Journal articles on the topic 'Names, Sanskrit'

The intellectual capacity of mankind for classifying natural objects and even abstract concepts is widely recognized. The rich diversity of the environment is described in sufficient details by the nomenclatural and classification systems even within ancient culture. Sanskrit is thought to be a mother of many other languages and a pristine treasure trove. Presently, it is not a language of any nation and hence remained morbid. Sanskrit literature is replete with references to plants and their utilities in ancient past. This rich Indian heritage still waits revealing its glory and secrets. The present author examined some common names of plants in Sanskrit semantically and taxonomically. The bases of coining names, roots of binomial nomenclature and scientific aspects of plant science in Sanskrit are unearthed and compared with modern phytotaxonomic systems. The merits and limits of developments are comparatively discussed highlighting elements of plant science. Studies on this line will also help earmark economic potential and ethnobotanical significance known to ancient Indians. Common plant names in Sanskrit are thus rich store-house of wisdom, knowledge, experiences and past observations of an ambient natural world.

Amarsimhas Amarkosa (Namalinganusasanam) is an ancient Sanskrit thesaurus. It has bearing on teaching of Sanskrit but also includes information on nearly all facets of human life inclusive of Indian biodiversity. It is composed of Sanskrit verses which are replete with references to Sanskrit common plant names. The present author assessed these names and equated with Latin plant names and their respective families. This attempt deals only with the exotic plant species to decipher pant invasion in the erstwhile by consulting relevant taxonomic literature. A total of 64 species belong to 58 genera and 37 Angiospermic families. The data accrued is discussed in the light of plant invasion and implications in the then and present India.

This paper examines the Arabic origins of some common place names in English, German, French, Latin, Greek, Russian, and Sanskrit from a consonantal radical or lexical root theory perspective. The data consists of the names of around 60 key cities like Birmingham, Brighton, Cambridge, Chester, Derby, Essex, Exeter, Glasgow, London, Manchester, Oxford, Queensville, York, etc. The results clearly show that all such names have true Arabic cognates, with the same or similar forms and meanings whose different forms, however, are all found to be due to natural and plausible causes and different courses of linguistic change. Furthermore, they show that place names play an important role in both near and distant genetic relationships. As a consequence, the results indicate, contrary to Comparative Method and Family-Tree Model claims (e.g. Campbell 2013; Harper 2012-18),� that Arabic, English, and all Indo-European languages� belong to the same language, let alone the same family. Therefore, they prove the adequacy of the consonantal radical theory in relating English, German, French, Latin, and Greek to Arabic as their origin all because, unlike any other language in the group, it shares cognates with all of them in addition to its huge linguistic repertoire phonetically, phonologically, morphologically, syntactically, and semantically.Keywords: Place names, Arabic, English, German, French, Russian, Latin, Greek, Sanskrit, historical linguistics, consonantal radical/lexical root theory

The only notable works on poetics and prosody that survive in Pali are the Subodhālankāra (comprising, in effect, Kārikā and Vrtti) and Vuttodaya. They have been ascribed to the twelfth-century Sinhalese monk Sangharakkhita and described, almost from the outset, as ‘dependent upon Sanskrit models’ and ‘based entirely upon Sanskrit prosody’ respectively. Indeed the Vrtti names a ‘Dandi’ as its basic source. The Pali Text Society's 2000 edition of the Subodhālankāra, complete with two versions of the Vrtti, compiled by P. S. Jaini, has registered many, but by no means all of the parallel passages in Dandin's Kāvyādarśa, the seminal manual of Sanskrit poetic theory. The present article seeks to show that the Pali texts depend rather on earlier Middle Indian traditions of rhetoric and poetics, coupled with theories adumbrated in Nātyaśāstra. It is reasonably certain that the basic Pali material, especially as presented in the version with ‘Abhinavatīkā’, has been drawn upon by the author of the Sanskrit Kāvyādarśa; and there is evidence that the ‘Porānatīkā’ has been superficially influenced by the Sanskrit text. The material goes far to explain classical Sanskrit notions of Alamkāra, Rasa and Dhvani. The Pali prosody Vuttodaya seems to have been equally baselessly maligned, and should take its place along with surviving vestiges of Prakrit prosody as the fundamental link between Vedic and classical theory.

अस्मिन्नालेखे संस्कृतभाषा विश्वस्यैवादिमा भाषा वर्तते अथवा अस्या अपि संस्कृतभाषायाजननीरूपेण निर्दिश्यमाना अन्या भाषा वर्तत इति विश्लेषणपुरःसरमस्या गीर्वाणवाण्या उत्पत्तिविषयसम्बद्धाचर्चा कृताऽस्ति । तदनु संस्कृतजगति व्याकरणस्य परम्परा कया रीत्याऽवतरति । आद्यावधिको व्याकरणस्य विकासक्रमः कीदृशो निर्दिश्यत इति विषयमादाय व्याकरणग्रन्थानां वैयाकरणानाञ्चाधिक्ये विद्यमानेऽपिपाणिनीयस्यैव व्याकरणस्याऽध्ययनाऽध्यापने को हेतुरिति वक्ष्यते । तदनु पाणिनीयस्य व्याकरणस्योत्पत्तिविषयः सर्वथा मौलिकः स्वतः स्फूर्तो वा, उत व्याकरणात् पाणिनीयादग्रेऽप्यासन् वैयाकरणास्तेषां ग्रन्थाश्चेतिविविच्ययदि ग्रन्था आसन् तर्हि तेषां प्राग्वर्तिव्याकरणग्रन्थानां वैयाकरणानाञ्च प्रभावः पाणिनीये व्याकरणे कयारीत्या समुदेतीति ज्ञाप्यते । ज्ञापनसन्दर्भेस्मिन् पाणिनीये व्याकरणे ससूत्रं निर्दिश्यमानाः सर्वेप्याचार्या वैयाकरणा एवासन्नुत कतिपयानामाचार्याणामभिमतान्येवोपात्तानि पाणिनिनेति विषयोऽयमुद्घाटितो विद्यते । तदनु केन कारणेन पाणिनीयस्यैव व्याकरणस्य महदवदानं सिध्यतीति विषयमादाय पाणिनीयस्यग्रन्थस्य तस्य नाम किमस्ति । नाम्नः सार्थकता वर्तते अथवा नेति विविच्यते । यदि पाणिनीयो ग्रन्थ एव पूर्णतामावहति तर्हि व्याख्यानरूपेणावतीर्णानां पाणिनिग्रन्थमुपजीव्योपनिबद्धानां ग्रन्थान्ताराणामावश्यकतासिध्यति अथवा न सिध्यति, यदि सिध्यति तर्हि कथं सिध्यतीत्युपस्थाप्य नातिविशदचर्चया व्याख्याग्रन्थकृतां नाम्नामुपस्थापनेन व्याकरणस्य पाणिनीयस्य त्रिमुनिव्याकरणमिति कथने सार्थकता प्रकटिता वर्तते । [This article analyzes the origins of Sanskrit language in a quest to determine if Sanskrit is indeed the mother of all languages of the world. A detailed discussion on the development of Sanskrit Vyākaraṇaover the years has also been presented. There have been numerous versions of Sanskrit Vyākaraṇaformulated by different revered scholars and grammarians prior to Pāṇini. However, only PāṇiniyaVyākaraṇais considered complete in itself and has widely been adopted for teaching and learning. This article distinguishes the reasons that make PāṇiniyaVyākaraṇa stand out from the rest. This article takes a detailed account on the origins of PāṇiniyaVyākaraṇa by analyzing how the learned scholars and grammarians prior to Pāṇini have influenced his work. The names of ācāryasthat have been invoked in Sūtrasdefined by Pāṇini have been examined to identify if these learned scholars were grammarians on their own right or if the names were invoked out of respect because Pāṇini happened to agree with their reasonings. Furthermore, the significance of explanatory works that have been done on Pāṇini’sVyākaraṇa has also been critically analyzed.]

Ancient Sanskrit Puranas are literary heritage of India. They are studied from different perspectives but appeared largely neglected from the viewpoint of plant invasion in Indian territory. The present attempt dealt with the alien plant species as encoded in Sanskrit plant names in various verses of Kurma Purana. As many as 24 alien plant species belong to 23 genera of 16 families of angiosperms. They are analysed carefully floristically, habital categories and status regarding cultivation or naturalization. They are also studied for their nativity consulting relevant taxonomic literature. The data indirectly also indicated about utilities and awareness about classification of plants based on habits. Such investigations are warranted for better understanding of the development of natural wealth in past.

Scholars conversant with the history of the Yogācāra/Vijñnavāda school are familiar with the names of Vasubandhu and his renowned commentator, Sthiramati; the Buddhist logicians Dignāga and Dharmakīrti, who are also associated with that school, are equally well known for their scholastic achievements. A later commentator important in both schools is Vinītadeva (c. 645–715), who has received a great deal of attention in recent years. No less than a dozen of his commentaries, most of them called ṭīkās, are preserved in Tibetan translation. Sylvain Levi's publication in 1925 of Sthiramati's Triṃśikāvijñaptibhāṣya first aroused scholarly interest in Vinītadeva's commentaries. The eminent buddhologist, Theodore Stcherbatsky, was probably the first scholar to study Vinītadeva's work in depth; Stcherbatsky utilized the Tibetan translation of Vinītadeva's Nyāyabinduṭīkā; in his pioneering translation of the Nyāyabindu which appeared in 1930 in his massive two-volume publication, Buddhist logic. The first complete translation of the Tibetan rendering of two of Vinītadeva's ṭīkās, namely, the Viṃśatikā-ṭikā and the Triṃśikā-ṭīkā. was undertaken by Yamaguchi Susumu and Nozawa Josho, respectively; this appeared in Japanese in 1953. More recently, in 1971, M. Gangopadhyaya published a Sanskrit reconstruction with English translation of Vinītadeva's Nyāyabindu-Ṡīkā. A still more recent work appears in the 1975 Ph.D. thesis of Dr. Leslie Kawamura of the University of Saskatchewan.

