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1
Tolstykh, Vladislav L. "Nagorny Karabakh — 2023: Problems of International Legal Qualification." Zakon 21, no. 3 (2024): 122–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.37239/0869-4400-2024-21-3-122-148.
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The Second Karabakh War of 2020, which ended with the defeat of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR) and Armenia supporting it, reversed the balance of power but did not resolve the conflict. The absolute superiority of Azerbaijan — both military and political, the insufficient clarity of the Statement of 9 November, the remaining contradictions between the parties — all this created the preconditions for the Third War, which began on 19 September 2023 and lasted only one day. The eventual defeat of the NKR and the transfer of the entire region under Azerbaijani jurisdiction, however, does not appear to be the final point: Azerbaijan demands the eight occupied villages and insists on the extraterritoriality of the Zangezur corridor. This article continues an article published in 2021 and dedicated to the legal aspects of the 2020 conflict. The author describes developments after 2020; analyses the use of force and assesses new interpretations of Article 2(4) of the UN Charter; gives qualification to the blockade of the Lachin corridor and the Armenian exodus from Nagorno-Karabakh in autumn 2020; examines some aspects of the right to self-determination that became relevant in 2023; defines the remaining territorial disputes; and assesses the effectiveness of the settlement formats. In legal terms, the 2023 conflict significantly improved the position of Armenia and the Armenians of Nagorny Karabakh; in the final analysis, it can be argued that the blockade and the 19 September attack created the preconditions for a remedial secession, the realisation of which, however, is unrealistic. Some of the new qualifications are based on scientific hypotheses that reflect progressive trends in the development of law rather than being an established element of it. Politically, on the contrary, the conflict has seriously worsened Armenia’s situation. There are several scenarios for the development of events. The first assumes the satisfaction of all Azerbaijan’s claims and Armenia’s transition to a subordinate position; the second — modification of the status quo through compromise regimes built on the basis of mutual respect and equality; the third — restoration of the status quo as it existed or should have existed at the time of the collapse of the USSR. This scenario seems realistic and fair; its realisation, however, is impossible without the participation of external actors: Russia, Iran, Turkey, the West, the US and China. Unfortunately, the position of these actors is not consolidated, while the Caucasus is still perceived as a peripheral region unworthy of the attention paid to some other regions.
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Vasadze, Gela, and Nataliia Nechayeva-Yuriychuk. "Azerbaijan – Armenia – Georgia: Challenges and Prospects of Interstate Cooperation." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 13 (December 22, 2023): 97–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2023.13.97-110.
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In the conditions of the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian war, the question of the future world order is more than urgent. The introduction of the sanctions regime against Russia led to the intensification of the latter’s efforts in the direction of creating its own ecosystem of survival, in which the states of the South Caucasus, in particular, the former Soviet republics such as Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, are considered indispensable components. In their research, the authors analyze the features of the socio-political development of the named states of the South Caucasus in its relationship with the events of the Russian-Ukrainian war and changes. The authors draw attention to the importance of the South Caucasus for ensuring the ability of the Russian Federation to continue the war against Ukraine at the current stage. In its desire to regain its status as a world leader, the Russian Federation is trying with all its might to preserve the existing status quo in the region, on the one hand, while simultaneously improving its relations with Turkey and Azerbaijan, on the other. The latter was quite clearly revealed during the Second Karabakh War in 2020 and the events of September 19, 2023 in Nagorno-Karabakh. The return of Nagorno-Karabakh to Azerbaijan due to the termination of the existence of the NKR from January 1, 2024 opens up new prospects not only for regional development, but also for the resolution of other “frozen” conflicts created by Moscow. Eliminating the factor of military confrontation from the regional order is an important element of geopolitical stability and security in the region. And Georgia in this case plays an important role, on the one hand, as a potential mediator, and on the other, as a state that has a strategic partnership with Azerbaijan and good-neighborly relations with Armenia.
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HASAN-JALALYAN, STEPAN, and EDUARD ZOHRABYAN. "STATUS FORMER NKAR (NAGORNO KARABAKH AUTONOMOUS REGION) AND THE LIBERATED TERRITORIES IN THE MADRID PRINCIPLES." JOURNAL FOR ARMENIAN STUDIES 1, no. 64 (2024): 205–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/journalforarmenianstudies.v1i64.95.
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The purpose of the article, based on the sources related to the issue, is to find out the claims against the national and state interests of the Republic of Artsakh in the "madrid principles" presented by the OSCE Minsk group to the conflict parties for the purpose of settlement of the Azerbaijan-Artsakh conflict. In order to achieve the set goal, the following issues were put forward: 1. what are the main recommendations laid down in the "madrid principles" on the basis of which the Azerbaijan-Artsakh conflict should be settled?, 2. what position did the parties to the conflict have regarding the "madrid principles"?, 3. what status would be given to the former Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region and the liberated territories under the “madrid principles”?, 4. how would the Armenians of Artsakh exercise their right to self-determination with the “madrid principles”?, 5. what was the position of the former presidents of the Republic of Armenia regarding the future status of the Nagorno Karabakh Autonomous Region and the liberated territories? The article is written by means of comparison and comparative study of relevant documents and examination analysis. As a result of the joint examination of facts and documents related to the issue, we came to the conclusion that the document known as "madrid principles" presented by the OSCE Minsk group to the conflict parties for the purpose of settlement of the Azerbaijan-Artsakh conflict is mostly against the national and state interests of the Republic of Artsakh.
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Tolstykh, Vladislav, Mariam Grigoryan, and Tatiana Kovalenko. "Legal Systems of the Post-Soviet Non-Recognized States: Structural Problems." Russian Law Journal 7, no. 2 (2019): 81–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.17589/2309-8678-2019-7-2-81-100.
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There are currently six non-recognized states (NRSs) in the post-Soviet space: the Pridnestrovian Moldovan Republic (PMR, 1990), the Republic of South Ossetia (RSO, 1990), the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR, 1991), the Republic of Abkhazia (RA, 1994), the Lugansk People’s Republic (LPR, 2014) and the Donetsk People’s Republic (DNR, 2014). All of them have been formed as a result of armed conflicts between a state vigorously pursuing the policy of national unification and a minority residing compactly. On the one hand, the legal systems of these states ensure that both the state and the civil society function effectively. In particular, each legal system forms a basis for the state’s political system, sets out human rights and their guarantees and provides necessary regulation of commercial activities. On the other hand, these legal systems reflect certain “statehood deficiency” and are subject to a number of serious problems, including being dependent on political agenda as well as on certain foreign legal systems, providing no personal jurisdiction or property guarantees and having significantly underdeveloped commercial law and judicial system. This “statehood deficiency” has two main causes: the community being not ready for state building (weak statehood traditions; lack of qualified personnel, economic resources and industrial base; high level of corruption, etc.) and the state being non-recognized (including the consequences of this status such as inability to participate in international cooperation, dependence on major geopolitical players, existence of an external threat, etc.).
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Анжела Алешаевна Барсегян. "ОСОБЕННОСТИ УПРАВЛЕНИЯ ИНВЕСТИЦИОННЫМИ РИСКАМИ В СТРОИТЕЛЬСТВЕ НКР". International Journal of Innovative Technologies in Economy, № 5(25) (30 вересня 2019): 15–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_ijite/30092019/6665.
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 Recent structural changes in the economy of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic have had a significant impact on the entire public relations system, obliging to review the mechanisms for making economic decisions as primary ones. The formation of NKR coincided with the collapse of the USSR and with the radical changes in the system of economic relations that led to this. Since its formation, local authorities have adopted a strategy for the development of the construction sector by stimulating investment, which intends the creation of a favorable investment environment and the development of an appropriate infrastructure. Despite the fact that NKR construction sector has great potential for attracting investments, the level of foreign investors’ activity in this area is quite low. The main reason is probably a high risk level, which is determined by such factors as political instability in the region, the geographical location of NKR, its economic isolation, an incomplete legal framework, and the underdevelopment of financial and market infrastructures. As a result, many investment projects, including cost-effective and efficient ones, are not implemented.Uncertainty associated with the possibility of adverse situations and consequences during the implementation of the project is characterized by the concept of “risk”. The effectiveness of the risk management organization is largely determined by the classification of risk. Depending on the main cause of the risk (basic or natural risk), the classification of risks associated with the implementation of investment construction projects provides a favorable basis for a clear and reasonable risk assessment, which is one of the crucial factors in the effectiveness of the risk management process.
 
 
 
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Marsili, Marco. "The Birth of a (Fake?) Nation at the Aftermath of the Decomposition of USSR. The Unsolved Issue of Post-Soviet 'Frozen Conflicts'." Proelium: Revista da Academia Militar 7, no. 10 (2016): 161–78. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.44945.
