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Academic literature on the topic 'Names, Nahuatl'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 8 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Names, Nahuatl"

1

Erlendsdóttir, Erla. "Avókadó og maís. Orð með rætur í frumbyggjamálum spænsku Ameríku." Milli mála 10, no. 1 (2018): 13–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.33112/millimala.10.2.

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Avocado and maize are New World crops that were brought by Spanish conquistadors and explorers from the New World to Europe from the end of the 15th and into the 16th centuries. Soon after, the Europeans themselves started to grow these crops and consume their produce, but retained their indigenous names. The term maize comes from Taíno language that was spoken in the Antilles. Avocado is a term borrowed from nahuatl which was spoken in Mexico. The loanwords discussed in this article passed from the New World to Southern Europe and from the south to the north of the continent. The aim of this paper is to explore these loanwords in Icelandic and other European languages.
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Macuil Martínez, Raúl. "El Códice de San Damián Tlacocalpan, Tlaxcala, México / The Codex of San Damián Tlacocalpan, Tlaxcala, México." Revista Trace, no. 80 (July 30, 2021): 263. http://dx.doi.org/10.22134/trace.80.2021.774.

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En el presente trabajo se analizará el Códice de San Damián Tlacocalpan, que fue confeccionado en el siglo XVI en la provincia de Tlaxcala. Este documento hasta ahora no ha sido estudiado ni analizado, por lo tanto, esto nos dará la oportunidad de plantear un orden de lectura y proponer los nombres de los señores y los topónimos que se encuentran ahí. El códice tiene algunas glosas en náhuatl y otras en español, las cuales identifican algunos nombres tanto de lugares como de los personajes representados. Tal y como se puede observar en una glosa que dice: «no sobrino Pablo de Galicia» (‘mi sobrino Pablo de Galicia’), quien fuera gobernador de Tlaxcala hacia 1561-1562.Abstract: In this work we will analyze the Codex of San Damián Tlacocalpan, a document that was made in the 16th century in the province of Tlaxcala. This document has not been studied or analyzed so far, therefore, this will give us the opportunity to propose a reading order, and propose the names of the homeowners and place names found in the document. The codex has some glosses in Nahuatl as in Spanish, these identify some names of both places and the characters individuals represented. As can be seen in a gloss that says «no sobrino Pablo de Galicia» (‘mi sobrino Pablo de Galicia’), who was governor of Tlaxcala in the years 1561-1562.Keywords: codex; Tlaxcala; Pablo de Galicia; San Damián Tlacocalpan; Tlacamecayotl.Résumé : Dans ce travail, nous analyserons le Codex de San Damián Tlacocalpan, un document qui a été réalisé au XVIe siècle dans la province de Tlaxcala. Ce document n’a pas été étudié ou analysé jusqu’à présent, par conséquent, cela nous donnera l’occasion de proposer un ordre de lecture, et de proposer les noms des personnges et les noms de lieux trouvés dans le document. Le codex a quelques gloses en nahuatl comme en espagnol, celles-ci identifient quelques noms des deux endroits et des caracteres individus représentés. Comme on peut le voir dans un gloss qui dit qu’aucun «no sobrino Pablo de Galicia» (‘mi sobrino Pablo de Galicia’), qui était gouverneur de Tlaxcala dans les années 1561-1562.Mots-clés: Codex ; Tlaxcala ; Pablo de Galicia ; San Damián Tlacocalpan ; Tlacamecayotl.
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3

Otkydach, Oleksii. "Descriptions of the cult of the Aztec god Tezcatlipoca in sources of Spanish origin." European Historical Studies, no. 17 (2020): 68–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2020.17.5.

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The author of the article aims to conduct a comprehensive analysis of sources of Spanish origin, since they constitute the most significant category of documents used by Amerindologists. At the same time, it draws attention to the historiography of the topic. Conditionally, it is divided into two groups: works that highlight the general features of the entire pantheon of Aztecs and those that analyze the cult of Tezcatlipoca itself and its characteristics. The use of the linguistic method in connection with the names of Tezcatlipoca allows us to understand the functions that the Aztecs bestowed on this god and more accurately interpret the mentioned deity. Particular attention is paid to the translation of Nahuatl names and the explanations given by the authors of the sources. Comparing the names of the god and the descriptions of his cult, created after the conquest, allows us to trace how the Europeans could at their own discretion treat Tezcatlipoca as an individual representative of the pantheon and how the autochthonous population of central Mexico saw it. In addition to the analysis of names, the paper reviews the main holidays in honor of Tezcatlipoca, compares the testimony of different sources on this occasion. In this context, the prayers and typical sacrifices of the worship of this god are analyzed. This allows to expand the range of ideas about the essence and functions of Tezcatlipoca, as well as to trace the various local variants of his cult within central Mexico The article also explores the legends that cite sources of Spanish descent about Tezcatlipoca. Because of this, two different traditions of mythological tradition about the mentioned god were distinguished. One is likely to relay events in the history of Tollan in the form of a legend, while the other reflects representations of the creating of the world and the role of Tezcatlipoca in this. Moreover, the first variant of the myth of the mentioned god has differences in different sources of Spanish origin, which allows for a more thorough analysis of these testimonies. Further development of the problematic issue is to attract sources of pre-colonial age, which will help to create a more thorough understanding of this cult.
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4