The purpose of this study is to present a thematic and etymological glossary of aquatic and bird genera names which have been mentioned in Iranian Bundahišn. In this research, after arranging animal names in Persian alphabetic order in their respective genus, first the transliteration and transcription of animal names in middle Persian language are provided. Afterwards, the part of Bundahišn that contains the actual animal names and the relevant translations are mentioned. The etymology of every animal name is described by considering the morphemic source. Finally, mention is made of the mythology connected to the animal and the animal category in Iranian Bundahišn (if available), and the way in which the words have changed from Old Persian up to now. Changes in the name of every animal from the ancient languages such as Indo-European, Sanskrit, Old Persian and Avestan to middle languages such as Pahlavi, Sogdian, Khotanese, and Chorasmian and how the name appears in new Iranian languages and dialects such as Behdini (Gabri), Kurdi, Baluchi and Yaghnobi are also referred to.

Proper names in general use as the individual differentiator within the community as well as the identity. Parent in giving name on their newly born baby is often based on some motivation. Proper names can be analyzed linguistically because it contains elements of the sign that serves referential as well as vocative. The proper names is a part of the human being itself, so that in every interaction within society, someone always conscious of his own identity for his own interests, the other person and society as his place of life and interaction. Diachronically the development of language, including the use of the name itself can be traced back its presence through written inscriptions in the form of inscriptions. The writing of the proper name in Poh inscription is explicitly only as a list of attendees (witnesses) who attended the inauguration ceremony. Starting from this point can be found the use of the name of the old Javanese period. This study aims to understand the construction and meaning in the proper name found in the Poh Inscription using an identity perspective. The method used in this study is descriptive qualitative which begins with observing and analyzing proper names using Sanskrit language elements.

Arunthathiyar (Arunthathiyar) or the Cobbler (Chakkiliyar) called the Indian states of Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana regions, which lives in the list, caste -based, are an ethnic group. These are called Dalits. In Tamil Nadu, Arundhatiyar, Sakkiliyar, Madari, Adi Andhra, Pakadai, Madhika and Thottin are also known by some other names. Out of the 18% reservation given to the downtrodden people in Tamil Nadu, the law giving 3% reservation to Arundhati was passed in the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly in February 2009. Sakkilyar is a Sanskrit word derived from Sakkuli which is also known as Sakkili. The Sanskrit word satkuzhi means "one who eats dead beef "or" one who eats too much meat". Often known as leather workers, whose main occupation was well-irrigated agriculture, making leather for battlefields, and sewing shoes, these people lost their traditional leather business and were relegated to the status quo. At one point in history, a group of people in all parts of India were forced into the industry through religious restrictions. Realizing this situation and with the experience of his life, author Poomani can be said to have transcended all forms of casteism, superstition, untouchability, and cults, and to have created the deepest and most compelling friendship between the dominant castes and the Sakkilians in his works and to evoke social awareness.

Bhil tribes have a long history of their existence. Bhil love arrow and bow and it is believed that their name emerged from Dravid language word "billu" means bow and arrow. Their reference is in old literature Ramayana (in context of Shabri) and Mahabharata in context of Eklavya. In Sanskrit literature Bhil tribe occurs in Katha Sarit Sagar (600 A.D.). The traditional abodes of the tribes are hills and forests, and their popular names, meaning either the people of forest and hill or original inhabitants, are: Vanyajati (castes of the forests), vanvasi (inhabitants of forests), pahari (hill dwellers), adimjati (original communities), adivasi (first settlers), janjati (folk people), anusuchit janjati (schedules tribe). Amongst all these terms adivasi is known most extensively. Generally, the uppermost section of the enclosure, above a wavy line with geometric motifs.

Turmeric is associated and is a part of Indian's culture: it is an important ingredient in curry dishes; it is also used in many religious observances, as a cosmetic, a dye, and it enters in the composition of many traditional remedies. This paper deals with its botany, its earliest reference in 'Atharva Veda', its uses in folk medicine, folk cosmetics, as a folk condiment, folk dye, its folk-chemistry, used in folk culture, and etymology and philology of 36 Sanskrit names, its important chemical constituents and its pharmacodynamics, its biopiracy and finally, the conclusion and discussions with a suggestion that when drug or its therapeutic compounds have been pharmacologically and therapeutically tested then why it is not being used in the modern medicine as a post-operative drug.

a professor in Indian Studies, in February 2019 the author was a special guest to the Mahatma Gandhi Institute in Moka, Mauritius. During her visit she delivered a public lecture entitled “Tracing India in an Old Bulgarian Alphabet”. This text is practically based on it. The name of the first Bulgarian alphabet – Glagolitsa of Saint Cyril – may formally be translated as “speaking script”, or “speaking letters”. As far as each and every letter in it carries a separate name and therefore meaning, given the order of alphabets, the approach to it as to an alphabetical blessing and Benedictio to Bulgarians, initially articulated by Saint Cyril, was easily prompted. The names of five of the Glagolitsa letters – buki, vedi, esti, jivete, shta – as a real shortcut take us back to Ancient India and its classical language Sanskrit. The “speaking” character of this alphabet and the order of alphabets were as a matter of fact the main features of Glagolitsa that Saint Kliment kept and transferred to his new graphics, which he named after his late teacher – Kirilitsa. The author gives her own “translation” of Saint Kliment’s Alphabetical Blessing in Modern Bulgarian and makes a semantic and spiritual bridge between Kirilitsa, or the Cyrillic alphabet and the Holy Bible, or the New Testament.

Subjects were presented with videotaped expressions of 10 classic Hindu emotions. The 10 emotions were (in rough translation from Sanskrit) anger, disgust, fear, heroism, humor-amusement, love, peace, sadness, shame-embarrassment, and wonder. These emotions (except for shame) and their portrayal were described about 2,000 years ago in the Natyasastra, and are enacted in the contemporary Hindu classical dance. The expressions are dynamic and include both the face and the body, especially the hands. Three different expressive versions of each emotion were presented, along with 15 neutral expressions. American and Indian college students responded to each of these 45 expressions using either a fixed-response format (10 emotion names and “neutral/no emotion”) or a totally free response format. Participants from both countries were quite accurate in identifying emotions correctly using both fixed-choice (65% correct, expected value of 9%) and free-response (61% correct, expected value close to zero) methods.

Areca catechu belongs to the family Palmae and is commonly known by different names such as chikni supari, areca nut and betel nut. The fruit of this plant is called the areca nut, which carries significant medicinal properties. This plant is also mentioned in various ancient Sanskrit scriptures. The plant is mainly used for chewing and religious purposes of the Hindus of India. India is the largest consumer and producer of areca nut globally, which produces about 52% of the world production. Medicinally, the plant is used to treat leucoderma, diarrhea, anaemia, obesity, leprosy etc. In Ayurveda, the plant is astringent, diuretic, digestion-promoting, stimulant, wound healing and laxative agent. The plant is associated with various therapeutic and pharmacological potentials, including wound healing, antidepressant, antihelmintic, antihypertensive, antioxidant, antiallergic, antifungal and antimicrobial properties. However, this plant is considered as carcinogenic as it can cause mouth cancer. In this review article, attempts have been made to summarize the phytochemistry, folk uses and ayurvedic uses along with its pharmacological activities

Abstract The article discusses a complex of questions associated with the king Ḫartapus and early culture of the Phrygians. §§ 1-3 revise the evidence of the newly discovered HLuw. inscription TÜRKMEN-KARAHÖYÜK, arguing that the correct reading of king’s name in the first line is AQUILA+ra/i-tá-pu-sa = Ḫartapus, and (once again) that the king is not a conqueror, but a native king of Masa or Muška, who reigned in the late 2nd millennium BC. In §§ 4-5 it is suggested that HLuw. Ḫartapus conceals an early Phrygian name preserved in the toponym *Γαρδιβιον (*Γαρδυβιον) attested in the inscriptions of the Xenoi Tekmoreioi. §§ 6-11 argue that the name *Gardabos is connected with Sanskrit gardabhá- ‘donkey’, that it corresponds semantically to the west-Anatolian names Tarkasnawas and Tarkašnalliš, and that donkey ears of King Midas are a late ‘refraction’ of this fact. § 12 discusses the morphological structure of *Gardabos, revising the PIE suffix *-bho- and suggesting new cognates for Skr. gard- ‘shout’ (Armenian kard- and Baltic gerd-). §§ 13-14 discuss a probable steppe background of the ‘donkey-names’. In § 15 it is suggested that Phrygian name Gordis is based on the same root as *Gardabos, and some relevant Phrygian epigraphical evidence is presented. § 16 discusses a further probable Anatolian ‘donkey-name’, Mugallu and its likely cognate μύκαλος. §§ 17-18 touch upon the etymology of the ethnic names Masa and Muška, connecting them with the word for ‘mule’ preserved in the modern Balkan languages (Alb. mushk(ë) etc.), and, more speculatively, with the old Balkan word for ‘horse’ (*me(n)za-). § 19 argues that the ethnic name Φρύγες may have a similar original meaning, going back to another Balkan term for ‘donkey’, βρικός.