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<strong>ABSTRACT</strong> This paper analyzes the situation of some states (Abkhazia, Nagorno Karabakh, South Ossetia and Transnistria), <em>de facto</em> independent after the dissolution of the USSR, which have been being in a limbo for 25 years, hovering between being considered 'fake states' and from getting the international legal status to which aspire. There is the problem of identifying the objective requirements for their largely recognition, which otherwise remains merely a discretionary choice of the other actors in the international society, based on purely political requirements and economic interests. In a world made up of states, which are the main actors on the international stage, how can these entities get the 'certification' of <em>de jure</em> sovereign states? <strong>RESUMO</strong> Este artigo analisa a situação de alguns Estados (Abkhazia, Nagorno Karabakh, Ossétia do Sul e Transnístria), <em>de facto</em> independentes depois da dissolução da URSS, que estão há cerca de 25 anos no limbo, oscilando entre ser considerados 'Estados falsos' e recebendo o status legal internacional a que aspiram. Existe o problema de identificar os requisitos objetivos para o seu reconhecimento, em grande parte, que de outra forma parece apenas uma escolha discricionária dos outros atores na comunidade internacional, com base em requisitos puramente políticos e interesses econômicos. Num mundo feito de Estados, que são os principais actores na cena internacional, como podem estas entidades obter a 'certificação' de Estados soberanos <em>de jure</em>?
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Alvarez, Alexander, Adam Muller, Jennifer E. Rich, and Henry Theriault. "The Azerbaijani Blockade of the Lachin Corridor and the ICJ Decision: Can the Destruction of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic and the NKR Armenian People Be Prevented?" Genocide Studies International 15, no. 1 (2023): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/gsi-2023-0722.
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Gasparyan, R. E., and A. Yu Skakov. "Russian Peacekeeping Operation in Nagorno-Karabakh (2020–2023)." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 3 (September 12, 2023): 34–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2023-3-3(9)-34-46.
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The article presents the results of a study of the peacekeeping mission conducted by the Russian peacekeeping forces in Nagorno-Karabakh in 2020–2023 and assesses its effectiveness. According to the trilateral agreement signed on November 10, 2020 by the Presidents of the Russian Federation, the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Prime Minister of the Republic of Armenia, Russian peacekeepers were introduced into Nagorno-Karabakh. After the signed trilateral agreement, two more agreements followed, which fixed effective activities and strengthened the need for the presence of peacekeepers in the region. In December 2022, Azerbaijani so-called “eco-activists” blocked the only road (the Lachin Corridor) connecting Nagorno-Karabakh with Armenia, blocking the free movement of people and goods, hindering the activities of peacekeepers and creating a humanitarian crisis for the population of Nagorno- Karabakh.
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Kopeček, Vincenc. "Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh." Czech Journal of International Relations 52, no. 3 (2017): 47–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/cjir.192.
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The article is based on a presumption that the relations between theArmenian and the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic are substantially differentfrom the relations between other de facto states and their patron states.Thus, they can not be explained in the same manner as the relationsbetween Russia and its three “client” de facto states – Abkhazia, SouthOssetia, and Transnistria. Also, the concept of kin-state does not seem to besu"ciently elaborated to explain the Armenian-Karabakhi relations. Theserelations, in comparison with other similar cases, such as the Turkish-NorthCypriot relations, feature a whole range of highly specific features, above allthe dominance of informal institutions and practices. The article identifiesthis complex systems of mutual relations and introduces the term informalasymmetric confederation to describe it. According to this model, therelations between the Armenian and the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic arebased on a common ethno-cultural framework, mutually mingling politicalelites and a handful of formal and, most importantly, a whole range ofinformal mechanisms, which enable both entities to achieve political deals,as well as to mutually influence each other’s internal decision makingprocesses.
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Koshelnyk, Vladyslav. "ARMENIAN-AZERBAIJIAN CONFLICT: CHRONOLOGY OF EVENTS AND POLITICAL ASPECT." 44, no. 44 (December 15, 2023): 61. http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2220-8089-2023-44-08.
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The issue of the long-term Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict within the framework of the Nagorno-Karabakh region has been studied. The problem of the ethnic polemic of Nagorno-Karabakh as one of the main factors of the confrontation is considered, and the historical roots of its initiation are indicated. The issue of escalation between the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan after the collapse of the Soviet Union at the end of the 1980s was analyzed and conclusions were drawn regarding a new wave of confrontation. The classification of official documents and materials for the analysis of the specified problem is given. The importance of the military conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan due to the non-resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh region issue is emphasized not only for the Central Asian region, but for the whole world. The interest of certain external players in the need to solve the Karabakh problem is considered. The role of international actors in the framework of indirect participation, as well as peacekeeping mission, arbitration, etc. is evaluated. The current state of the military conflict is determined. The chronology and course of hostilities between the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan are analyzed. The latest events of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict in the Nagorno-Karabakh region are considered and the main points of the dynamics of the confrontation are shown, as well as the main decisions made as a result of the anti-terrorist operation of the Azerbaijani army in the Nagorno-Karabash region are highlighted. Possible ways to stabilize the situation and settle the Karabakh conflict are identified, the involvement of civil society and communities on both sides to resolve the interstate problem is especially emphasized, and the importance of a comprehensive solution to both the political and humanitarian aspects of the conflict is emphasized. A significant role in the stabilization of the Nagorno-Karabakh region is given to international organizations in the role of mediators and development of realistic and mutually acceptable solutions.
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Mortazavian, Ali, and Mohammad Ghiacy. "Regional and International Cooperation to Reduce Nagorno – Karabakh Conflict." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 2 (2017): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n2p136.
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Almost two decades since conflict broke out between the Republic of Azerbaijan and Armenia, two northern neighbors of Iran, in Nagorno – Karabakh region. Although military conflict in this region has minimized with the existing ceasefire, and reaching a sustainable agreement is likely to be happened by the two parties. Close regional and international cooperation seems necessary more than ever in order to reduce conflict in Nagorno – Karabakh region. The main objective of this study is to give a thorough presentation of the regional and international cooperation in order to reduce Nagorno – Karabakh regional issues and hazards.Hereunder is the main question raised by the researcher: “To what extent regional and international cooperation is effective in reducing Nagorno – Karabakh conflict?”The hypothesis of the present study is that the interrelated nature of security in the international system and Caucasus region causes convergence among neighboring countries to reduce conflict in Caucasus and Nagorno – Karabakh regions. Taking advantage of the analytic – descriptive method and also benefiting from reliable and authentic sources, it can be concluded that the interdependence of threat will lead to the increased mutual costs in this study. This issue will cause formation of convergence in the Caucasus region, so that it will lead to the reduced conflict and tension in Nagorno – Karabakh region.
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Quliyeva, Gulgun. "THE POSITION OF MAJOR POWERS AND INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATIONS DURING THE SECOND KARABAKH WAR." Baltic Journal of Legal and Social Sciences, no. 2 (June 11, 2025): 228–38. https://doi.org/10.30525/2592-8813-2025-2-28.
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During the Second Karabakh War the positions of powers and international organizations were important factors influencing the course and outcome of the conflict. Their positions were mainly based on political, economic, and geostrategic interests. Currently, one of the most pressing issues in the world political arena is the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. After the collapse of the USSR, the Azerbaijani state managed to restore its independence in 1991. In the First Karabakh War of the last century, due to the lack of a strong, regular army of the newly independent Republic of Azerbaijan and the inability to establish a strong central government system, the Republic of Azerbaijan was defeated in the war and 20% of our lands were occupied by the Republic of Armenia. Although the Republic of Azerbaijan appealed to international organizations to resolve the Nagorno-Karabakh problem and tried to resolve the conflict peacefully, the Republic of Armenia, which ultimately occupied the lands of the Republic of Azerbaijan, has repeatedly hindered our just cause. International organizations and the world community have remained silent on the lands of the Republic of Azerbaijan, which have been under the enemy's control for nearly thirty years. The Republic of Azerbaijan has done its best for a peaceful resolution of the conflict for almost thirty years. During this period, the Armenian government has demonstrated an uncompromising position against Azerbaijan. At the same time, no progress has been felt on the Nagorno-Karabakh issue. The victory of the Republic of Azerbaijan in the Second Karabakh War transformed Azerbaijan into a strong, developed state in the political world, had a positive impact on other areas, and in addition, reminded other pro-Armenian regional states that the Republic of Azerbaijan is an extremely powerful state both at the political table and on the battlefield. The article discusses the position of major powers and international organizations during the Second Karabakh War.