Conway, Richard. "Spaniards in the Nahua City of Xochimilco: Colonial Society and Cultural Change in Central Mexico, 1650–1725." Americas 71, no. 1 (July 2014): 9–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2014.0077.

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In 1650, a Nahua noble named don Martín Cerón y Alvarado set down his last wishes in a codicil. Eminent but now elderly and frail, don Martin had served many times as governor of the central Mexicanaltepetl(ethnic state) of Xochimilco. Located by the lakes to the south of Mexico City, Xochimilco was a prominent and populous polity, renowned for its bountiful wetland agriculture. Such was its size and economic vitality that Spanish authorities, under King Philip II, decided to award it superior municipal status as a city—one of just four such designations in the basin of Mexico. In keeping with his position as the dynastic ruler of a prestigious alteped, don Martin was a lord of the highest social rank. He could trace his exalted lineage back to Acamapichtli, the Mexica forebear of the Aztec emperor Moteuhcçoma Xocoyotzin. By 1650, though, don Martin was the last of his kind. No person in Xochimilco would again hold his honorific title,tlatoani(dynastic ruler). His codicil and an earlier will and testament, both written in Nahuatl, marked the passing of an era.
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5

Depaulis, Thierry. "Ancient American Board Games, I: From Teotihuacan to the Great Plains." Board Game Studies Journal 12, no. 1 (October 1, 2018): 29–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/bgs-2018-0002.

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Abstract Besides the ubiquitous patolli—a race game played on a cruciform gameboard—the Aztecs had obviously a few other board games. Unfortunately their names have not been recorded. We owe to Diego Durán, writing in the last quarter of the 16th century from local sources, some hints of what appears to be a “war game” and a second, different race game that he calls ‘fortuna’. A close examination of some Precolumbian codices shows a rectangular design with a chequered border, together with beans and gamepieces, which has correctly been interpreted as a board game. Many similar diagrams can be seen carved on stone in temples and public places, from Teotihuacan (c. 4th-7th century AD) to late Toltec times (9th-12th century AD). Of this game too we do not know the name. It has tentatively been called quauhpatolli (“eagle- or wooden-patolli”) by Christian Duverger (1978)—although this seems to have been the classic post-conquest Nahuatl name for the game of chess—or “proto-patolli”, and more concretely “rectángulo de cintas” (rectangle of bands) by William Swezey and Bente Bittman (1983). The lack of any representation of this game in all Postcolumbian codices, as painted by Aztec artists commissioned by Spanish scholars interested in the Aztec culture, is clear indication that the game had disappeared before the Spanish conquest, at least in central Mexico. No Aztec site shows any such gameboard. Fortunately this game had survived until the 20th (and 21st!) century but located in the Tarascan country, now the state of Michoacán. It was discovered, unchanged, in a Tarascan (Purepecha) village by Ralph L. Beals and Pedro Carrasco, who published their find in 1944. At that time Beals and Carrasco had no idea the game was attested in early codices and Teotihuacan to Maya and Toltec archaeological sites. In Purepecha the game is called k’uillichi. There is evidence of an evolution that led to a simplification of the game: less tracks, less gamesmen (in fact only one per player, while k’uillichi has four), and less ‘dice’. From a “complex” race game, the new debased version turned to be a simple single-track race game with no strategy at all. It is possible that this process took place in Michoacán. (A few examples of the simplified game were found in some Tarascan villages.) Also it seems the widespread use of the Nahua language, which the Spanish promoted, led to calling the game, and/or its dice, patol. As it was, patol proved to be very appealing and became very popular in the Mexican West, finally reaching the Noroeste, that is, the present North-West of Mexico and Southwest of the United States. This seems to have been a recent trend, since its progress was observed with much detail by missionaries living in close contact with the Indians along what was called the ‘Camino Real’, the long highway that led from western Mexico to what is now New Mexico in the U.S. The Spanish themselves seem to have helped the game in its diffusion, unaware of its presence. It is clearly with the Spaniards that the patol game, sometimes also called quince (fifteen), reached the American Southwest and settled in the Pueblo and the Zuñi countries. It is there that some newcomers, coming from the North or from the Great Plains, and getting in contact with the Pueblos in the 18th century, found the game and took it over. The Kiowas and Kiowa Apaches are noted for their zohn ahl (or tsoñä) game, while the Arapahos call it ne’bäku’thana. A careful examination of zohn ahl shows that it has kept the basic features of an ancient game that came—in Spanish times—from Mexico and may have been popular in Teotihuacan times. Its spread northward—through the Tarascan country—is, hopefully, well documented.
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6