The most popular book in northern India is a Hindi retelling of the ancient tale of Prince Rām and his wife, Sītāa, composed in about A.D. 1574 by the poet-saint Tulsīdās of Banaras. Throughout a vast region with a population of more than three hundred million people, this epic of some fourteen-thousand lines has come to be regarded not only as a great masterpiece of literature but also as a religious work of the highest inspiration—a status recognized by nineteenth-century British scholars who labeled it "the Bible of North India." To its audience it is known by several names: simply the Rāmāyaṇ(borrowing the title of the Sanskrit archetype that, for Hindi speakers, it has largely supplanted); the Tulsī Rāmāyaṇ(invoking its author); and also the Mānas(The lake), which is a condensation of its true title, Rāmcaritmānas(The lake of the acts of Rām). Encountering the last name for the first time, a reader from another culture might be puzzled by its central metaphor: why should the image of a lake be so closely associated with this celebrated saga of virtue, heroism, and devotion?

There are many primary sources that allow us to reconstruct Old Uighur medicine. This article considers those that demonstrate the following influences: folk medicine, Syriac medicine, Indian and Chinese medicine. The article includes general remarks on the Uighur translations of the Siddhasāra and its role in the history of Uighur medicine: the bilingual version, a list of the preserved parts of the monolingual Uighur version, medicinal plant names, and comments on general translation methods. The Uighur translation deviates considerably from the Sanskrit, but it exploits the medical knowledge it contains in interesting ways. A translation of such a medical compendium like the Siddhasāra was, nor is, an easy task. That we observe equivalents, substitutes and Turkic equivalents in the Uighur version is no wonder. Each of these has to be evaluated carefully. Much scholarly work has already been carried out by H. W. Bailey, R. Emmerick and D. Maue. In particular I would like to mention the contriburion of the first editor Reşid Rahmeti (Arat) [Rachmati] who read the texts first and translated them without knowledge of their real source. At that time he had already surmised that the model for the translation must have been a substantial work.

The newars are the indigenous inhabitants of the Kathmandu Valley, a bowl-shaped plateau about fifteen miles across at a height of approximately 4,000 fest in the Himalayan foothills. It is a plateau in that the major rivers in the immediate area (the Trisuli and the Sunkosi) pass it by at a much lower level. The Valley is surrounded by a rampart of hills rising to 7 or 8,000 feet; according to local belief and myth, and according to geology, the Valley was once a lake. Its soil is exceptionally fertile by Himalayan, or indeed any, standards. Thanks to this, and to the Valley's strategic position astride trade routes to Tibet, it has a long and distinguished history. Written records (inscriptions) begin in the fifth century A.D. and give evidence of a high and literate civilization derived from the Indian plain. The inscriptions are written in a chaste and pure Sanskrit not met with in later periods, but the place-names reveal that the bulk of the population spoke an ancient form of the presentday Newars' language, Newari (Malla 1981 (1). Whereas most of the rest of Nepal remained thinly inhabited and rustic till the modern period, the Kathmandu Valley was able to support a division of labour and a sophisticated urban civilization impossible elsewhere in the Himalayan foothills between Kashmir and Assam.

The paper deals with the names of some items of material culture presented in the decree on attributes of an escort of the Manchurian governor Hung Taiji for the festive ceremony held in honor of granting him the title ‘Gracious Peaceful Bogdo-Khan’ in 1636. The decree is presented in the written monument “Truthful record about Mongols of the Qing Empire” published in Classic Mongolian in 2013 in Huhe-Hoto (People's Republic of China). It is revealed that naming of a number of objects under study was based on visual perception of their form and acoustical associations their action produced. So, names of such pieces of material culture as sarqalǰi ‘staff mace’, ǰida ‘spear’, etc. are connected with the image ‘something peaked’, baγbur ‘bowl’ with the image ‘something stocky’, longqu ‘bottle’ with the image ‘something big-bellied’, qubing ‘jug’ with the image ‘something narrow (about a neck)’, manǰilγa ‘fringe’ with the image ‘something long, trailing’. Etymologies of the words saγadaγ ‘quiver’ from a preverb *saγa [tata-] ‘to snatch out’, manǰilγa ‘fringe’, etc. are presented for the first time. The naming of tuγ ‘banner’ occurred on the basis of acoustical perception of its fluttering. The list contains loanwords from Chinese and Sanskrit. The analysis of the Chinese variants of lexemes showed that in certain cases their meaning is more precise, than that of Mongolian words. Consideration of compound words revealed a similar mechanism of naming process for some other pieces of material culture in Mongolian and Chinese of the 17th century. In the Chinese variant of the monument the word 撒带sā dài is a transliteration of the Mongolian word saγadaγ ‘quiver’. It demonstrates the importance of the Mongolian culture in the life of the Manchurian emperors’ Court. Mongolian, in turn, borrows some elements from Chinese which are used as an explanation to the main component of a compound word. So, the consideration of the etymology of the words designating elements of material culture showed some specificity of Mongolian in the way it reflects both real and mental worlds.

Medicinal plants are rich in several potential drugs and it carries healthier and harmless alternate to synthetic system of drugs. Plant Cynodon dactylon (L.) (doob/ bermuda grass) family (Graminae/Poaceae) is one of them. It is a perennial grass circulated all over the world, and particularly it is native to the high temperate and tropical regions. In various states of India doob grass is known by different names like Durva (Marathi), Arukampillu (Tamil), Durba (Bengali), Dhro (Gujarati), Shataparva (Sanskrit), Garichgaddi (Telugu) etc. It is the second most holy plant of Hindu religious after Tulsi (Oscimum sanctum). It has various medicinal values and it is used in the treatment of various types of diseases in the form of various dosage forms like powder, paste or extracts. The plant of C. dactylon has a variety of biological activities like antiviral, antibacterial, antimicrobial and specially wound healing properties. Furthermore, it has been broadly used in ancient medicines to treat various problems such as hypertension, epilepsy, cough, diarrhoea, headache, cramps, dropsy, dysentery, hemorrhage, hysteria, measles, snakebite, sores, stones urogenital disorders, tumors, and warts (outer growth on the skin). The herb contains crude proteins, carbohydrates, and mineral constituents, oxides of magnesium, phosphorous, calcium, sodium and potassium. The herb has β-sitosterol and β-carotoene, triterpinoids, vitamin C, cartone, palmitic acid, alkaloids, ergonovine and ergonovinine. The aim of this review is to produce an interest for further investigations of the phytochemical and pharmacological properties of this herb.

The life of a Mongol named Mahimāsāhi underwent a series of transformations in Persian and Sanskrit texts. Mahimāsāhi was born a Mongol, became a New Muslim, and died a Kshatriya Rajput warrior in 1301. With time, he moved from history into historical memory. This historical memory was further transformed by literary conventions in Sanskrit and Persian texts. While Mahimāsāhi represents a Mongol threat in Persian texts, he embodies the warrior’s duty in the Sanskrit Hammīra-Mahākāvya and serves as an example for others on how to become Rajput.

Amlapura is a Sanskrit name for the city of Karangasem and the result of the ethnobiological research conducted in this study indicates that it refers to a species of plant named Phyllanthus emblica (Phyllantaceae). In Indonesian, particularly Javanese the name is known as ‘malaka’, ‘mlaka’, ‘kemloko’, or ‘mloko’. This present ethnobiological study also raises a possibility that the name ‘mlaka’ is an indigenous Austronesian word instead and entered Sanskrit through Dravidian languages.

AbstractThis note examines a Sanskrit letter from Bengal dating to approximately 1535 ce. The letter was assumed to be lost. Addressed to a scholar in the discipline of nyāyaśāstra, the letter is the only available example of a personal letter between Sanskrit scholars from Bengal in the premodern period. First located in 1907 and then subsequently assumed lost, the letter has never been the subject of sustained analysis. This has resulted in a number of disagreements among modern scholars about the identities of the individuals named in the letter. This note provides a translation of the letter and presents arguments for identifying the individuals named in the letter. It then concludes by briefly reflecting upon the importance of the letter and its use in scholarly communication.

Introduction: People have been using herbs for health care since Vedic times. Due to resurgence of ayurveda, utilization and consumption of herbal medicines is tremendously increasing leading to a significant percentage of the pharmaceutical market. The huge commercial benefits of herbal products are capturing the interest of pharmaceutical companies worldwide. Hence the safety and quality of medicinal plant materials and finished herbal medicinal products have become a major concern for health authorities, pharmaceutical industries as well as to the public. Presently, plenty of clinical trials are being conducted on herbal medicines; however, absence of harmonized classification has led to various confusions. The most important concern is the disputed identity of ayurvedic formulations sold under different brand names in different regions of the country and world. Recently, allopathic medicines have been classified by WHO on the basis of ATC/DDD (Anatomical- Therapeutic-Chemical/Daily Defined Dose) pattern of classification. The absence of such type of classification for ayurvedic products creates a situation of non recognition of these products in the international market. Hence there is a need to develop a classification system that is on the lines of ATC/DDD so that particular herb may qualify a product to be recognised under one name all over the world. Materials and Methods: Keeping in view the above scenario, a classification system is being proposed for ayurvedic products. The ayurvedic formulations and their site of action have been searched from various Ayurvedic texts. Internet sources such as Pubmed, Google Scholar, JSTOR etc. Results: The major reason for adopting similar classification for herbal medicines is that ayurvedic texts given by various scholars are published in Sanskrit or in the local/regional languages which make it difficult for the researchers to access, understand and interpret the knowledge shared. Conclusion: It is utmost important to generate such classification for herbal medicines as it will generate a classification data which can further be exploited for safety, efficacy as well as quality control purposes. Moreover, innovative classification will be helpful to provide standardized as well as a uniform way to classify the various herbal drugs and to generate new avenues for further ayurvedic research with more degree of precision. The classification will enable a product to be known under one banner/name at international level. Since the market is flooded with formulations related with neural disorders, hence herbal products used in neural disorders have been taken in the first phase.