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Shirvanova, Terane. "The Legal Aspects of Nagorno Karabakh Conflict During the Azerbaijan Peoples’ Republic Period." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 4 (2016): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i4.p92-96.
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The ongoing Nagorno Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan results from two principles of international law: the main sides of conflict, Armenia and Azerbaijan, defending their position claim the self determination right of people and territorial integrity with inviolability of state borders. The main obstacle on the ongoing “no war, no peace” condition of negotiation process is that mutual agreed statement on these principles is not possible. [1, 33] Firstly, in order to look the legal aspects of Nagorno Karabakh conflict, there is a need to analyze the political and legal processes that created the problem around Nagorno Karabakh’s legal status. Therefore the ADR period (May 1918- April 1920) is important: because those years involve the beginning of the contemporary ethnic conflict and the formation of the current legal-political position of conflict sides. On other words, analyzing the process of legal status of NK conflict during the ADR period from the frame of sides’ claims and arguments is very important on the research of the legal aspects of Nagorno Karabakh conflict.
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Shirvanova, Terane. "The Legal Aspects of Nagorno Karabakh Conflict During the Azerbaijan Peoples’ Republic Period." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (2016): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v6i1.p92-96.
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The ongoing Nagorno Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan results from two principles of international law: the main sides of conflict, Armenia and Azerbaijan, defending their position claim the self determination right of people and territorial integrity with inviolability of state borders. The main obstacle on the ongoing “no war, no peace” condition of negotiation process is that mutual agreed statement on these principles is not possible. [1, 33] Firstly, in order to look the legal aspects of Nagorno Karabakh conflict, there is a need to analyze the political and legal processes that created the problem around Nagorno Karabakh’s legal status. Therefore the ADR period (May 1918- April 1920) is important: because those years involve the beginning of the contemporary ethnic conflict and the formation of the current legal-political position of conflict sides. On other words, analyzing the process of legal status of NK conflict during the ADR period from the frame of sides’ claims and arguments is very important on the research of the legal aspects of Nagorno Karabakh conflict.
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Burke, Róisín. "International Law in the Buffer." Journal of International Peacekeeping 23, no. 3-4 (2020): 249–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18754112-20200008.
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Abstract Territorial disputes historically have been commonplace in the Transcaucasian region. Nagorno-Karabakh is a region legally recognised as a part of Azerbaijan, but has historically been disputed by Armenia and Azerbaijan. It was an autonomous region during Soviet times, but fell within the administrative boundaries of the then Soviet Republic of Azerbaijan. Nagorno-Karabakh has operated de facto independently since 1992, when it declared independence. Azerbaijanis from regions bordering Nagorno-Karabakh were displaced from their homes in the 1990s. This created what some refer to a security buffer, but which constitute occupied territory. Azerbaijan seeks the return of all territories. For Karabakh Armenians any dispute settlement that would leave Nagorno-Karabakh within Azerbaijan is untenable, given security threats. The conflict is coloured by history, past injustices, and ideologies around identity. Despite decades of mediation attempts by the osce and others, the territory remains fervently disputed. Border skirmishes have been frequent since the 1990s. However, since September 2020 serious escalations in hostilities and violence in region risk a broader regional conflict and drawing in Turkey, Russia and Iran. The paper provides a historical exposition of factors underpinning the dispute, which are critical to understanding its context and ultimate resolution. It examines the claim to self-determination by the people of Nagorno-Karabakh from the perspective of international law. It addresses the interplay between conflicting norms of territorial integrity and self-determination. The paper reflects on questions of statehood, and on the emerging concept of remedial secession in cases of egregious human rights violations and where internal self-determination is denied, and their possible relevance to the Nagorno-Karabakh dispute.
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Yumatov, K. V., and K. N. Sivina. "Azerbaijan – Turkey Relations in the International South Caucasus Context (1992–2020)." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 22, no. 4 (2021): 963–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2020-22-4-963-971.
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The research featured the history of the interstate relations between Azerbaijan and the Republic of Turkey, its main stages and issues, as well as its dependence on various internal political changes and political figures. What began as an internal conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan during Perestroika in the Soviet Union grew into an interstate affair, which currently involves the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. The author believes that the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh after the military conflict of 2020 is an important part in historical and political studies on the Azerbaijan – Turkey relations. Initially, Turkey took a pro-Azerbaijani position in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. However, its negative attitude to Armenia put it on the periphery of the peacekeeping process in the OSCE Minsk Group. Guided by the ideology of "one people, two countries", Turkey helped Azerbaijan to overcome the political and economic crisis in the 1990s, as well as to lobby its interests in the UN, the NATO, the OSCE, and the OIC. In 2020, Erdogan’s expansionist policy allowed Azerbaijan to regain most territories annexed by Armenia during the Karabakh war in the 1990s.
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Yumatov, K. V., and K. N. Sivina. "Azerbaijan – Turkey Relations in the International South Caucasus Context (1992–2020)." Bulletin of Kemerovo State University 22, no. 4 (2021): 963–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.21603/2078-8975-2020-22-4-963-971.
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The research featured the history of the interstate relations between Azerbaijan and the Republic of Turkey, its main stages and issues, as well as its dependence on various internal political changes and political figures. What began as an internal conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan during Perestroika in the Soviet Union grew into an interstate affair, which currently involves the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, Armenia, and Azerbaijan. The author believes that the situation in Nagorno-Karabakh after the military conflict of 2020 is an important part in historical and political studies on the Azerbaijan – Turkey relations. Initially, Turkey took a pro-Azerbaijani position in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. However, its negative attitude to Armenia put it on the periphery of the peacekeeping process in the OSCE Minsk Group. Guided by the ideology of "one people, two countries", Turkey helped Azerbaijan to overcome the political and economic crisis in the 1990s, as well as to lobby its interests in the UN, the NATO, the OSCE, and the OIC. In 2020, Erdogan’s expansionist policy allowed Azerbaijan to regain most territories annexed by Armenia during the Karabakh war in the 1990s.
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Elamiryan, Ruben. "The U.S. role and policies in international peacekeeping operations and peace building: Potential engagement with the South Caucasus." Savremene studije bezbednosti, no. 2 (2024): 29–43. https://doi.org/10.5937/ssb2402029e.
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The paper is discussing the potential US peacekeeping engagement with the South Caucasus after the Third Nagorno-Karabakh war. Based on the case-study of the Third Nagorno-Karabakh war, followed by ethnic cleaning of the Armenians of Nagorno-Karabakh and continuous Azerbaijani aggression towards the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia, the paper analyzes the US interests and draws potential scenarios for US peacekeeping engagement in Armenia-Azerbaijani conflict. It draws five potential scenarios, which are: direct military engagement, support to a UN (or other international organization, for instance, OSCE) mission, support to the EU mission in Armenia, NATO engagement, distancing, and argues that the most realistic model is the US direct diplomatic engagement with major support to the EU/EU countries' efforts, including military, in Armenia.
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Ayvazyan, D. S. "Foreign Policy Directions of the Republic of Azerbaijan." Russia & World: Sc. Dialogue, no. 1 (April 6, 2024): 54–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.53658/rw2024-4-1(11)-54-65.
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The article examines the key directions of the foreign policy of the Republic of Azerbaijan. The main foreign policy partners of Azerbaijan (Russia, the Republic of Turkey, Iran, the USA and the European Union) were identified, and current issues of interaction with these countries were analyzed. A conclusion is drawn about the multidirectional nature of Azerbaijan’s foreign policy and the desire for pragmatic economic cooperation at the regional and macro-regional levels. In the field of security, military and militarytechnical cooperation, Azerbaijan, in followup the 44-day war in Nagorno-Karabakh in 2020 and then the dissolution of the unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, after January 1, 2024, strengthens cooperation with the Republic of Turkey. For Azerbaijan, the importance of creating regional transport communications and intensifying economic cooperation with its closest neighbors has increased.
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Vits, Kristel, and Elias Götz. "Great Power Competition in Contested States: The Case of Nagorno-Karabakh." Asian Perspective 49, no. 2 (2025): 275–98. https://doi.org/10.1353/anp.2025.a960995.
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Abstract: This article explores how great power competition has affected the self-proclaimed republic of Nagorno-Karabakh and the attendant conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan. It first provides a short history of the conflict, followed by an analysis of the strategic interests and instruments of key external players, including Russia, Turkey, and the United States. Next, the article analyzes Nagorno-Karabakh as a subject of geopolitical competition, highlighting ways in which it was able to exercise agency and thereby ensure its survival for a long time. The article concludes by discussing how the end of Nagorno-Karabakh's existence has affected the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict and, more broadly, the parameters of geopolitical competition in the region.
