions in theAntiquitatesfrom the perspective of Josephus's overall apologetic purpose, his view of miracle and magic, his portrait of Solomon, his knowledge of the Jewish legend of Solomon's magical wisdom, and his immediate context for the story. Finally, I shall propose a modest hypothesis about Josephus's treatment of the Eleazar miracle in relation to his social location as a Jewish apologist to educated Greco-Roman readers in the first century CE.

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Foster, Paul. "Book Review: Linguistic Revelation in Two Nag Hammadi Texts: Tilde Bak Halvgaard, Linguistic Manifestations in the Trimorphic Protennoia and the Thunder: Perfect Mind." Expository Times 128, no. 4 (January 2017): 191–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0014524616674646b.

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Sowińska, Agata. "Znaczenie Egiptu w apokaliptyce – Λόγος Τέλειος /Asclepius (NHC VI, 8: 70,3-76,1; Ascl. 24-27)." Vox Patrum 57 (June 15, 2012): 551–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4152.

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The aim of this paper was to present the Egyptian land in two apocalyptic texts both written in a Coptic language. First – the Apocalypse of Elijah (written in two Coptic dialectical versions: Sahidic and Achmimic) – shows a typical biblical meaning of Egypt as a place full of pain, death and fear. On the other hand, in the Codex VI of the Nag Hammadi Library there is the Apocalypse which gives us quite different image of that part of African land. This very Apocalypse is called the Apocalypse of Hermes Trismegistos or the Hermetic Apocalypse (written in Sahidic dialect and partly in the ancient Greek, whole test is composed in a Latin version and attributed to Ps-Apuleius of Madaura). Here, Egypt seems to be a paradise – image of heaven, land of gods and beautiful temples. But suddenly, that peaceful part of the world turns into “hell” with death, blood and pain – just like in the Apocalypse of Elijah. Our purpose was to analyze those two Coptic Apocalypse, compare the results and finally, try to find the answer on the basic questions: Egypt – heaven or hell? Could it be that this land was full of blood because of monotheistic religion?

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Piwowarczyk, Przemysław. "Aktywność misyjna gnostyków na przykładzie walentynian." Vox Patrum 64 (December 15, 2015): 345–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.3719.

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The source base for the study on the Gnostic missionary activity in general is rather scarce, nonetheless in the case of the Valentinians, one of the major branches of ancient Christian gnosticism, the main characteristics of the their mission could be given with some certainty. First of all the Valentinians run the mission directed to other Christians. It was conducted by means of public teaching during the open gatherings of the Valentinian communities. The more interested were then taken aside and provided with more specific instructions. The written texts, such as letters or introductory treatises, were also in use. Valentinian mission had probably mostly educational character, because there is no source evidence for Valentinian efforts to gain new members for their own church communities. The main goal was to bring the spiritual enlightenment, divine knowledge, to brothers who did not yet received it. Of course such an enlightened Christian presumably in greater part joined the Valentinian community, however the sources do not confirm, that it was either demanded or recommended. The mission to the Pagans is not so well testified. The Valentinian texts from Nag Hammadi Codices, such as Tractatus Tripartitus and Letter to Rheginus prove that there were some converts from among the Pagans, but probably not numerous and not eagerly sought. Only the former text mentions some kind of apostles of good message, who might be recognized as those who preach to non-Christians. We do not know however, if they spread the basics of Christianity or at once its deeper Gnostic meaning.

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Kaler, Michael. "The cultic milieu, Nag Hammadi collectors and gnosticism." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 38, no. 3-4 (September 2009): 427–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00084298090380030201.

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In this paper, I address the question of the applicability of sociological church/sect/cult typologies to the study of gnosticism, arguing that at least in the case of the Nag Hammadi collection, such typologies are unable to adequately deal with the evidence that we possess. Instead, I will show that Colin Campbell’s idea of a “cultic milieu,” a sort of esoteric underworld from which cult movements and sects arise, is a more helpful model for understanding those responsible for compiling the Nag Hammadi material. Dans ce qui suit, je suggére que les typologies sociologiques religieuses (église/culte/secte) ne sont pas adéquates à illuminer les sources primaires gnostiques que nous possédons, comme celles de Nag Hammadi. Il me semble, par contre, que le concept — développé par le sociologue Colin Campbell — d’un « cultic milieu », est beaucoup plus utile pour notre compréhension des gens qui ont ramassé les textes de Nag Hammadi.

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35

Poirier, Paul-Hubert. "À propos de la νεῦσις dans les textes de Nag Hammadi." Articles spéciaux 68, no. 3 (May 1, 2013): 619–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015258ar.

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Dubois, Jean‑Daniel. "Gnose, dualisme et les textes de Nag‑Hammadi." Chôra 13, no. 9999 (2015): 351–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chora20151319.

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Foster, Paul. "Book Review: Commentary On a Nag Hammadi Text." Expository Times 122, no. 4 (December 16, 2010): 205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00145246111220040811.

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Foster, Paul. "Book Reviews: Commentary on a Nag Hammadi Text." Expository Times 122, no. 6 (February 15, 2011): 303–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00145246111220060710.

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Wilfong, Terry G. "Concordance des Textes de Nag Hammadi: Le Codex VII. Régine CharronConcordance des Textes de Nag Hammadi: Le Codex VI. Pierre Cherix." Journal of Near Eastern Studies 55, no. 3 (July 1996): 216–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/373840.

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Almeida, Maria Aparecida de Andrade, and Renan Baptistin Dantas. "GNOSTICISMO E O EVANGELHO DE TOMÉ: EXPLORAÇÕES INTERPRETATIVAS." Revista Relegens Thréskeia 6, no. 1 (December 21, 2017): 85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rt.v6i1.54497.