Szoblik, Katarzyna. "CHALCHIUHNENETZIN—BETWEEN MYTH AND HISTORY: SYMBOLIC ASPECTS OF THE AZTEC NOBLEWOMEN OF THIS NAME." Ancient Mesoamerica 31, no. 2 (May 29, 2019): 335–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095653611800055x.

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AbstractThe aim of this work is to approach the strategies of transmitting knowledge of the past among the Nahua of the early Colonial period. The alphabetical sources of that epoch present a specific mix of contemporary European historiography and pre-Hispanic Nahua cultural memory. This article focuses on the second aspect, namely cultural memory that was a constant dialogue between the historical facts and the mythical structures into which these facts were “accommodated” to become culturally meaningful. The article analyzes narratives of two Aztec princesses called Chalchiuhnenetzin. The women named Chalchiuhnenetzin appear in two different historical contexts but, as shown in the analysis, the morphology of both stories and the role played by both women are quite similar. Thus, they can be regarded as examples of cultural re-elaboration of history by predominantly oral cultures.
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7

Pharo, Lars Kirkhusmo. ""Tonalism": Name, Soul, Destiny and Identity Determined by the 260-Day Calendar in Mesoamerica." Oslo Studies in Language 4, no. 2 (July 21, 2012). http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/osla.318.

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In various Mesoamerican cultures, i.e. civilisations of Middle America, a calendar name is part of the antroponym. Besides having conventional personal names, both human beings and deities carry day-names from the 260-day calendar. In addition, world ages or world periods, periods of the traditional 365-day calendar and the 52-year calendar as well as the cardinal directions of the quadripartite world were categorised by day-names of the 260-day calendar. Thus not only human and divine beings but also space and time received designations from this calendar. Moreover, this onomastic practice of giving personal names from day signs of the 260-day calendar - called "tonalism" (from Nahuatl) - is related to the Mesoamerican concepts of destiny and to what is known in history of religions as the "freesoul". Consequently, this anthropnymic tradition provides identity to human, divine beings and spatial-temporal phenomena.
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8

Haemig, Paul D. "A comparison of contributions from the Aztec cities of Tlatelolco and Tenochtitlan to the bird chapter of the Florentine Codex." Huitzil, Revista Mexicana de Ornitología 19, no. 1 (October 30, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.28947/hrmo.2018.19.1.304.

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The Florentine Codex is a Renaissance-era illuminated manuscript that contains the earliest-known regional work on the birds of México. Its Nahuatl language texts and scholia (the latter later incorporated into its Spanish texts) were written in the 1560s by Bernardino de Sahagún’s research group of elite native Mexican scholars in collaboration with Aztecs from two cities: Tlatelolco and Tenochtitlan. In the present study, I compared the contributions from these two cities and found many differences. While both cities contributed accounts and descriptions of land and water birds, those from Tlatelolco were mainly land birds, while those from Tenochtitlan were mainly water birds. Tlatelolco contributed over twice as many bird accounts as Tenochtitlan, and supplied the only information about medicinal uses of birds. Tenochtitlan peer reviewed the Tlatelolco bird accounts and improved many of them. In addition, Tenochtitlan contributed all information on bird abundance and most information about which birds were eaten and not eaten by humans. Spanish bird names appear more frequently in the Aztec language texts from Tenochtitlan. Content analysis of the Tenochtitlan accounts suggests collaboration with the water folk Atlaca (a prehistoric la­custrine culture) and indigenous contacts with Spanish falconers. The Renaissance-era studies of Sahagún’s research group, on a now lost island in the formerly vast, bird-rich wetlands of the Valley of México, constitute the birth of Mexican ornithology and, coincidently, give the history of Mexican ornithology a distinctive, Aztlán-like beginning, significantly different from the ornithological histories of neighboring countries
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9

Reyes-López, Roberto Carlos, Adriana Montoya, Alejandro Kong, Ezequiel Alberto Cruz-Campuzano, and Javier Caballero-Nieto. "Folk classification of wild mushrooms from San Isidro Buensuceso, Tlaxcala, Central Mexico." Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 16, no. 1 (September 14, 2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.1186/s13002-020-00408-x.