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Kolosov, Vladimir A., and Maria V. Zotova. "Multiple borders of Nagorno-Karabakh." GEOGRAPHY, ENVIRONMENT, SUSTAINABILITY 13, no. 1 (2020): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.24057/2071-9388-2020-04.
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Though the agreement on ceasefire between Armenian and Azerbaijani troops in Nagorno-Karabakh was concluded more than 25 years ago, there is no progress in the negotiations between the sides. The conflict is intrinsically related to the partition of territory between the areas de facto controlled by the non-recognized Republic of NagornoKarabakh, boundaries of which do not match the administrative borders of Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region in the Soviet period, and Azerbaijan. This paper considers the geopolitical situation of Nagorno-Karabakh through the lenses of its cross-border interactions and bordering. This notion widely used in contemporary border studies means not only border delimitation and management, but also the constant process of change in their functions, regime, and social importance. Such change can result, for instance, from the transformation of political strategies, shifts on the international arena and bilateral relations, currency exchange rates and global market prices, as well as in the course of the everyday practice and interactions. The authors analyzed first the existing pattern of borders in the context of security. Then they characterized de-bordering and interactions between Nagorno-Karabakh and its patron state, Armenia, describing the adaptation of the Karabakhi population and economy to the lack of international recognition. The demarcation line with Azerbaijan remains one of the rare cases of a completely closed border. One of the main and potentially long-term obstacles in finding a solution is the cultivation of the «image of the enemy» on both sides of this border.
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Saparov, Arsène. "Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: What's Next?" Ab Imperio 2023, no. 3 (2023): 184–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/imp.2023.a915234.
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SUMMARY: The essay puts the recent culmination of the decades-long territorial dispute over Nagorno-Karabakh into a longer historical perspective including the post–World War II period. The available sources suggest that the conflict was framed not least by the Soviet administrative borders that contradicted the existing spatially arranged economic patterns as well as by the forced resettlements during late Stalinism. Eventually, the dispute acquired its current function of national identity-shaping and mobilization. The fact that the 1915 Armenian genocide has never been properly prosecuted or even admitted to by the Republic of Turkey and its close ally, independent Azerbaijan, has greatly contributed to the conflict's escalation. In Azerbaijan, the trauma of the defeat in the First Karabakh War in the early 1990s also made the eventual revanche in the form of retaking Nagorno-Karabakh as the ultimate political and cultural priority. Резюме: Эссе помещает многолетний территориальный спор вокруг Нагорного Карабаха, который недавно достиг своей кульминации, в долгосрочную историческую перспективу, уделяя особое внимание периоду после Второй мировой войны. Как свидетельствуют привлекаемые автором источники, несоответствие советских административных границ сложившейся пространственной организации экономической деятельности во многом способствовало эскалации конфликта. Немалую роль сыграло и насильственное перемещение населения региона позднесталинского периода. В итоге противостояние в Карабахе превратилось в источник формирования национальной идентичности и фактор национальной мобилизации. Отказ Турецкой Республики и ее близкого союзника – независимого Азербайджана – от признания и объективного расследования геноцида армян 1915 года также во многом способствовал эскалации конфликта. Кроме того, травма от поражения Азербайджана в Первой карабахской войне начала 1990-х гг. сделала реванш в форме возвращения Нагорного Карабаха главным политическим и культурным приоритетом политики этого государства.
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Kolarz, Stefania. "Zastosowanie metod pokojowego rozstrzygania sporów w konflikcie o Górski Karabach." Studenckie Prace Prawnicze, Administratywistyczne i Ekonomiczne 20 (September 20, 2017): 193–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1733-5779.20.13.
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Application of peaceful means of international disputes resolution in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflictOver twenty years ago the Armenians inhabiting one of Azerbaijani provinces declared constitution of a new state — the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. Hence, the conflict over legal status of this region begun; formally the terrain belongs to Azerbaijan, but it remains under Armenian control. The international community multiplied attempts of mediation and created a Group of Minsk under auspices of OSCE especially for the purpose of resolution of the karabakhi dispute. However, any settlement wasn’t reached so far. Therefore, one may ask whether this conflict may be solved using diplomatic means of international disputes resolution?
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LORENC, Magdalena. "The ‘Museums of the Frontline’ in Stepanakert, or on the Armenian Remembrance of the Armed Conflict with Azerbaijan." Przegląd Strategiczny, no. 12 (December 31, 2019): 393–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/ps.2019.1.25.
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Nagorno-Karabakh is currently considered the most militarized area in the South Caucasus region. The key political decision-makers of Armenia come from Stepanakert. The issue of the future of this territory is an important element of any electoral campaign in Armenia. Any plans to make concessions to the Azerbaijani side are opposed by Armenian nationalist and veteran circles. The memory of the armed conflict with Azerbaijan remains vivid and is reflected in numerous commemorative initiatives in the NKR, as exemplified by the Memorial Museum of the Perished Soldiers and the Memorial Museum – The Union of Relatives of Missing Warriors of the NKR in Stepanakert. These institutions are a synthesis of museum and funeral practices. To quote Aleksander Wallis, replacing ‘monuments’ with ‘museums,’ it may be concluded that they “were created to historicize current events” which “evoke the greatest emotions, tensions and conflicts” and stem from “profound moral needs.” However, unlike monuments whose “artistic shape and symbolic meaning [...] permit different interpre- tations in formal and artistic categories as well as in the categories of meaning, ideology and politics” (Wallis, 1968), the two museums do not give such freedom. Besides commemoration, they also serve the purpose of constructing and consolidating hostility towards Azerbaijan – the raison d’être of the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh. The conflict is the foundation of the idea of Artsakh and the main political implication of the spatial values represented by the MMPS and MMMW. The unique character of these museums, however, is not related to the politicization of re-membrance, which is a common feature of such establishments, but rather to the short temporal distance between the armed conflict and the emergence of the exhibitions. Consequently, the memory of the museums’ creators has not been ‘borrowed’ and the message of the museums reflects the current attitude to Azerbaijan.
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KOCHARYAN, TIGRAN. "SOME CONSIDERATIONS ABOUT KARABAKH CONFLICT SETTLEMENT IN THE FORMAT OF THE MINSK GROUP." Main Issues Of Pedagogy And Psychology 4, no. 1 (2014): 157–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/miopap.v4i1.307.
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?he separated monitoring of the Nagorno–Karabakh conflict and the intended policy for peaceful regulation are very important in the system of providing national security of the Republic of Armenia in more acceptable format of the Minsk Group. During the regional visits of the Minsk group co–chairs are being realized regular controlling and monitoring the contact line of the conflicting forces. Tryaing to satisfy the conflicting parties, the Minsk Group offers a compromise according to the international norms, in which are some obvious discrepancies (The right of nations to self–determination and The territorial integrity). Recently, the regulation process of the Nagorno–Karabakh conflict remains in the active level, which, however, does not lead to substantial progress in the peace process. The Armenian part keeps giving priority of the intermediary activity to the OSCE Minsk group. Because of the negative position of the Azerbaijan part all intermediary initiatives are not leading to serious practical results. The freedom has the main place in the European value system, which can be the key for the regulation of the Nagorno–Karabakh conflict.
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Talebi, Reza. "Before the Azerbaijan-Armenıa War: Karabakh in Iran's Foreign Policy." Journal of Politics and Law 18, no. 2 (2025): 36. https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v18n2p36.
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Since the 1979 revolution, the Islamic Republic of Iran has generally pursued an ideological foreign policy. While Iran&#39;s stance on Nagorno-Karabakh has shown occasional variations, it has maintained a consistent approach within its own framework. Overall, Iran has approached the Nagorno-Karabakh issue, which has persisted for thirty years, with considerable sensitivity. The primary source of this sensitivity is the significant Turkish population in Iran, particularly the South Azerbaijani Turks. However, Azerbaijan&rsquo;s growing alliance with Turkey, the strengthening of Turkey&#39;s influence in the Caucasus, and Azerbaijan&#39;s developing relations with the U.S. and Israel have raised concerns in Iran. Despite ostensibly supporting Shia-majority Azerbaijan, Iran has often aligned its policy with Armenia. This study aims to outline this process in broad terms. Additionally, it highlights the impact of Iran&#39;s foreign policy on establishing the geoeconomic and geostrategic equation in the region and emphasizes how the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has become a key, if not deadlocked, element in Iran-Azerbaijan relations.
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Sargsyan, Suren, Anahit Muradyan, Aida Gevorgyan, and Vahakn Manoogian. "The Role of the Minsk Group in the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict: Current Crisis and the Importance of Preserving the Existing Mediation Format." Bulletin of Yerevan University D: International Relations and Political Sciences 14, no. 3 (42) (2023): 44–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/bysu:d/2023.14.3.044.