The string of territories called Campā, lying in what is today Vietnam, has yielded about two hundred and fifty inscriptions spanning over ten centuries, from ca. 400 well into the fifteenth century ce. These inscriptions have not yet drawn much attention from the point of view of the shared religious history of South and Southeast Asia. In the present contribution, we focus on a group of seven short Sanskrit inscriptions issued by a king named Prakāśadharman-Vikrāntavarman who ruled in the seventh century. A careful reading of these texts, in parallel with related Sanskrit texts from South Asia, reveals something of the intellectual and religious cosmopolis of which the poets behind these inscriptions were a part, suggesting for instance that tantric Śaiva scriptures had reached Campā by the late seventh century.

सूर्यवंशीयराज्ञो निमेः शरीरमन्थनाज्जातेन मिथिनाम्ना राज्ञा प्रवर्तितत्वात् तदीया राजधानी मिथिलेति प्रसिद्धिमुपगता । मिथिलायाः सीमासङ्कोचविस्तारयोर्जातेऽपि प्रवृmताध्ययने नेपालस्य साम्प्रतिकः द्विसङ्ख्यकः प्रदेशः मिथिलाक्षेत्रत्वेन गृहीतः । मिथिलाराज्यस्य सीमायाः परिवर्तने दृष्टेऽपि मिथिलासंस्वृते राजधानी जनकपुरं वर्तते । मिथिलायां वैदिककाले विश्वामित्रप्रभृतयो ऋषयो दृश्यन्ते । तेषु महर्षिर्याज्ञवल्क्यः सर्वाधिक्येन प्रदीप्तं मिथिलायाः प्रोज्ज्वलं रत्नं वर्तते । अर्वाचीनेषु कविषु वंशमणिशर्मा हरिकेलिमहाकाव्यमाध्यमेन सर्वोत्वृष्टं स्थानं लभते । मिथिलायां स्फुटरूपेण संस्वृmतकवितारचनायाः परम्परा सम्प्रत्यपि जीविता वर्तते । [This research confirms that the naming of the Mithila region was initiated by a king named Mithi, who was born by churning the body of Suryavanshi king Nimi. Although the border of Mithila has been constricting and widening over time, in this study, the current state number two of Nepal has been taken as Mithila region. Janakpur remained the capital of Mithilaculture even when the borders of Mithila state changed. Vishwamitra and other sages have been seen in Mithila during the Vedic period. Among them, MaharshiYajnavalkya is the brightest gem. In the modern age, it has been confirmed that Vanshamani Sharma has reached the best place through the epic Harikeli. This research has confirmed that the tradition of composing Sanskrit poetry in Mithila is still alive today.]

The origin for the divine forms of Lord Dakshinamoorthy also named as south facing deity and Lord Natarajar, which are commonly seen in siva temples are described in Sangam literature. It reveals the importance and antiquity of siva moorthy forms two thousand years ago. The two forms that are incorrectly featured in today's Saiva temples are the Natarajar Alamarselvan and Adalvallan, who sit under a stone tree and teach wisdom. Both forms embody glorious theology. Are of special interest in the Sanskrit literature of over two thousand years ago. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to explain the Alamarselvan and Adalvallan portraits and their philosophy, as pointed out in the Sangam literature.

It takes a determined sceptic to doubt the attribution of the Svapnavoāsavadatta (SV) to Bhāsa, a playwright Kālidāsa himself named as so favoured in his time that the younger generation of nāṭyakāras had a difficult time getting a hearing. After sifting through the evidence, the most likely conclusion is that the play we have of that name (or a variant), first discovered for Indology by T. Ganapati Sastri in 1909, is a somewhat shorter version of the play known to Śāradātanaya, Rāmacandra and Guṇacandra, Sāgaranandin, Abhinavagupta, Bhoja, and others. And one can scarcely admit the genuineness of SV without accepting the Pratijñayaugandharāyaṇa (PY): the two are perfectly complementary in plot, theme, treatment, and style. But even if we could not locate these two plays among the earliest extant of the whole Sanskrit corpus, we would be justified on aesthetic and thematic grounds in including them in any study of the key works of Sanskrit poetry. The plays are simple, yet charming and sophisticated, and more genuinely dramatic – giving us a more complicated sense of conflicting human interests (especially SV) – than any play except the Mudrārākṣasa (MR) of Viśākhadatta, who, however, completely lacks Bhāsa's lightness of touch. The two plays provide a thematic bridge between Kālidāsa and Viśākhadatta, combining the latter's resolute focus on sentiment-negating political demands (artha, utsāha) with the former's luxuriating treatment of the inner world of erotic emotion (kāma, śrṅgāra).

AbstractThis article identifies three Khotanese fragments in the British Library – IOL Khot 25/4, IOL Khot 147/5 (H. 147 NS 106) and Khot missing frags. 3 – as Agrapradīpadhāraṇī, Mahāvaipulya-buddha-Avataṃsaka-sūtra-acintya-visaya-pradesa and Hastikakṣyā, since their parallels have been found in the Chinese canon. The first identification adds one more dhāraṇī text to the current Khotanese Buddhist corpus. The second identification provides a better understanding of the Buddhist connection between Khotan and Central China. The Chinese version was translated by a Khotanese monk named Devendraprajña. The second identification indicates that the text Hastikakṣyā has a Khotanese translation, in addition to a Sanskrit version and two Chinese translations. In sum, this article sheds new light on Buddhist literature in Khotanese and its connection with Buddhist literature in Chinese.

Camaraderie is what I remember most about my anatomy course in medical school. There were six of us to the cadaver; six strangers who, during the course of endless hours of dissection and study, formed unique bonds. As time went on, we developed closer friendships with others, but none of these included that special sense of having been together at the beginning. We named our cadaver Ernest so we could kid about telling our parents that we were working in dead earnest. I can still visualize the man's sharp, rough face, gray and emaciated. I see his ravaged black lungs. As I write this review, the trenchant odor of formaldehyde reaches out from 36 years in the past and makes my eyes water. Nowadays, I could no more list the skull's foramina than I could speak Sanskrit, but I haven't forgotten most of the lessons that Ernest taught me.

This paper summarized the basic results of the philosophical discussion that was held in the Institute of Philosophy of Russian Academy of Sciences on April 25, 2019. The authors had been the main opponents of Andrey Krushinskiy approach, according to which there are processes of monopolization of discourse domain by the European conceptual apparatus of philosophy in the contemporary Chinese philosophy. In other words, in opinion of Andrey Krushinskiy, this “conceptual Eurocentrism” is the future of every possible attempt of philosophizing in any national philosophical tradition, and there is no possibility to philosophize outside this European philosophical terminology. This approach is to be balanced by two critical arguments, which can be conventionally named as “civilization bound argumentation” (Andrew Paribok) and argumentationad professionem(Ruzana Pskhu). The first one states that all things which can confirm Krushinskiy approach have extrinsic value, not philosophical or conceptual. And the second one states that the double professionalism, which could include both European approach and the absolute competency in non-European tradition, compared with the level of its representative, is beyond the possibilities of any human mind (exceptional geniuses are excluded). Demonstration of this assertion is accomplished on the base of investigation of Sanskrit by European scholars.

В статье представлен научный отчет о IV Международных Гуриевских чтениях – одной из флагманских конференций Северо-Осетинского института гуманитарных и социальных исследований им. В.И. Абаева (г. Владикавказ), посвященной памяти известного ученого-языковеда, доктора филологических наук, профессора, заслуженного деятеля науки Российской Федерации Тамерлана Александровича Гуриева (1929 – 2016). Трудно определить сферу научных изысканий Т.А. Гуриева: он внес весомый вклад в целый ряд направлений современного кавказоведения. Его исследования носили системный характер, что особенно актуализирует его творческое наследие, к которому все чаще обращаются в своих работах историки, этнологи, антропологи, филологи и лингвисты, фольклористы, литературоведы, культурологи, чья деятельность связана с изучением народов Кавказа. В своих трудах он осуществляет сравнительные исследования, обращает внимание на межъязыковые связи, работает над систематизацией грамматики осетинского языка. Ученый является автором базовых изысканий по кавказской и иранской ономастике, лексикографии и лексикологии, этимологии. Являясь знатоком иранских, славянских языков, санскрита, а также английского, французского языков, он трудился над составлением словарей. Неоценим его вклад в современное нартоведение: к его трудам обращаются специалисты в данной области во всем мире. Он был постоянным автором и редактором нескольких сборников научных трудов («Осетинская филология», «Проблемы осетинского языкознания», «Культура осетинской речи и стилистика»). «Гуриевские чтения» проходят в этом году уже в четвертый раз, и с каждым годом эта площадка для научного диалога только расширяется, привлекая все большее количество участников, для которых научное наследие Т.А Гуриева является важной ступенью в их исследованиях. The article presents a scientific report on the IV International Guriev Readings - one of the flagship conferences of the North Ossetian Institute of Humanitarian and Social Research named after V.I. IN AND. Abaev (Vladikavkaz), dedicated to the memory of the famous scientist-linguist, Doctor of Philology, Professor, Honored Scientist of the Russian Federation Tamerlan Alexandrovich Guriev (1929 - 2016). It is difficult to define the scope of T.A. Guriev: he made a significant contribution to a number of areas of modern Caucasian studies. His research was of a systemic nature, which especially actualizes his creative heritage, which is increasingly being addressed in their works by historians, ethnologists, anthropologists, philologists and linguists, folklorists, literary critics, culturologists, whose activities are related to the study of the peoples of the Caucasus. In his writings, he carries out comparative research, draws attention to interlanguage connections, works on the systematization of the grammar of the Ossetian language. The scientist is the author of basic research on Caucasian and Iranian onomastics, lexicography and lexicology, etymology. Being a connoisseur of Iranian, Slavic languages, Sanskrit, as well as English, French, he worked on compiling dictionaries. His contribution to modern nartology is invaluable: specialists in this field all over the world refer to his works. He was a regular author and editor of several collections of scientific works ("Ossetian philology", "Problems of Ossetian linguistics", "Culture of Ossetian speech and stylistics"). "Guriev's Readings" are being held this year for the fourth time, and every year this platform for scientific dialogue is only expanding, attracting an increasing number of participants for whom the scientific heritage of T.A. Guriev is an important step in their research.