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Abstract Background An ethnomycological study was conducted to describe the fungus concept and the traditional fungus classification system for the Nahuas of San Isidro Buensuceso, in central Mexico. The study which provides information on the co-existence of various forms of classification, based on both cultural and biological characteristics. Methods The research included conducting community interviews and forest forays in the company of mushroom pickers. The triad technique, pile sorting, and fresh mushroom sampling methods were used. Traditional names were analyzed to describe the Nahua classification system for fungi. Results and conclusion The triad technique with non-utilitarian stimuli allowed the fungi to be identified as an independent group of plants and animals. The Nahua people of San Isidro classify fungi primarily based on their use, where they grow, and by humoral characteristics. The analysis of the names revealed a classification based on the criteria proposed by Brent Berlin. This study identified the detailed knowledge of fungi in this Nahua community. The criteria used for the recognition of the species are very reliable, since they use organoleptic, ecological, phenological, and morphological characteristics.
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10

Jüngel, Peter. "An Unique Almanac in the Codex Madrid. A Mistakological Study." Estudios de Cultura Maya 20 (January 23, 2013). http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/iifl.ecm.1999.20.447.

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The study of mistakes in Maya and, with certain evidence as well, in Mixtec and Nahua written sources, has entered a new stage when F. Lounsbury's study "A Palenque King and the Planet Jupiter" (1989: 246-259, esp. 246-248) appeared by opening a new subfield of Mayanist and Mexicanist research, which I've named "mistakology" in private use. Before, mistakes were recognized and just corrected as "writer's errors", since, it is obvious that mistakes --often, if not ever- are intended and meaningful and their ideas have to be analysed. Evidence for this is accumulating, and this especially from the study of Codex Madrid (CM) (Jüngel, 1991 & 1992), where countless mistakes are what has lead Mayanists to underrate the reliability of this document.
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Books on the topic "Names, Nahuatl"

1

Pérez, Raúl Guerrero. Toponimia nahuatl del estado de Puebla. [Puebla, México]: Gobierno del Estado de Puebla, Secretaría de Cultura, 1997.

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2

Núñez, José Corona. Diccionario geográfico tarasco-náhuatl. Morelia, Michoacán, México: Escuela de Historia de la Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolás de Hidalgo, 1993.

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Gordillo, Angélica Galicia. Los lienzos de Acaxochitlán. Pachuca [México]: Consejo Estatal para la Cultura y las Artes de Hidalgo, 1996.

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Tieco, Fabiola Carrillo. San Pablo del Monte Cuauhtotoatla: Una historia a través de los estratos de la toponimia Náhuatl. [Tlaxcala, Mexico]: Gobierno del Estado de Tlaxcala, 2012.

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Charles, Enrique Juárez. Diccionario etimológico de toponimía náhuatl. [Tamaulipas, México: s.n., 2002.

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6

Bolaños, Alejandro Dávila. Glosario de nombres Nahuatl de plantas, pájaros y algunas otras especies: Con descripción de su etimología y comentarios del autor. Managua, Nicaragua: Fondo Editorial CIRA, 1992.

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Bradomín, José María. Toponimia de Oaxaca. 3rd ed. Oaxaca, Oax: [s.n.], 1992.

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Béligand, Nadine. Códice de San Antonio Techialoyan: A 701, manuscrito pictográfico de San Antonio la Isla, Estado de México. México: Instituto Mexiquense de Cultura, 1993.

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Reko, Blas Pablo. On Aztec botanical names. Berlin: Verlag für Wissenschaft und Bildung, 1996.

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Quiroz, Javier Romero. Toponimias del Estado de México. Toluca, Méx: Gobierno del Estado de México, 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "Names, Nahuatl"

1

"Nahuatl Place Names." In Namenforschung / Name Studies / Les noms propres, Part 1, edited by Ernst Eichler, Gerold Hilty, Heinrich Löffler, Hugo Steger, and Ladislav Zgusta. Berlin • New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783110114263.1.8.962.

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