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OSCE Minsk Group has been the main mediating body to deal with the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict since 1992. For around 30 years the three Co-Chairs of the Minsk Group- Russia, USA and France, have been productively cooperating on the matter. Minsk Group was believed to be an exclusive forum where the Western and Russian conflicting interests did not hinder the Minsk Group’s mission to provide ways to solve the conflict. However, since the February 2022 Russian-Ukrainian war the cooperation between these countries within the Minsk Group has been largely paralyzed. Unfortunately, this coincided with the aftermath of Nagorno-Karabakh 44-day war in 2020, constant border skirmishes and Azerbaijani aggression and invasion into sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia. The more internal struggles the Minsk Group experiences, the more regional security suffers. Different actors come up with individual efforts trying to establish themselves as the main mediators between Armenia and Azerbaijan. Under such circumstances there are no balancing mechanisms to restrain the mediating sides from advancing mutually contradicting initiatives which stem from their interests. Hence, this article advocates the importance of the role of the Minsk Group as a body uniting the main mediating actors at the same time being the only body that has the mandate to mediate on issues relating to Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The article analyzes all the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict resolution plans proposed by the Minsk Group Co-Chairs, the Minsk Group activities during the 2016 and 2020 wars, the stalemate in the negotiations after the 2018 “Velvet revolution” in Armenia as well as the current crisis within the Minsk Group and the importance of preserving the Minsk Group as the main mediating body in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
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Huseynov, Ilyas. "The Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in the interparliamentary relations between Azerbaijan and Greece." Scientific Bulletin 2 (2019): 90–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.54414/oxjf9848.
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This article deals with the situation on the Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, which is one of the main topics of discussion during the meetings on the development of inter-parliamentary relations between Azerbaijan and Greece. An Azerbaijani-Greek working group on inter-parliamentary relations operates in the Milli Majlis of the Republic of Azerbaijan, and a Greek-Azerbaijani friendship group on inter-parliamentary relations functions in the Greek legislative body. In the framework of regular meetings of interparliamentary groups, among other issues, one of the main areas of discussion is the Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The main goal of the study is to summarize the opinions voiced in the inter-parliamentary diplomatic meetings regarding the Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, put them in a chronological framework and identify some factors that undermine Azerbaijani-Greek inter-parliamentary relations. The unanimous opinion of Greek parliamentarians is that the Armenian-Azerbaijani Nagorno-Karabakh conflict must be resolved in accordance with international law. Greece is committed to the principles outlined in the Final Act of August 1, 1975 of the Helsinki Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe. In addition, the principles of territorial integrity and inviolability of borders, which are the basic principles of international law, are the priority in Greek foreign policy. However, Armenia and Greece have very close relations, and Greece is a state that officially recognizes the "Armenian genocide". Therefore, studying the GreekAzerbaijani relations at the academic level is very important for Azerbaijani political science.
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Kolarz, Stefania. "Representation of an Unrecognized State under International Law – Example of the Republic of Artsakh." Polish Review of International and European Law 8, no. 1 (2020): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/priel.2019.8.1.02.
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Since the late 80s, the Armenian inhabitants of Nagorno-Karabakh, a region situated within the internationally recognised borders of the Republic of Azerbaijan, have been struggling for creating their own state – the Republic of Artsakh. The fact that this self-proclaimed entity was not recognised by any of the international actors has not prevented it from constantly committing to intervene on the international plane, separately from Yerevan and Baku. For instance, it is the co-signatory of the Bishkek Protocol. On the other hand, it was refused participation in the core undertaking of the international community designed to settle the dispute – the OSCE Minsk process. The aforementioned situation raises the question as to who shall act as a legal representative of this quasi-state on the international plane? Azerbaijan, as the official centre of authority within the region, Armenia, or rather the separatist government of Nagorno-Karabakh?
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Arutiunian, Van S. "FEATURES OF FOREIGN RELATIONS OF THE NAGORNO-KARABAKH REPUBLIC." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 412 (November 1, 2016): 35–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/412/6.
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Hutchings, Nicholas, Sisak Baghdasaryan, Mushegh Qefoyan, et al. "IODINE NUTRITION IN THE REPUBLIC OF ARTSAKH (NAGORNO KARABAKH)." Endocrine Practice 24, no. 5 (2018): 468–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4158/ep-2018-0054.
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Markedonov, S. "Transformation of the Armenian-Azerbaijani Conflict: Historical Experience and Current Developments." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 12 (2023): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-12-93-103.
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The Nagorno-Karabakh issue is well-studied in the schorarly literature. However, most works cover the dynamics of the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict or genesis of a South Caucasus de facto state. This article is devoted to the consideration of the phenomenon of Nagorno-Karabakh for the nation-state project of post-Soviet Armenia, its domestic and foreign policy agenda. The author considers it in the two historical contexts: the genesis of the Armenian state during the last years of the Soviet Union and in the first years after its demise, as well as the current socio-political situation. The article explains why the factor of Nagorno-Karabakh, which became the trigger for the struggle of the late Soviet Armenians for “miatsum” (the unification of the former Armenian SSR and the Nagorno-Karabakh Autonomous Region of the Azerbaijani SSR), has ceased to be a cementing element for the elite and society of today’s Armenia. The Nagorno-Karabakh consensus, around which the authorities and the opposition, as well as civil society institutions united, becomes the past. The informal taboo on the discussion of the Nagorno-Karabakh status beyond any form of state integration with Armenia has been lifted. It has become one of the publicly discussed issues. The author analyses these transformations with the help of updated methodological tools, rejecting “geopolitical determinism” and linking the fundamental transformation in the Armenian current agenda not only with radical military changes on the “line of contact” between the two conflicting states of the South Caucasus but, above all, with the value and generational shift within Armenia. Addressing the theory of “paradigm shift” by T. Kuhn and the “method of generations” by J. Ortega y Gasset, he concludes that the current unprecedented concessions to Baku on the part of Yerevan are not only a manifestation of weakness, voluntarism and a foreign policy U-turn of the current Armenian leadership to the West. In many ways, they are determined by the transformation in the moods of the elites and society of Armenia throughout the entire post-Soviet period. This approach allows us to trace and explain how and why the Republic, constituting its statehood around the “Karabakh idea” in the process of national self-determination, took the path of revision of the original goal-setting.
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Atoyan, Vardan, Anna Pakhlyan, Susanna Aghajanyan та Tatevik Vardanyan. "Риски и возможности налаживания армяно-турецких отношений в контексте новых региональных реалий". Регион и мир 13, № 6 (2022): 9–15. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7528514.
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The article examines the risks and opportunities for establishing Armenian-Turkish relations in the context of the evolving processes around the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. The expected outcomes of unblocking communications in the region considered are from the perspective of preserving Armenia's national security. Based on the analysis, it was determined that the resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is linked to the Turkish and Azerbaijani sides by the potential process of normalizing Armenian-Turkish relations and unblocking communications in the region. The "price" of such a peaceful agenda could be the loss of control over certain parts of the sovereign territory of the Republic of Armenia, including the possible political and economic expansion of Turkey, as well as other challenges to the national security of Armenia.
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Muth, Sebastian. "War, language removal and self-identification in the linguistic landscapes of Nagorno-Karabakh." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 1 (2014): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.856394.
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The disintegration of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) resulted in demographic shifts and drew new boundaries in a once borderless region. The South Caucasus, an area that has been characterized by its linguistic diversity witnessed one of the most destructive interethnic wars in the former USSR. Fought between Armenia and Azerbaijan over the Armenian enclave of Nagorno-Karabakh, it resulted in the removal of the Azerbaijani population. Two decades later the political status of the self-declared Nagorno-Karabakh Republic remains unresolved, but apparently a new linguistic self-identity of the population takes shape. While possibilities for extensive sociolinguistic research are limited, linguistic landscape research provides insights into patterns of individual and public language use. This paper analyzes the linguistic landscapes of Stepanakert, the capital of Nagorno-Karabakh, and establishes functional domains of the languages visible. Furthermore, it traces remnants of an Azerbaijani linguistic landscape in abandoned settlements and documents patterns of language use in rural parts of the territory. The demographic situation suggests a majority of Armenians, yet the results point toward a bilingual situation with Russian as a language of wider communication. On the other hand, the study shows the link between the removal of Azerbaijani from the public sphere and the eradication of Azerbaijani culture.
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Monshipouri, Mahmood, and Javad Heiran-Nia. "Iran’s Security Interests and Policies in the South Caucasus." Iran and the Caucasus 25, no. 3 (2021): 284–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1573384x-20210305.