“Experience” is a category that seems to have developed new meaning in European thought after the Enlightenment when personal inwardness took on the weight of an absent God. The inner self (including, a little later, a sub- or unconscious mind) rose to prominence about 200–300 years ago, around the time of the “Counter-Enlightenment” and Romanticism, and enjoyed a rich and long life in philosophy (including Lebensphilosophie) and religious studies, but began a steep descent under fire around 1970. The critique of “essentialism” (the claim that experience is self-validating and impervious to historical and scientific explanation or challenge) was probably the main point of attack, but there were others. The Frankfurt School (Adorno, Benjamin, et al.) claimed that authentic experience was difficult or impossible in the modern capitalist era. The question of the reality of the individual self to which experience happens also threatened to undermine the concept. This paper argues that the religious experience characteristic of Sāṃkhya and Yoga, while in some ways paralleling Romanticism and Lebensphilosophies, differs from them in one essential way. Sāṃkhyan/Yogic experience is not something that happens to, or in, an individual person. It does not occur to or for oneself (in the usual sense) but rather puruṣārtha, “for the sake of [artha] an innermost consciousness/self”[puruṣa] which must be distinguished from the “solitude” of “individual men” (the recipient, for William James, of religious experience) which would be called ahaṃkāra, or “ego assertion” in the Indian perspectives. The distinction found in European Lebensphilosophie between two kinds of experience, Erlebnis (a present-focused lived moment) and Erfahrung (a constructed, time-binding thread of life, involving memory and often constituting a story) helps to understand what is happening in Sāṃkhya and Yoga. The concept closest to experience in Sāṃkhya/Yoga is named by the Sanskrit root dṛś-, “seeing,” which is a process actualized through long meditative practice and close philosophical reasoning. The Erfahrung “story” enacted in Sāṃkhya/Yoga practice is a sort of dance-drama in which psychomaterial Nature (prakṛti) reveals to her inner consciousness and possessor (puruṣa) that she “is not, has nothing of her own, and does not have the quality of being an ‘I’” (nāsmi na me nāham). This self exposure as “not I” apophatically reveals puruṣa, and lets him shine for them both, as pure consciousness. Prakṛti’s long quest for puruṣa, seeking him with the finest insight (jñāna), culminates in realization that she is not the seer in this process but the seen, and that her failure has been to assert aham (“I”) rather than realize nāham, “Not I.” Her meditation and insight have led to an experience which was always for an Other, though that was not recognized until the story’s end. Rather like McLuhan’s “the medium is the message,” the nature or structure of experience in Sāṃkhya and Yoga is also its content, what religious experience is about in these philosophies and practices. In Western terms, we have religious experience only when we recognize what (all) experience (already) is: the unfolding story of puruṣārtha. Experience deepens the more we see that it is not ours; the recognition of non-I, in fact, is what makes genuine experience possible at all.

Abstract. Mulyanto D, Iskandar J, Gunawan R, Partasasmita R. 2019. Ethnoornithology: Identification of bird names mentioned in Kakawin Rāmāyana, a 9th-century Javanese poem (Java, Indonesia). Biodiversitas 20: 3213-3222. Birds have played an important role in Javanese culture for a long time. For example, birds have been culturally used as sources of folk stories, myths, illustrated old manuscripts, paintings on relief walls of temples, and inspiration of writers to make poems. This article presents the results of an ethnoornithology study that tried to identify all bird names mentioned in Kakawin Rāmāyana (KR), an old Javanese poem, using a qualitative method, mainly interpreting KR text based on an ethnoornithological approach. The results showed that 84 bird names are mentioned in the Kakawin Rāmāyana, belonging to 26 families, and 17 orders. The birds mentioned in KR are predominantly residents, some are regular visitors or vagrant, and only a few are absent. The orders whose members appear most often are Passeriformes (18), Columbiformes (7), Pelecaniformes (6), Ciconiiformes (5), and Cuculiformes (5). There are only 13 names which are Sanskrit in origin. Based on this study, it can be inferred that birds have played an important role in Javanese culture.

As is well known, Lycia, located on the south-western coast of Asia Minor, was a multicultural and polyglossian area, especially during the second half of the Ist millennium B.C. From the 4th century B.C. onwards — that is before Alexander’s conquests — Greek writing and language became more and more predominant in that region, as a language of prestige, to the detriment of Lycian, which is an Anatolian language related to Luwian and Hittite. Although most of the indigenous personal names persisted in Lycia until the first centuries A.D., as evidenced by their large number found in Greek inscriptions from the Hellenistic and Roman periods, some of them underwent a little transformation in order to look like Greek names. This process, which is common in a context of language contact, consists in adopting a homophonic or phonetically similar name or element of the name, called “cover name” or, in French, “nom d’assonance” (see Dondin-Payre and Raepsaet-Charlier 2001; Coşkun and Zeidler 2005). One famous example of this type of onomastic adaptation from one language to another is the name of the Mede general who invaded Asia Minor, known in the Greek sources as Ἅρπαγος (Harpagos): the underlying Iranian name is derived from the adjective arba- “small, young” (cf. Sanskrit arbha-) with the hypocoristic suffix -ka-, but it has been slightly modified in its Greek adaptation in order to get it closer to the Greek substantive ἁρπαγή (harpagē) “pillaging”, so the enemy conqueror is reduced to a simple plunderer. I intend to present and discuss some Lycian names adapted as cover names in Greek, like Purihimeti ⁓ Πυριβάτης, with a second element -βάτης (-batēs), cf. verb βαίνω (bainō) “to walk”, and well attested in typical Greek personal names (Bechtel 1917: 92). The other names that will be interpreted are Kuprlle/i- ⁓ Κοπριλις (Koprilis), cf. Κοπρύλος (Koprulos), but also Κύβερνις (Kubernis), Mizu- ⁓ Μεσος (Mesos), cf. μέσος (mesos) “middle”, and Xddazada- ⁓ Κτασασας (Ktasadas), cf. Κτᾱσι- / Κτησι- (Ktāsi- / Ktēsi-).

AbstractName is an important part of someone’s life, it is an identity. However, nowadays a name likely does not reflect the owner’s origin or nation. In Indonesian culture context, naming children is a meaningful moment for parents. This qualitative study was intended to describe how parents name their children. It involved 80 respondents; they were Semarang City citizens who had children. The data were collected by distributing questionnaires and conducting interview. Most respondents were Javanese, Moslem, born between 1950s and 1960s, and graduated from high school. The respondents liked combining words from two or more different languages to form their children’ names. There were very few parents using Indonesian words only. The languages involved in forming names are Arabic, Javanese, English, Chinese, Sanskrit, Indonesian and Balinese. Moslems tend using Arabic to name their children. Almost all names had meanings. The meaning depends on the giver or the one who named the children. The same names might have different meanings.Key words: naming children, Javanese, name, Semarang parentsAbstrakNama memiliki arti yang penting bagi kehidupan seseorang, nama adalah identitas. Namun, terdapat kecenderungan, nama tidak menunjukkan daerah asal atau identitas bangsa pemilik nama. Dalam konteks budaya Indonesia, pemberian nama anak adalah sebuah momentum yang sangat berarti bagi orangtua. Penelitian kualitatif ini bertujuan menerangkan bagaimana orang tua memberi nama anak mereka dari sudut pandang bahasa. Responden penelitian ini adalah 80 warga kota Semarang yang memiliki anak. Data dikumpulkan dengan cara membagikan kuesioner dan wawancara mendalam. Sebagian besar responden bersuku Jawa, beragama Islam, lahir di tahun 1950an hingga 1960an dan lulusan sekolah menengah atas. Ditemukan bahwa para orangtua berkencendungan mengkombinasikan kata-kata dari dua atau lebih bahasa yang berbeda dalam membentuk nama anak mereka. Bahasa yang digunakan yaitu bahasa Arab, bahasa Jawa, bahasa Inggris, bahasa Cina, bahasa Sanskerta, bahasa Indonesia, dan bahasa Bali. Orang tua yang memeluk agama Islam berkecenderungan kuat menggunakan bahasa Arab dalam penamaan anak mereka. Hanya beberapa saja yang menggunakan kata-kata bahasa Indonesia dalam penamaan anak-anak mereka. Hampir semua nama memiliki nama. Makna suatu nama tergantung dari makna yang diberikan oleh pemberi nama. Nama yang sama terkadang memiliki makna yang berbeda.Kata kunci: penamaan anak, nama anak suku Jawa, orang tua Semarang

Discussing women’s sexual desire has long been perceived as a taboo in the East and the West as well. Undeniably, there is a stigma attached to it which, unfortunately, continues even today. However, surprisingly enough, the ancient and the medieval Indians had always been open to female sexuality before their philogynist culture was obliterated and replaced by the ‘zenana culture’ of the Mughals and the ‘Victorian morality’ of the British Raj. Even in the Medieval Era, which is often labelled as conservative and orthodox, people accepted female desire as a biological reality. Composed in twelve cantos, Jayadeva’s magnum opus, G?tagovinda, celebrates sexuality and candidly depicts female orgasm with sheer poetic acumen. Jayadeva has not only eradicated the stigma attached to it, but he has also delineated it from the aesthetical perspectives of the San?tana Dharma which makes it “a unique work in Indian literature and a source of religious inspiration in both medieval and contemporary Vaisnavism” (Miller, 1984). In this paper endeavours to analyze, assemble, and demonstrate how the poet has celebrated female psyche, female sexuality, and female orgasm in the 12th Century CE. The paper deals with the primary aspects of the book which are related to female mind and sexuality. Library method of research has been carried out to substantiate the claims that this research paper makes. As the book is originally composed in Sanskrit, the research paper contains many Indic names and words which are written in accordance with the International Alphabet for Sanskrit Translitearation (IAST) method.