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Após oferecer uma contextualização geral sobre o gnosticismo e sua relação com a biblioteca de Nag Hammadi, primeiramente buscaremos explorar a visão de Elaine Pagels – um paradigma nos estudos sobre Nag Hammadi – que enquadra sua análise na dualidade: ortodoxia versus heterodoxia (gnosticismo). Em segundo lugar uma nova exploração terá por objeto específico o Evangelho de Tomé, e se encarregará de constatar algumas de suas interpretações, pondo em discussão apontamentos que o caracterizam como um texto caracteristicamente místico e gnóstico. Por fim, partindo da teologia gnóstica, traremos um apreciamento da salvação a partir dos pronunciamentos de Tomé.

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Good, Deirdre, Régine Charron, and Regine Charron. "Concordance des textes de Nag Hammadi: Le Codex VII." Journal of the American Oriental Society 116, no. 3 (July 1996): 561. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/605185.

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Cherix, Pierre. "Concordance des textes de Nag Hammadi: Le Codex VI." Journal of Biblical Literature 115, no. 2 (1996): 381. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3266888.

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Edwards, M. J. "I. Gardner (ed.), The Kephalaia of the Teacher: the Edited Coptic Manichaean Texts in Translation with Commentary (Nag Hammadi and Manichaean Studies 37). Leiden/New York/Cologne: Brill, 1995. Pp. xli + 307. ISBN 90-04-10248-5. Fl. 170/US$97.25." Journal of Roman Studies 87 (November 1997): 304. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/301419.

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Edwards, M. J. "I. Gardner (ed.), The Kephalaia of the Teacher: the Edited Coptic Manichaean Texts in Translation with Commentary (Nag Hammadi and Manichaean Studies 37). Leiden/New York/Cologne: Brill, 1995. Pp. xli + 307. ISBN 90-04-10248-5. Fl. 170/US$97.25." Journal of Roman Studies 87 (November 1997): 304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435800058585.

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Kaler, Michael. "Contextualizing the Apocalypse of Paul." Dossier 61, no. 2 (December 2, 2005): 233–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/011815ar.

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Dans l’article suivant, je donne une introduction à mes travaux sur un des textes de la fameuse « bibliothèque » copte de Nag Hammadi, à savoir l’Apocalypse de Paul, un court texte gnostique qui raconte l’ascension de l’apôtre Paul jusqu’au dixième ciel. En plus d’une description du texte et aussi un résumé de l’histoire de la recherche sur ce texte, je discute comment il pourrait être vu comme le point de rencontre de trois « courants de pensée » dans le christianisme ancien, c’est-à-dire l’apocalyptique, le paulinisme, et le gnosticisme.

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Klauck, Hans-Josef. "Craig A. Evans / Robert L. Webb / Richard A. Wiebe (Hrsg.), Nag Hammadi Texts and the Bible. A Synopsis and an Index (NTTS 18), Leiden u.a. (E. J. Brill) 1993, XXII u. 551 S., Ln. NFL 220,-/US$ 125,75; ISBN 90-04-09902-6." Biblische Zeitschrift 38, no. 2 (September 22, 1994): 300–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25890468-03802023.

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Painchaud, Louis. "La bibliothèque copte de Nag Hammadi a 40 ans." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 43, no. 2 (May 22, 2014): 211–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429814526143.

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L’édition critique accompagnée d’une traduction française, de commentaires, d’introductions et d’index des textes de Nag Hammadi (ci-après le Projet BCNH) a vu le jour à l’Université Laval en septembre 1973. Quarante années plus tard, cet article veut faire le point sur le travail accompli et celui qui reste à faire et proposer quelques réflexions sur l’état de la recherche dans le domaine.

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Desjardins, Michel. "CHARRON, Régine, Concordance des textes de Nag Hammadi. Le Codex VII." Laval théologique et philosophique 49, no. 2 (1993): 376. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/400784ar.

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Yamauchi, Edwin M. "Book Review: Concordance des textes de Nag Hammadi. Le Codex VI." Journal of Early Christian Studies 5, no. 1 (1997): 120–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/earl.1997.0012.

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Dias Chaves, Julio Cesar. "A Recepção dos Códices de Nag Hammadi: Gnose e Cristianismo no Egito Romano da Antiguidade Tardia." Antíteses 8, no. 16 (December 18, 2015): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.5433/1984-3356.2015v8n16p89.

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Os Códices de Nag Hammadi começaram a despertar o interesse dos estudiosos do cristianismo antigo e das religiões no Império Romano já alguns anos depois de sua descoberta em 1945. Esses códices, geralmente associados ao fenômeno religioso chamado de gnosticismo, são não somente uma demonstração da diversidade do cristianismo no Império Romano, mas também um exemplo peculiar da transmissão e recepção de textos cristãos na Antiguidade tardia. Se os textos que integram os códices em questão foram provavelmente compostos em grego entre os séculos II e III, nas mais diversas localidades do Império, o que se tem hoje são traduções coptas compiladas no Egito na segunda metade do séc. IV. O gosto natural pelo mais antigo e a busca pela conjuntura dita gnóstica, levou os historiadores a priorizarem o estudo do contexto original grego de composição desses textos. No entanto, nas últimas décadas, o interesse pelo contexto de compilação dos escritos em questão tem crescido consideravelmente; o presente artigo se inscreve nessa perspectiva, sugerindo uma nova abordagem que, por meio da comparação literária e da teoria da recepção, busca explicar como e porque os textos de Nag Hammadi foram compilados e lidos no Egito da Antiguidade tardia.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Nag Hammadi texts'

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