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The aim of this essay is to demonstrate that cooperation and competition between Russia, Iran, and Turkey requires ongoing regional political recalibrations regarding oil and gas pipelines and transportation routes. We argue that while much has changed in regional politics, Russian domination of the region remains intact, with Tehran and Ankara finding themselves in constant competition with each other while also balancing their interests versus those of Russia. We first review oil and gas pipelines administered by the Republic of Azerbaijan, the major beneficiary of the U.S. sanctions on Iran and the recent Nagorno-Karabakh war. We then explore a comparative analysis of the security interests and strategies of Iran, Russia, and Turkey toward the South Caucasus. Finally, we examine the way in which the second Nagorno-Karabakh war has posed new challenges to Iran’s interests and policies in the region.
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Meichella, Aziizah Ika, Raisa Annamira, Akim Akim, and Windy Dermawan. "MENELUSURI KEGAGALAN OSCE DALAM MENCIPTAKAN PERDAMAIAN PADA KONFLIK ARMENIA-AZERBAIJAN MELALUI ANALISIS RESOLUSI KONFLIK." Jurnal Kolaborasi Resolusi Konflik 6, no. 2 (2024): 124–36. https://doi.org/10.24198/jkrk.v6i2.53824.
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Armenia dan Azerbaijan berada dalam situasi konflik berkepanjangan di wilayah Nagorno-Karabakh. Sejarah konflik Armenia-Azerbaijan kembali pada masa Soviet, ketika Nagorno-Karabakh diberikan status otonomi di Republik Sosialis Soviet Azerbaijan, meskipun mayoritas penduduknya adalah etnis Armenia. Pasca runtuhnya Uni Soviet tahun 1991, ketegangan antara Armenia dan Azerbaijan meningkat, dengan pecahnya perang Nagorno-Karabakh yang berlangsung hingga tahun 1994. Berbagai upaya ditempuh untuk menyelesaikan konflik tersebut salah satunya adalah melalui Minsk Group di bawah OSCE. Akan tetapi, upaya tersebut belum membuahkan hasil yang baik dan penyelesaian konflik belum dilaksanakan secara tuntas. Berdasarkan permasalahan tersebut, artikel mengkaji lebih lanjut mengenai faktor-faktor kegagalan OSCE (Minsk Group) dalam mengatasi konflik Nagorno-Karabakh menggunakan alat analisis konflik. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif deskriptif yang berfokus menggali lebih dalam teks narasi penelitian terkait. Hasil penemuan menjelaskan bahwa peran pihak ketiga seperti organisasi internasional sangat krusial mengingat kedua belah pihak memiliki tendensi untuk menuduh satu sama lain yang membuat isu ini berkepanjangan. Keterlibatan banyak pihak di luar Minsk Group juga menyebabkan konflik ini semakin runyam. Adapun peneliti memberikan rekomendasi resolusi untuk mengatasi konflik tersebut adalah dengan memperbaiki dan merestrukturisasi organisasi internasional yang ikut terlibat dalam penyelesaian konflik juga mengulas kembali karakteristik OSCE sebagai organisasi internasional agar bisa bergerak selayaknya sebuah organisasi mediasi konflik. Menyamakan visi misi serta tujuan penyelesaian konflik antar negara anggota juga sangat dibutuhkan agar tidak ada lagi perbedaan perspektif dalam prosesnya, hingga menggali lebih dalam mengenai asal mula juga akar kesukuan yang akhirnya menjadi inti utama konflik ini. Dengan ditemukannya resolusi ini, jika pada negara-negara lain ditemukan permasalahan yang serupa, proses pencarian resolusi dari konflik tersebut akan dipermudah dengan adanya penelitian ini. Armenia and Azerbaijan are in a prolonged conflict situation in Nagorno-Karabakh region. The history of the Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict goes back to Soviet times, when Nagorno-Karabakh was granted autonomous status within the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic, although the majority of its population was ethnic Armenian. After the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, tensions between Armenia and Azerbaijan increased, with the outbreak of the Nagorno-Karabakh war which lasted until 1994. Various efforts were made to resolve the conflict, one of which was through the Minsk Group under the OSCE. However, these efforts have not produced good results and conflict resolution has not been implemented completely. Based on these problems, the article examines further the factors of OSCE (Minsk Group) failure in resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict using conflict analysis tools. The research methodology employed is descriptive qualitative, with a specific focus on delving further into narrative texts connected to the research topic. The findings explain that the role of third parties such as international organizations is very crucial considering that both parties have a tendency to accuse each other which makes this issue protracted. The involvement of many parties outside the Minsk Group also made this conflict even more complicated. The researchers provide recommendations for resolution to overcome this conflict, namely by improving and restructuring the international organizations involved in resolving the conflict as well as reviewing the characteristics of the OSCE as an international organization so that it can move like a conflict mediation organization. Synchronizing the vision and goals of conflict resolution between members is also necessary so that there are no longer differences in perspective in the process, as well as digging deeper into the origins and tribal roots which ultimately become the main core of this conflict. By finding this resolution, if similar problems are found in other countries, the process of finding a resolution to the conflict will be made easier by this research.
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Hovhannisyan, Alina, Celene Philip, Jemma Arakelyan, Gevorg Tamamyan, and Stella Arakelyan. "Barriers to access to cancer care for patients from the conflict-affected region of the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic: A qualitative study." PLOS Global Public Health 4, no. 7 (2024): e0003243. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0003243.
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Access to essential health services is a basic human right, yet many cancer patients living in conflict-affected regions face multiple obstacles to service use. The (former) Nagorno-Karabakh Republic was a conflict-affected region in the South Caucasus populated predominantly by ethnic Armenians. Multiple acute armed conflicts, the recent military occupation of the region, and the prolonged military blockade of the Lachin Corridor (a humanitarian corridor connecting Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia) exacerbated existing social, health, economic, and political fragilities in this region. As a result, cancer services were disrupted, with limited clarity on how the ongoing military blockade of a humanitarian corridor affected cancer patients’ experiences of accessing cancer care locally and in bordering Armenia. Our study aimed to describe the experiences of patients from Nagorno-Karabakh in accessing the cancer care services they needed. We conducted remote semi-structured interviews with adult (aged ≥18 years) cancer patients receiving cancer care from three university hospitals in Armenia and face-to-face interviews with cancer care professionals from these hospitals. Interviews were conducted during the blockade of the Lachin Corridor between March and May 2023. Data were analysed thematically using a deductive approach. Twelve adult cancer patients (9 women) and 12 cancer care professionals participated. A key barrier to accessing cancer services was attributed to the Azerbaijani military occupation of the region and the blockade of a major roadway connecting Nagorno-Karabakh to Armenia. Patients talked in length about the challenges of finding transport and travelling long distances to reach essential cancer services in Armenia. Policies of free anti-cancer medication provision and decentralised medication supply were paused because of the military occupation, affecting patients’ timely access to anti-cancer medication. Out-of-pocket expenses for treatment, anti-cancer medication, travel, and temporary accommodation in Armenia placed a significant financial burden on cancer patients, exacerbated by the humanitarian crisis. Conflict-affected regions blockaded by military forces lack the capacity and targeted support to sustain their essential health services and provide care to those in need of life-saving treatments. Coordinated action from national and international organisations and governments is urgently needed to enhance humanitarian assistance and healthcare support to patients, their families and wider communities affected by military blockades and armed conflicts.
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Qafarova, Gunay N., and Sadi A. Mirseyibli. "The fate of museums and historical monuments of Karabakh." Issues of Museology 12, no. 1 (2021): 131–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu27.2021.113.
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The article presents a brief history of relations between the Armenian and Azerbaijani population of Karabakh and provides a concise chronological sequence of the resettlement of Armenians. It focuses on the consequences of the conflict that lasted for 30 years. As a result of the conflict, cultural heritage sites were destroyed on the territory of the unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh Republic and millions of residents lost their homes when they were evicted from their ancestral lands. The investigated events brought a significant amount of troubles and sufferings to the Azerbaijani people, the number of its victims is estimated in the thousands. The Khojaly tragedy went down in history as the cruelest massacre of the civilian population. The military clash affected not only the population, but also the cultural heritage of the Azerbaijani people. Karabakh was the birthplace of many leading figures of Azerbaijani culture, such as Uzeyir Hajibeyli (Hajibeyov), Bulbul, Rashid Behbudov and others. Before joining the Russian Empire, these territories were part of the Karabakh Khanate and its main city was the impenetrable fortress of Shusha, the main population of which was Azerbaijanis. However, after joining Russia, Armenians from Iran, Turkey, and Syria began to move to these territories. After the creation of the Azerbaijan Soviet Socialist Republic, this region was preserved in its structure under the name of the Nagorno — Karabakh Autonomous Region, which later became a bone of contention between the two peoples. Emphasis in the article is given to museums and historical monuments destroyed as a result of the conflict. On the basis of facts, the authors trace the milestones of the destruction of the Azerbaijani cultural heritage — archaeological sites, museums, mausoleums, mosques, and churches. Ancient Albanian temples underwent armenization. Attention is drawn to the facts of violation of international conventions and normative legal acts on the preservation of cultural heritage.