23 out of the 364 s?tras of the Shorter Chinese Sa?yukt?gama (BZA: Bieyi zaahan jing ?????? T.100) and many more of the Longer Chinese Sa?yukt?gama (ZA: Zaahan jing ???? T.99) have no known direct counterpart in P?li, Sanskrit or Tibetan. These s?tras are especially suitable to introduce common problems regarding the relationship of early Indian s?tras and their Chinese translation. While usually the existence of an Indian parallel helps researchers to narrow down the range of likely forms of names and words, in the absence of Indian versions our understanding of translations and transcriptions becomes all the more conjectural. ?gama texts without a P?li counterpart must also be suspected to be later additions to the collection and we have to deduce from form and content of the s?tra as well as its position in the collection, when, where and why the text came into being. The article introduces these problems as they appear in two BZA sutras (153 and 184), both of which are translated below.

Man is considered to be endowed with certain cognitive abilities which make him a rational being in contrast to animals. He can reason, discriminate, understand, judge, adjust and face a new situation from various perspective. We can see the wide range of differences among people. Some are having high performance in learning process, as well some are slow. But no doubt, interest, attitude, skills and desired knowledge and so on are count towards this achievement. But still there is something that contributes significantly towards these varying differences. In Psychology, we may termed it as ‘intelligence’. In Sanskrit, our rishis named it as ‘Viveka’. KEY WORDS: Study Habits & Attitude, Intelligence, Cognitive Style, Secondary school.

ABSTRACT : Sushruta has described Panchakarma i . e. 5 types of karma which purifies body In which Raktamokshna is specifically described by Sushruta. As described by him Vaman,Virechana,Basti,Nasya and raktamokshana with help of Jalauka to detoxify body. Ancient Ayurveda has explained a disease named Shleepada which can be correlated with with Elephantiasis or Filariasis. In Sanskrit “shlee” means Elephant and “pada” means foot. A disease in which one’s foot becomes foot of elephant is called as shleepada. Patient should be selected showing salient features of Shleepada and diagnosed with sign and symptoms as mentioned in Ayurvedic context. So under all aseptic precautions and with the written consent of patient and his relative we should apply jalauka on affected foot along with antibiotics therapy. KEYWORDS : Shleepada,Raktamokshana,Jalauka,Filariasis,Panchakarma.

Tinospora cordifolia (Willd.) Miers ex Hook. F. and Thoms is a large deciduous, climbing shrub found throughout India, especially in the tropical parts ascending to an altitude of 300 m and also in certain parts of China (Anonymous). It belongs to the family Menispermaceae. It is known as heart-leaved Moonseed plant in English, Guduchi in Sanskrit, and Giloy in Hindi. It is known for its immense application in the treatment of various diseases in the traditional ayurvedic literature. T. cordifolia, also named as “heavenly elixir,” is used in various ayurvedic decoctions as panacea to treat several body ailments. (Mishra R,) Its root stems, and leaves are used in Ayurvedic medicine. T. cordifolia is used for diabetes, high cholesterol, allergic rhinitis (hay fever), upset stomach, gout, lymphoma and other cancers, rheumatoid arthritis, hepatitis, peptic ulcer disease, fever, gonorrhea, syphilis, and to boost the immune system (WebMD).