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Gruzdev, Vladislav V. "HISTORY OF FORMATION OF SIGNS OF STATEHOOD IN NAGORNO-KARABAKH REPUBLIC." HUMANITARIAN RESEARCHES 60, no. 4 (2016): 201–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21672/1818-4936-2016-60-4-201-207.
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Orujov, A. "THE EMERGENCE OF CONFLICT CENTERS IN THE SOUTH CAUCASUS ON THE EVE OF THE COLLAPSE OF THE USSR." Znanstvena misel journal, no. 91 (June 26, 2024): 90–101. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12541235.
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The article is devoted to the research of the historical roots and causes of conflicts in the South Caucasus, external and internal factors affecting the region from the socio-political aspect. In the article, the separatism of the Abkhazians and Ossetians in Georgia, territorial claims, as well as the military aggression of Armenia against the Republic of Azerbaijan, the territorial claim, the Armenian separatism in Nagorno-Karabakh were researched.
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Baidlowi, Imam Achmad, and Hafid Adim Pradana. "Indonesia’s Identity and Norms in Response to the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict in 2020: A Constructivism View." Jurnal Studi Sosial dan Politik 6, no. 2 (2022): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.19109/jssp.v6i2.13027.
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The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict escalated again in 2020, confronting between Azerbaijan and Armenia. As the main actors of the conflict, have claimed approximately 5000 victims in the fighting that took place in the border areas of each of these countries. At that time there were 130 Indonesian citizens in Azerbaijan and 2 Indonesian citizens in Armenia. This situation certainly demands the attitude of Indonesia. Moreover, at that time Indonesia was serving as a Non-Permanent Member of the UN Security Council. This study seeks to examine the influence of identity and norms in Indonesia's response to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in 2020. The researcher uses a constructivist approach to the significance of the construction and Indonesian identity and norms. Researchers also try to analyze and describe the relationship between national identity and international norms with forms of response and Indonesian foreign policy. By using qualitative methods sourced from interviews with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia, as well as literature studies to enrich data analysis. Through this framework, the author concludes that there are several identities that encourage Indonesia to respond to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict. Namely the identity of the Preambule of the 1945 Constitution, the identity of an Islamic state, the identity of a free and active foreign policy, and an identity with fellow Islamic countries in the OIC. In addition to identity, Indonesia's response is also driven by the norms of Peace and War, both unwritten and institutionalized in the United Nations.
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Gevorgyan, Anna. "The Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict and Iran’s Regional Policy." Analytical Bulletin 14 (November 1, 2022): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.56673/18294502-22.14-73.
Full textAbstract:
For Iran, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and its peaceful settlement were and remain closely related to national security interests. The basis of Iran's national security is anchored in the protection of all the layers of Iranian identity. Taking into consideration that this identity consists of Iranian, Islamic, Shiite and Revolutionary elements, we can argue that the attempt to impose a military solution to the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and, particularly, the direct involvement of Turkey and foreign mercenaries in the conflict, has been and still remains a threat to all components of Iran’s security. The status quo of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict has effectively hindered the implementation of the Azerbaijan-Northern Iran-Turkey pan-Turkic program. Moreover, the neutralization of this obstacle has been one of the important components of the security of Iran's identity. Azerbaijan, with the support of Turkey, is consistently trying to advance the idea of “one nation, two states”, presenting the northern provinces of Iran as “Southern Azerbaijan” and talking about the need to unite them with the Republic of Azerbaijan. In the context of this ideology and the struggle of the Pan-Iranian ideology against it, preventing the expansion of Azerbaijani forces toward the east and southeast was within Iran’s immediate interests. It is not surprising that in the aftermath of the 44-Day War in Karabakh, Iran has implemented several military drills across the Iran-Azerbaijan borders. The latest one is the largest and it has been accompanied by several anti-Azerbaijani statements from Iranian officials. In addition, Iranian officials have repeatedly stated that the territorial integrity of the Republic of Armenia is a red line for Iran and the North-South Corridor is of vital importance for Tehran. From the perspective of Iran’s Islamic identity, the current Azerbaijani state, with its secular approaches and pro-American, pro-Israeli policies, is considered a threat in the context of regional countries which are founded on Islamic values. Many Iranian experts and state officials believe that the Israeli technologies and human resources which have been used by Azerbaijan can also be used against Iran. From the perspective of Shiite identity, although Azerbaijan is a country with a Shiite majority population, the facts surrounding repressions in cities with a significant religious population make Azerbaijan an enemy of Shiite identity. The policy adopted by Azerbaijan around religious organizations inspires Iran to raise legitimate questions about the sincerity of Azerbaijan’s Shiite identity. During and after last year’s war, the transfer of Sunni mercenaries to Azerbaijan has also had a major impact on the security of Northern Iran. It is crucial to remember that Iran has made it a national security priority to fight against Sunni extremist groups in Syria, Iraq, Libya and other parts of the region, asserting that if they are not eliminated outside of Iran’s borders, they will end up in the country proper. During the war, Iran’s officials repeatedly stressed the importance of the withdrawal of those mercenaries from the region. The presence of the mercenaries in the region was condemned not only by the representatives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Iran and by the Majles but also in a statement made by Iran’s leader, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, on 3 November 2020. From the perspective of Iran’s revolutionary identity, the existence of Azerbaijan’s clan-based state authorities and the reliance of Azerbaijani politics on foreign economic and political actors in a polarized society make Azerbaijan an obstacle for the dissemination of Iran’s revolutionary values. Thus, we can state that while Iran’s response to the escalation of the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh was neutral and balanced, as it has been traditionally, Iran still has strong concerns about Azerbaijan’s behavior and desire for a military solution, Turkey’s involvement and the arrival of mercenaries in the region. Furthermore, Tehran’s statements about the sovereign territories of Armenia being its red line, especially when it comes to the southern Syunik region after the trilateral agreement of 9 November, make Iran’s security in the northern regions very vulnerable. This is the reason why Iran has been proactive with regards to its statements about regional stability and peace while also initiating a series of visits to both Azerbaijan and Armenia to boost all the possible regional projects, especially concerning the North-South Corridor.
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Nuriyeva, Irada. "Complete Restoration of the Sovereignty of the Republic of Azerbaijan As a Result of Anti-Terrorist Events on September 19- 20, 2023." Metafizika Journal 7, no. 3 (2024): 29–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33864/2617-751x.2024.v7.i3.29-40.
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The international community's indifferent and double standard approach to resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh issue for 30 years forced Azerbaijan to restore its territorial integrity through military means and political negotiations on the battlefield during the Second Karabakh War, from September 27 to November 10, 2020. Although the 44-day Patriotic War ended with the victory of the Azerbaijani army under the leadership of the President of the Republic and Victorious Supreme Commander-in-Chief Ilham Aliyev, armed clashes occasionally occurred along the borders of Azerbaijan and Armenia. On September 19-20, 2023, as a result of successful localized anti-terrorism measures carried out by the Armed Forces of the Republic of Azerbaijan, the sovereignty of the Republic of Azerbaijan was fully restored. On October 15, President Ilham Aliyev raised the Flag of Azerbaijan in Agdara, Askeran, Khojavend, Khojaly, and Khankendi. On December 21, 2023, as part of the 1/8 finals of the Azerbaijan Cup, the football teams “Garabagh” from Agdam and “MOIK” from Baku met for the first time at the stadium in the Khankendi region, which had been liberated from occupation. The unity of the Karabakh-Army-People is the main source of our Victory.
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Fard, Ali Hosseini, Amin Ravanbod, and Ghafar Ghafar. "The economic and security consequences of the Karabakh conflict on the Islamic Republic of Iran." Journal of Social-Political Studies of Iran's Culture and History 3, no. 1 (2024): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.61838/kman.jspsich.3.1.5.
Full textAbstract:
Relations between countries are based on economic, security, geographical and cultural conditions. Although the status of these factors is changing in the age of globalization, it is not true to say that these factors do not affect the relations between the two countries. As neighbors, Iran and Azerbaijan have cultural, historical and religious commonalities. Nevertheless, the relations between the two countries have faced certain challenges. One of the main challenges has been the Nagorno-Karabakh issue, which has been addressed in this research on both security and economic levels. This research was conducted with the aim of investigating the economic and security consequences of the Karabakh conflict on the Islamic Republic of Iran. The main question is how the Karabakh conflict can have economic and security consequences for the Islamic Republic of Iran. The findings indicate that the consequences and challenges in these two areas are within the scope of the positions of the Islamic Republic, the conflict in the field of energy and relations between Azerbaijan and Israel, along with the confrontation and the introduction of politics and ideology regarding the economic relations of these two countries. This research is done using descriptive-analytical method.