From elephants to ABBA fans, silicon to hormone, the following discussion uses a new research method to look at printed text, motion pictures and a teenage rebel icon. If by ‘print’ we mean a mechanically reproduced impression of a cultural symbol in a medium, then printing has been with us since before microdot security prints were painted onto cars, before voice prints, laser prints, network servers, record pressings, motion picture prints, photo prints, colour woodblock prints, before books, textile prints, and footprints. If we accept that higher mammals such as elephants have a learnt culture, then it is possible to extend a definition of printing beyond Homo sapiens. Poole reports that elephants mechanically trumpet reproductions of human car horns into the air surrounding their society. If nothing else, this cross-species, cross-cultural reproduction, this ‘ability to mimic’ is ‘another sign of their intelligence’. Observation of child development suggests that the first significant meaningful ‘impression’ made on the human mind is that of the face of the child’s nurturer – usually its mother. The baby’s mind forms an ‘impression’, a mental print, a reproducible memory data set, of the nurturer’s face, voice, smell, touch, etc. That face is itself a cultural construct: hair style, makeup, piercings, tattoos, ornaments, nutrition-influenced skin and smell, perfume, temperature and voice. A mentally reproducible pattern of a unique face is formed in the mind, and we use that pattern to distinguish ‘familiar and strange’ in our expanding social orbit. The social relations of patterned memory – of imprinting – determine the extent to which we explore our world (armed with research aids such as text print) or whether we turn to violence or self-harm (Bretherton). While our cultural artifacts (such as vellum maps or networked voice message servers) bravely extend our significant patterns into the social world and the traversed environment, it is useful to remember that such artifacts, including print, are themselves understood by our original pattern-reproduction and impression system – the human mind, developed in childhood. The ‘print’ is brought to mind differently in different discourses. For a reader, a ‘print’ is a book, a memo or a broadsheet, whether it is the Indian Buddhist Sanskrit texts ordered to be printed in 593 AD by the Chinese emperor Sui Wen-ti (Silk Road) or the US Defense Department memo authorizing lower ranks to torture the prisoners taken by the Bush administration (Sanchez, cited in ABC). Other fields see prints differently. For a musician, a ‘print’ may be the sheet music which spread classical and popular music around the world; it may be a ‘record’ (as in a ‘recording’ session), where sound is impressed to wax, vinyl, charged silicon particles, or the alloys (Smith, “Elpida”) of an mp3 file. For the fine artist, a ‘print’ may be any mechanically reproduced two-dimensional (or embossed) impression of a significant image in media from paper to metal, textile to ceramics. ‘Print’ embraces the Japanese Ukiyo-e colour prints of Utamaro, the company logos that wink from credit card holographs, the early photographs of Talbot, and the textured patterns printed into neolithic ceramics. Computer hardware engineers print computational circuits. Homicide detectives investigate both sweaty finger prints and the repeated, mechanical gaits of suspects, which are imprinted into the earthy medium of a crime scene. For film makers, the ‘print’ may refer to a photochemical polyester reproduction of a motion picture artifact (the reel of ‘celluloid’), or a DVD laser disc impression of the same film. Textualist discourse has borrowed the word ‘print’ to mean ‘text’, so ‘print’ may also refer to the text elements within the vision track of a motion picture: the film’s opening titles, or texts photographed inside the motion picture story such as the sword-cut ‘Z’ in Zorro (Niblo). Before the invention of writing, the main mechanically reproduced impression of a cultural symbol in a medium was the humble footprint in the sand. The footprints of tribes – and neighbouring animals – cut tracks in the vegetation and the soil. Printed tracks led towards food, water, shelter, enemies and friends. Having learnt to pattern certain faces into their mental world, children grew older and were educated in the footprints of family and clan, enemies and food. The continuous impression of significant foot traffic in the medium of the earth produced the lines between significant nodes of prewriting and pre-wheeled cultures. These tracks were married to audio tracks, such as the song lines of the Australian Aborigines, or the ballads of tramping culture everywhere. A typical tramping song has the line, ‘There’s a track winding back to an old-fashion shack along the road to Gundagai,’ (O’Hagan), although this colonial-style song was actually written for radio and became an international hit on the airwaves, rather than the tramping trails. The printed tracks impressed by these cultural flows are highly contested and diverse, and their foot prints are woven into our very language. The names for printed tracks have entered our shared memory from the intersection of many cultures: ‘Track’ is a Germanic word entering English usage comparatively late (1470) and now used mainly in audio visual cultural reproduction, as in ‘soundtrack’. ‘Trek’ is a Dutch word for ‘track’ now used mainly by ecotourists and science fiction fans. ‘Learn’ is a Proto-Indo-European word: the verb ‘learn’ originally meant ‘to find a track’ back in the days when ‘learn’ had a noun form which meant ‘the sole of the foot’. ‘Tract’ and ‘trace’ are Latin words entering English print usage before 1374 and now used mainly in religious, and electronic surveillance, cultural reproduction. ‘Trench’ in 1386 was a French path cut through a forest. ‘Sagacity’ in English print in 1548 was originally the ability to track or hunt, in Proto-Indo-European cultures. ‘Career’ (in English before 1534) was the print made by chariots in ancient Rome. ‘Sleuth’ (1200) was a Norse noun for a track. ‘Investigation’ (1436) was Latin for studying a footprint (Harper). The arrival of symbolic writing scratched on caves, hearth stones, and trees (the original meaning of ‘book’ is tree), brought extremely limited text education close to home. Then, with baked clay tablets, incised boards, slate, bamboo, tortoise shell, cast metal, bark cloth, textiles, vellum, and – later – paper, a portability came to text that allowed any culture to venture away from known ‘foot’ paths with a reduction in the risk of becoming lost and perishing. So began the world of maps, memos, bills of sale, philosophic treatises and epic mythologies. Some of this was printed, such as the mechanical reproduction of coins, but the fine handwriting required of long, extended, portable texts could not be printed until the invention of paper in China about 2000 years ago. Compared to lithic architecture and genes, portable text is a fragile medium, and little survives from the millennia of its innovators. The printing of large non-text designs onto bark-paper and textiles began in neolithic times, but Sui Wen-ti’s imperial memo of 593 AD gives us the earliest written date for printed books, although we can assume they had been published for many years previously. The printed book was a combination of Indian philosophic thought, wood carving, ink chemistry and Chinese paper. The earliest surviving fragment of paper-print technology is ‘Mantras of the Dharani Sutra’, a Buddhist scripture written in the Sanskrit language of the Indian subcontinent, unearthed at an early Tang Dynasty site in Xian, China – making the fragment a veteran piece of printing, in the sense that Sanskrit books had been in print for at least a century by the early Tang Dynasty (Chinese Graphic Arts Net). At first, paper books were printed with page-size carved wooden boards. Five hundred years later, Pi Sheng (c.1041) baked individual reusable ceramic characters in a fire and invented the durable moveable type of modern printing (Silk Road 2000). Abandoning carved wooden tablets, the ‘digitizing’ of Chinese moveable type sped up the production of printed texts. In turn, Pi Sheng’s flexible, rapid, sustainable printing process expanded the political-cultural impact of the literati in Asian society. Digitized block text on paper produced a bureaucratic, literate elite so powerful in Asia that Louis XVI of France copied China’s print-based Confucian system of political authority for his own empire, and so began the rise of the examined public university systems, and the civil service systems, of most European states (Watson, Visions). By reason of its durability, its rapid mechanical reproduction, its culturally agreed signs, literate readership, revered authorship, shared ideology, and distributed portability, a ‘print’ can be a powerful cultural network which builds and expands empires. But print also attacks and destroys empires. A case in point is the Spanish conquest of Aztec America: The Aztecs had immense libraries of American literature on bark-cloth scrolls, a technology which predated paper. These libraries were wiped out by the invading Spanish, who carried a different book before them (Ewins). In the industrial age, the printing press and the gun were seen as the weapons of rebellions everywhere. In 1776, American rebels staffed their ‘Homeland Security’ units with paper makers, knowing that defeating the English would be based on printed and written documents (Hahn). Mao Zedong was a book librarian; Mao said political power came out of the barrel of a gun, but Mao himself came out of a library. With the spread of wireless networked servers, political ferment comes out of the barrel of the cell phone and the internet chat room these days. Witness the cell phone displays of a plane hitting a tower that appear immediately after 9/11 in the Middle East, or witness the show trials of a few US and UK lower ranks who published prints of their torturing activities onto the internet: only lower ranks who published prints were arrested or tried. The control of secure servers and satellites is the new press. These days, we live in a global library of burning books – ‘burning’ in the sense that ‘print’ is now a charged silicon medium (Smith, “Intel”) which is usually made readable by connecting the chip to nuclear reactors and petrochemically-fired power stations. World resources burn as we read our screens. Men, women, children burn too, as we watch our infotainment news in comfort while ‘their’ flickering dead faces are printed in our broadcast hearths. The print we watch is not the living; it is the voodoo of the living in the blackout behind the camera, engaging the blood sacrifice of the tormented and the unfortunate. Internet texts are also ‘on fire’ in the third sense of their fragility and instability as a medium: data bases regularly ‘print’ fail-safe copies in an attempt to postpone the inevitable mechanical, chemical and electrical failure that awaits all electronic media in time. Print defines a moral position for everyone. In reporting conflict, in deciding to go to press or censor, any ‘print’ cannot avoid an ethical context, starting with the fact that there is a difference in power between print maker, armed perpetrators, the weak, the peaceful, the publisher, and the viewer. So many human factors attend a text, video or voice ‘print’: its very existence as an aesthetic object, even before publication and reception, speaks of unbalanced, and therefore dynamic, power relationships. For example, Graham Greene departed unscathed from all the highly dangerous battlefields he entered as a novelist: Riot-torn Germany, London Blitz, Belgian Congo, Voodoo Haiti, Vietnam, Panama, Reagan’s Washington, and mafia Europe. His texts are peopled with the injustices of the less fortunate of the twentieth century, while he himself was a member of the fortunate (if not happy) elite, as is anyone today who has the luxury of time to read Greene’s works for pleasure. Ethically a member of London and Paris’ colonizers, Greene’s best writing still electrifies, perhaps partly because he was in the same line of fire as the victims he shared bread with. In fact, Greene hoped daily that he would escape from the dreadful conflicts he fictionalized via a body bag or an urn of ashes (see Sherry). In reading an author’s biography we have one window on the ethical dimensions of authority and print. If a print’s aesthetics are sometimes enduring, its ethical relationships are always mutable. Take the stylized logo of a running athlete: four limbs bent in a rotation of action. This dynamic icon has symbolized ‘good health’ in Hindu and Buddhist culture, from Madras to Tokyo, for thousands of years. The cross of bent limbs was borrowed for the militarized health programs of 1930s Germany, and, because of what was only a brief, recent, isolated yet monstrously horrific segment of its history in print, the bent-limbed swastika is now a vilified symbol in the West. The sign remains ‘impressed’ differently on traditional Eastern culture, and without the taint of Nazism. Dramatic prints are emotionally charged because, in depicting Homo sapiens in danger, or passionately in love, they elicit a hormonal reaction from the reader, the viewer, or the audience. The type of emotions triggered by a print vary across the whole gamut of human chemistry. A recent study of three genres of motion picture prints shows a marked differences in the hormonal responses of men compared to women when viewing a romance, an actioner, and a documentary (see Schultheiss, Wirth, and Stanton). Society is biochemically diverse in its engagement with printed culture, which raises questions about equality in the arts. Motion picture prints probably comprise around one third of internet traffic, in the form of stolen digitized movie files pirated across the globe via peer-to-peer file transfer networks (p2p), and burnt as DVD laser prints (BBC). There is also a US 40 billion dollar per annum legitimate commerce in DVD laser pressings (Grassl), which would suggest an US 80 billion per annum world total in legitimate laser disc print culture. The actively screen literate, or the ‘sliterati’ as I prefer to call them, research this world of motion picture prints via their peers, their internet information channels, their television programming, and their web forums. Most of this activity occurs outside the ambit of universities and schools. One large site of sliterate (screen literate) practice outside most schooling and official research is the net of online forums at imdb.com (International Movie Data Base). Imdb.com ‘prints’ about 25,000,000 top pages per month to client browsers. Hundreds of sliterati forums are located at imdb, including a forum for the Australian movie, Muriel’s Wedding (Hogan). Ten years after the release of Muriel’s Wedding, young people who are concerned with victimization and bullying still log on to http://us.imdb.com/title/tt0110598/board/> and put their thoughts into print: I still feel so bad for Muriel in the beginning of the movie, when the girls ‘dump’ her, and how much the poor girl cried and cried! Those girls were such biartches…I love how they got their comeuppance! bunniesormaybemidgets’s comment is typical of the current discussion. Muriel’s Wedding was a very popular film in its first cinema edition in Australia and elsewhere. About 30% of the entire over-14 Australian population went to see this photochemical polyester print in the cinemas on its first release. A decade on, the distributors printed a DVD laser disc edition. The story concerns Muriel (played by Toni Collette), the unemployed daughter of a corrupt, ‘police state’ politician. Muriel is bullied by her peers and she withdraws into a fantasy world, deluding herself that a white wedding will rescue her from the torments of her blighted life. Through theft and deceit (the modus operandi of her father) Muriel escapes to the entertainment industry and finds a ‘wicked’ girlfriend mentor. From a rebellious position of stubborn independence, Muriel plays out her fantasy. She gets her white wedding, before seeing both her father and her new married life as hollow shams which have goaded her abandoned mother to suicide. Redefining her life as a ‘game’ and assuming responsibility for her independence, Muriel turns her back on the mainstream, image-conscious, female gang of her oppressed youth. Muriel leaves the story, having rekindled her friendship with her rebel mentor. My methodological approach to viewing the laser disc print was to first make a more accessible, coded record of the entire movie. I was able to code and record the print in real time, using a new metalanguage (Watson, “Eyes”). The advantage of Coding is that ‘thinks’ the same way as film making, it does not sidetrack the analyst into prose. The Code splits the movie print into Vision Action [vision graphic elements, including text] (sound) The Coding splits the vision track into normal action and graphic elements, such as text, so this Coding is an ideal method for extracting all the text elements of a film in real time. After playing the film once, I had four and a half tightly packed pages of the coded story, including all its text elements in square brackets. Being a unique, indexed hard copy, the Coded copy allowed me immediate access to any point of the Muriel’s Wedding saga without having to search the DVD laser print. How are ‘print’ elements used in Muriel’s Wedding? Firstly, a rose-coloured monoprint of Muriel Heslop’s smiling face stares enigmatically from the plastic surface of the DVD picture disc. The print is a still photo captured from her smile as she walked down the aisle of her white wedding. In this print, Toni Collette is the Mona Lisa of Australian culture, except that fans of Muriel’s Wedding know the meaning of that smile is a magical combination of the actor’s art: the smile is both the flush of dreams come true and the frightening self deception that will kill her mother. Inserting and playing the disc, the text-dominant menu appears, and the film commences with the text-dominant opening titles. Text and titles confer a legitimacy on a work, whether it is a trade mark of the laser print owners, or the household names of stars. Text titles confer status relationships on both the presenters of the cultural artifact and the viewer who has entered into a legal license agreement with the owners of the movie. A title makes us comfortable, because the mind always seeks to name the unfamiliar, and a set of text titles does that job for us so that we can navigate the ‘tracks’ and settle into our engagement with the unfamiliar. The apparent ‘truth’ and ‘stability’ of printed text calms our fears and beguiles our uncertainties. Muriel attends the white wedding of a school bully bride, wearing a leopard print dress she has stolen. Muriel’s spotted wild animal print contrasts with the pure white handmade dress of the bride. In Muriel’s leopard textile print, we have the wild, rebellious, impoverished, inappropriate intrusion into the social ritual and fantasy of her high-status tormentor. An off-duty store detective recognizes the printed dress and calls the police. The police are themselves distinguished by their blue-and-white checked prints and other mechanically reproduced impressions of cultural symbols: in steel, brass, embroidery, leather and plastics. Muriel is driven in the police car past the stenciled town sign (‘Welcome To Porpoise Spit’ heads a paragraph of small print). She is delivered to her father, a politician who presides over the policing of his town. In a state where the judiciary, police and executive are hijacked by the same tyrant, Muriel’s father, Bill, pays off the police constables with a carton of legal drugs (beer) and Muriel must face her father’s wrath, which he proceeds to transfer to his detested wife. Like his daughter, the father also wears a spotted brown print costume, but his is a batik print from neighbouring Indonesia (incidentally, in a nation that takes the political status of its batik prints very seriously). Bill demands that Muriel find the receipt for the leopard print dress she claims she has purchased. The legitimate ownership of the object is enmeshed with a printed receipt, the printed evidence of trade. The law (and the paramilitary power behind the law) are legitimized, or contested, by the presence or absence of printed text. Muriel hides in her bedroom, surround by poster prints of the pop group ABBA. Torn-out prints of other people’s weddings adorn her mirror. Her face is embossed with the clown-like primary colours of the marionette as she lifts a bouquet to her chin and stares into the real time ‘print’ of her mirror image. Bill takes the opportunity of a business meeting with Japanese investors to feed his entire family at ‘Charlie Chan’’s restaurant. Muriel’s middle sister sloppily wears her father’s state election tee shirt, printed with the text: ‘Vote 1, Bill Heslop. You can’t stop progress.’ The text sets up two ironic gags that are paid off on the dialogue track: “He lost,’ we are told. ‘Progress’ turns out to be funding the concreting of a beach. Bill berates his daughter Muriel: she has no chance of becoming a printer’s apprentice and she has failed a typing course. Her dysfunction in printed text has been covered up by Bill: he has bribed the typing teacher to issue a printed diploma to his daughter. In the gambling saloon of the club, under the arrays of mechanically repeated cultural symbols lit above the poker machines (‘A’ for ace, ‘Q’ for queen, etc.), Bill’s secret girlfriend Diedre risks giving Muriel a cosmetics job. Another text icon in lights announces the surf nightclub ‘Breakers’. Tania, the newly married queen bitch who has made Muriel’s teenage years a living hell, breaks up with her husband, deciding to cash in his negotiable text documents – his Bali honeymoon tickets – and go on an island holiday with her girlfriends instead. Text documents are the enduring site of agreements between people and also the site of mutations to those agreements. Tania dumps Muriel, who sobs and sobs. Sobs are a mechanical, percussive reproduction impressed on the sound track. Returning home, we discover that Muriel’s older brother has failed a printed test and been rejected for police recruitment. There is a high incidence of print illiteracy in the Heslop family. Mrs Heslop (Jeannie Drynan), for instance, regularly has trouble at the post office. Muriel sees a chance to escape the oppression of her family by tricking her mother into giving her a blank cheque. Here is the confluence of the legitimacy of a bank’s printed negotiable document with the risk and freedom of a blank space for rebel Muriel’s handwriting. Unable to type, her handwriting has the power to steal every cent of her father’s savings. She leaves home and spends the family’s savings at an island resort. On the island, the text print-challenged Muriel dances to a recording (sound print) of ABBA, her hand gestures emphasizing her bewigged face, which is made up in an impression of her pop idol. Her imitation of her goddesses – the ABBA women, her only hope in a real world of people who hate or avoid her – is accompanied by her goddesses’ voices singing: ‘the mystery book on the shelf is always repeating itself.’ Before jpeg and gif image downloads, we had postcard prints and snail mail. Muriel sends a postcard to her family, lying about her ‘success’ in the cosmetics business. The printed missal is clutched by her father Bill (Bill Hunter), who proclaims about his daughter, ‘you can’t type but you really impress me’. Meanwhile, on Hibiscus Island, Muriel lies under a moonlit palm tree with her newly found mentor, ‘bad girl’ Ronda (Rachel Griffiths). In this critical scene, where foolish Muriel opens her heart’s yearnings to a confidante she can finally trust, the director and DP have chosen to shoot a flat, high contrast blue filtered image. The visual result is very much like the semiabstract Japanese Ukiyo-e woodblock prints by Utamaro. This Japanese printing style informed the rise of European modern painting (Monet, Van Gogh, Picasso, etc., were all important collectors and students of Ukiyo-e prints). The above print and text elements in Muriel’s Wedding take us 27 minutes into her story, as recorded on a single page of real-time handwritten Coding. Although not discussed here, the Coding recorded the complete film – a total of 106 minutes of text elements and main graphic elements – as four pages of Code. Referring to this Coding some weeks after it was made, I looked up the final code on page four: taxi [food of the sea] bq. Translation: a shop sign whizzes past in the film’s background, as Muriel and Ronda leave Porpoise Spit in a taxi. Over their heads the text ‘Food Of The Sea’ flashes. We are reminded that Muriel and Ronda are mermaids, fantastic creatures sprung from the brow of author PJ Hogan, and illuminated even today in the pantheon of women’s coming-of-age art works. That the movie is relevant ten years on is evidenced by the current usage of the Muriel’s Wedding online forum, an intersection of wider discussions by sliterate women on imdb.com who, like Muriel, are observers (and in some cases victims) of horrific pressure from ambitious female gangs and bullies. Text is always a minor element in a motion picture (unless it is a subtitled foreign film) and text usually whizzes by subliminally while viewing a film. By Coding the work for [text], all the text nuances made by the film makers come to light. While I have viewed Muriel’s Wedding on many occasions, it has only been in Coding it specifically for text that I have noticed that Muriel is a representative of that vast class of talented youth who are discriminated against by print (as in text) educators who cannot offer her a life-affirming identity in the English classroom. Severely depressed at school, and failing to type or get a printer’s apprenticeship, Muriel finds paid work (and hence, freedom, life, identity, independence) working in her audio visual printed medium of choice: a video store in a new city. Muriel found a sliterate admirer at the video store but she later dumped him for her fantasy man, before leaving him too. One of the points of conjecture on the imdb Muriel’s Wedding site is, did Muriel (in the unwritten future) get back together with admirer Brice Nobes? That we will never know. While a print forms a track that tells us where culture has been, a print cannot be the future, a print is never animate reality. At the end of any trail of prints, one must lift one’s head from the last impression, and negotiate satisfaction in the happening world. References Australian Broadcasting Corporation. “Memo Shows US General Approved Interrogations.” 30 Mar. 2005 http://www.abc.net.au>. British Broadcasting Commission. “Films ‘Fuel Online File-Sharing’.’’ 22 Feb. 2005 http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/technology/3890527.stm>. Bretherton, I. “The Origins of Attachment Theory: John Bowlby and Mary Ainsworth.” 1994. 23 Jan. 2005 http://www.psy.med.br/livros/autores/bowlby/bowlby.pdf>. Bunniesormaybemidgets. Chat Room Comment. “What Did Those Girls Do to Rhonda?” 28 Mar. 2005 http://us.imdb.com/title/tt0110598/board/>. Chinese Graphic Arts Net. Mantras of the Dharani Sutra. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.cgan.com/english/english/cpg/engcp10.htm>. Ewins, R. Barkcloth and the Origins of Paper. 1991. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.justpacific.com/pacific/papers/barkcloth~paper.html>. Grassl K.R. The DVD Statistical Report. 14 Mar. 2005 http://www.corbell.com>. Hahn, C. M. The Topic Is Paper. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.nystamp.org/Topic_is_paper.html>. Harper, D. Online Etymology Dictionary. 14 Mar. 2005 http://www.etymonline.com/>. Mask of Zorro, The. Screenplay by J McCulley. UA, 1920. Muriel’s Wedding. Dir. PJ Hogan. Perf. Toni Collette, Rachel Griffiths, Bill Hunter, and Jeannie Drynan. Village Roadshow, 1994. O’Hagan, Jack. On The Road to Gundagai. 1922. 2 Apr. 2005 http://ingeb.org/songs/roadtogu.html>. Poole, J.H., P.L. Tyack, A.S. Stoeger-Horwath, and S. Watwood. “Animal Behaviour: Elephants Are Capable of Vocal Learning.” Nature 24 Mar. 2005. Sanchez, R. “Interrogation and Counter-Resistance Policy.” 14 Sept. 2003. 30 Mar. 2005 http://www.abc.net.au>. Schultheiss, O.C., M.M. Wirth, and S.J. Stanton. “Effects of Affiliation and Power Motivation Arousal on Salivary Progesterone and Testosterone.” Hormones and Behavior 46 (2005). Sherry, N. The Life of Graham Greene. 3 vols. London: Jonathan Cape 2004, 1994, 1989. Silk Road. Printing. 2000. 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.silk-road.com/artl/printing.shtml>. Smith, T. “Elpida Licenses ‘DVD on a Chip’ Memory Tech.” The Register 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.theregister.co.uk/2005/02>. —. “Intel Boffins Build First Continuous Beam Silicon Laser.” The Register 20 Feb. 2005 http://www.theregister.co.uk/2005/02>. Watson, R. S. “Eyes And Ears: Dramatic Memory Slicing and Salable Media Content.” Innovation and Speculation, ed. Brad Haseman. Brisbane: QUT. [in press] Watson, R. S. Visions. Melbourne: Curriculum Corporation, 1994. Citation reference for this article MLA Style Watson, Robert. "E-Press and Oppress: Audio Visual Print Drama, Identity, Text and Motion Picture Rebellion." M/C Journal 8.2 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?> <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0506/08-watson.php>. APA Style Watson, R. (Jun. 2005) "E-Press and Oppress: Audio Visual Print Drama, Identity, Text and Motion Picture Rebellion," M/C Journal, 8(2). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?> from <http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0506/08-watson.php>.