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Vardazaryan, Marut. "The Second Karabakh War and the Dynamics of Relations Between the Republic of Armenia and the Russian Federation." Journal of Political Science: Bulletin of Yerevan University 3, no. 1(7) (2024): 24–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.46991/jops/2024.3.7.024.
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The article examines the dynamics of development of relations between Armenia and Russia after the Second Karabakh War. Armenian-Russian relations are considered in the context of a comparative analysis of regional processes. In the context of the cooling of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Russia managed to implement a key policy of containment, as well as maneuver between Azerbaijan and Armenia. However, this policy became ineffective when Turkey actively intervened in the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict. The article analyzes the factors that negatively influenced the revision of Russian foreign policy to the detriment of Armenia. The article substantiates the hypothesis that Russia was able to stop military operations in the Second Karabakh war in time to prevent the strengthening of Turkish influence in Azerbaijan. From the point of view of Russian interests, the most effective way to solve this problem was to deepen relations with Azerbaijan through a strategic alliance at the expense of Armenia.
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Gzoyan, Edita, Svetah Chakhmakhchyan, and Edgar Meyroyan. "Ethnic Cleansing In Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh): Issues of Definition and Criminal Responsibility." International Journal of Armenian Genocide Studies 8, no. 2 (2023): 56–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.51442/ijags.0045.
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After ten months of blockade-resulted starvation and medical emergencies, on 19 September 2023, Nagorno-Karabakh, or Artsakh Republic, was brutally attacked by Azerbaijan, resulting in a forced capitulation of the de facto state. Considering the long-lasting history of violence, institutionalized anti-Armenian hatred, persecution, and annihilation of Armenians by the Republic of Azerbaijan, an exodus of Armenians began in the following days, resulting in forced displacement of nearly 120,000 Armenians from their indigenous lands. These atrocious events were soon labeled as ethnic cleansing by some actors of the international community. Currently, there is no legal definition of ethnic cleansing; using the term to mark the forced displacement of Armenians from Artsakh raises issues of definition and responsibility. This article aims to analyze the concept of ethnic cleansing in its historical and legal development and evaluate its application in the context of the forced displacement of Armenians from Artsakh.
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Chernyavskiy, S. I. "Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict in the Context of Changing Regional Geopolitics." Post-Soviet Issues 8, no. 3 (2021): 341–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24975/2313-8920-2021-8-3-341-360.
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The article analyzes the changes in the South Caucasus associated with the results of the Armenian-Azerbaijani hostilities in the fall of 2020. According to the author, a radical breakdown of the geopolitical configuration of the region took place. The long-term ethnopolitical conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan is a thing of the past, the self-proclaimed Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (Republic of Artsakh) practically ceased to exist. For the first time in 30 years, Russian peacekeepers have returned to these lands. The role of Turkey, a longtime arbiter of Caucasian affairs, has been revived. An end has been put in the most important of the interethnic conflicts that have destroyed the USSR since the late 1980s. And it was Russia who did it.As a result, each of the two republics controls only its internationally recognized territories, while Karabakh continues to exist de facto under the control of Russian peacekeepers. The decisiveness of V. Putin, who took upon himself the rescue of the civilian population and the settlement of the conflict, his ability to “persuade” irreconcilable enemies to stop the war and agree with the subsequent “peacekeeping intervention” contributed to a noticeable increase in Russia’s prestige in the region. However, the role of an independent arbiter capable of solving “insoluble” problems is impossible without strong political, legal, economic and military positions in the region. Therefore, the expansion of the Russian presence in the Transcaucasus is a factor of strategic importance that meets the national interests of Russia. The author believes that given the dismissive and consumerist attitude of the ruling elite of Armenia towards Russia, the time has come to adjust the choice of strategic partners in the South Caucasus. Azerbaijan is actively cooperating with Russia in key areas of world politics. One of the examples is the creation on the initiative of I. Aliyev of new formats of trilateral diplomacy in the composition of Azerbaijan-Turkey-Russia and Azerbaijan-Iran-Russia. An equally significant example is cooperation with Baku within the framework of the “Caspian Five”.Taking into account the specifics of the “multi-vector” nature of the South Caucasian states, it is advisable to conduct constant monitoring of Russian approaches to relations with them from the point of view of equal and pragmatic cooperation. This will make it possible to avoid that the resulting vacuum will be occupied by other powers that have been making themselves known more and more in recent years. Therefore, it is vitally important for Moscow that the authorities of the South Caucasus take into account its political interests.
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Broers, Laurence. "Requiem for the Unipolar Moment in Nagorny Karabakh." Current History 120, no. 828 (2021): 255–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.828.255.
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The Minsk Group, led by the United States, France, and Russia, has brokered the Armenian-Azerbaijani conflict since the mid-1990s after Armenia-backed secessionists in the unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh Republic won the first Karabakh war of 1992–94. That mediation embodied the ideals of the mid-1990s unipolar moment, which assumed that liberalized markets and democratic transitions would converge internally to resolve legacy conflicts in postsocialist states while bringing them into convergence externally with Euro-Atlantic nations. Those assumptions withered away over the next quarter-century. Neither Azerbaijan nor Armenia transitioned to liberal democracy. Backed by an increasingly assertive Turkey, Azerbaijan prevailed in a bloody war in 2020. This time, the regional authoritarian powers, Russia and Turkey, are overseeing what could be a test case for a new form of “illiberal peace.”
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Tarkhanova, Zh D. "Azerbaijan’s foreign policy amid the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict: challenges and solutions (1993–1994)." Vestnik of North Ossetian State University, no. 1 (March 25, 2025): 54–60. https://doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2025-1-54-60.
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This article provides a comprehensive analysis of the main directions of the foreign policy course of the Republic of Azerbaijan during 1993–1994, a period marked by a complex domestic political situation exacerbated by the conflict with the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. The formation of foreign policy during this period became a key element in ensuring national security, social progress, and economic development, making it an integral part of the state’s overall strategy. The author examines materials from the media of Azerbaijan, the United States, the United Kingdom, and Russia, as well as official documents and statements by the President of Azerbaijan, concluding that the country’s foreign policy was characterized by a multi-vector approach. Particular attention is given to the activities of Heydar Aliyev, who, having assumed leadership of the country during a period of political chaos and heightened tensions surrounding the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, focused on strengthening Azerbaijan’s domestic stability and international standing. His strategic priorities included developing bilateral relations with Turkey, Western countries, and Iran, while gradually distancing Azerbaijan from Russian influence, as reflected in the shift toward NATO partnerships. However, in the mid-1990s, amidst a complex geopolitical environment and the global balance of power in the region, Azerbaijan’s policy began to prioritize improving relations with Russia, symbolized by Heydar Aliyev’s visit to Moscow in 1996. Thus, Azerbaijan’s foreign policy during this period represented a delicate balance between maintaining regional stability, safeguarding national interests, and integrating into global political and economic processes.
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Marabyan, K. P. "Contemporary Russia Policy for the Southern Caucasus." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-92-100.
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The bilateral relations between Russia on the one hand, and the countries of the Southern Caucasus region on the other hand are examined in the article. The main directions of Russian policy in the Southern Caucasus region are examined there. The article focusses attention to the value of the Southern Caucasus region for Russia and also to the key role of Russia in the Southern Caucasus region. The overview of Russian-Azerbaijani, Russian-Armenian and Russian- Georgian relations is given in the article. Russian relations with unrecognized Nagorno-Karabakh Republic and with partially recognized Abkhazia and South Ossetia are examined in the context of above-mentioned bilateral relations. The Caucasian direction of Russian foreign policy is of great importance in questions of ensuring Russian national security. The Caucasian crisis of2008 showed potential conflictness of the region and safety hazard of Russia. Now other processes proceed already in the region. Armenian intention to join the Customs union, the change of Georgian leadership and signing of the agreement on association with EU by Georgia start new mechanisms of interaction between the region countries on the one hand and Russia on the other hand. The relation format between region republics can be changed. The main purpose of the article is to show Russian role in questions of the South Caucasus regional security. The region has the conflict territories, from which the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic, the Abkhazian Republic and the South Ossetia Republic are distinguished especially. And Russia won't be able to keep aloof in case of escalation of the conflicts around above-mentioned subjects. The vital questions for the region are peace and stability. And Russia plays a key role in these questions.