Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Namibia. Herero (African people)'

Bibliography: pages 194-207.
This contextual archaeological narrative explores the relationship between material culture and social relations, with reference to social, economic, environmental and political changes taking place in Himba and Herero settlements in far north-western Namibia. A starting point is that changes in the organization of space and use of material culture cannot be understood as merely expressing changed social and economic conditions and/or changed value systems. It is necessary to examine how socio-economic conditions and cultural values and ideas work together to transform, produce and maintain cultural representations. By focusing intimately on one semi-nomadic herding community over a five-year period,(where domestic space has to be reconstituted, both physically and conceptually, each time a group relocates,} the study probes how meaning is differentially invested in the spatial order that people build and live in, how the material goods they make, borrow, lend, buy and use recursively come to have and hold meaning, and how and why this meaning changes. In mapping space and material goods at more than 100 wet season and dry season camps and homesteads, a number of discourses are tracked: changing gender relations, changing relations between different generations, people's relationships with natural resources, the spatial relations of former hunter-gatherers now living as herders, as well as material culture conformities and nonconformities between Himba and Herero households. A key concern is to re-empower social actors, past and present, in the creation of (archaeological) meaning. A number of case studies show that meaning is not inherent in space or material goods; people activate meaning by their strategic interpretations. This has implications for both method and theory in archaeology, as well as for the contemporary research and rural development process in Africa. While challenging assumptions about what is knowable from the past's material remains when such remains are, inevitably, recontextualized in a particular present, the thesis contributes to knowledge about material culture and social change and thus offers a number of research directions which could contribute to a more reflexive, dialogic and socially relevant archaeology.

The current situation regarding the accountabilty of transnational corporations, using the lawsuit of the Herero community of Namibia against two German corporations that were involved in the German colonial enterprise that killed approximately 80% of the Herero tribe was explored.

Around Africa there seems to be an increasing disillusion with 'development', seen under the rubric of teleological 'progress', which is touted by post-colonial governments as being the cure for Africa's ailments and woes. Numerous authors have pointed out that this local disillusion, and the attempt to manage the inequities that arise through development and modernity, can be seen to be understood and acted upon by local peoples through the idiom of witchcraft beliefs and fears (see Geschiere & Fisiy 2001; Geschiere 1997; Nyamnjoh 2001; Comaroff & Comaroff 1993; Ashforth 2005) and spirit possession nanatives (see Luig 1999; Gezon 1999), or more simply, occult beliefs and praxis (Moore & Sanders 2001). The majority of the Mayeyi of Namibia's Eastern Caprivi perceive that development is the only way their regiOn and people can survive and succeed in a modernising world. At ~he same time there is also a seeming reluctance to move towards perceiving witchcraft as a means of accumulation (contra Geschiere 1997). This notion of the 'witchcraft of wealth' is emerging, but for the most part witches are seen as the enemies of development, while spirit possession narratives speak to the desire for development and of the identity of the group vis-a-vis the rest of the world. The thesis presented argues that, although modernity orientated analyses enable occult belief to be used as a lens through which to 1..mderstand 'modernity's malcontents' (Comaroff & Comaroff 1993), they can only go so far in explaining the intricacies of witchcraft and spirit possession beliefs themselves. The dissertation argues that one should return to the analysis of the cosmological underpinnings of witchcraft belief and spirit possession, taken together as complementary phenomena, in seeking to understand the domain of the occult. By doing so the thesis argues that a more comprehensive anthropological understanding is obtained of occult belief and practice, the ways in which the domain of the occult is constituted and the ways in which it is a reflection or commentary on a changing world.

Mandume has fought two colonial powers, Portugal and British-South Africa from the time he became king in 1911 to 1917. This thesis looked at the different ways in which Manume is remembered in Namibia and Angola after these countries had gained their independence from colonialism. His bravery in fighting the colonizers has awarded him hero status and he is considered a nationalist hero in both Namibia and Angola. However, he is memorialized differently in Namibia and Angola. The process of remembering Mandume in different ways is related to where his body and head are buried respectively. This is because there is a belief that his body was beheaded, and his head was buried in Windhoek while the rest of his body is buried in Angola. The monument that is alleged to host his head is claimed to belong to him to this day. However, this monument was erected for the fallen South African troops who died fighting him. The author argued that this belief was in response to the need to reclaim a monumental space to commemorate Mandume in the capital city.

Current discourse regarding the use and management of natural resources in the drylands of sub-Saharan Africa is inspired by three issues: 1) the growing emphasis on strengthening 'community-based' management of natural resources as a means of combining resource conservation with improvements in livelihoods; 2) continuing debate concerning the replacement of communal forms of land management with systems of private tenure; 3) and the widespread assumption of environmental 'degradation' and 'desertification' caused by the land-use practices of African livestock farmers. The way these areas of debate are interpreted affects policy and development intervention relating to the management and conservation of dryland natural resources. In relation to these issues, this thesis has two primary aims: 1) to analyse patterns and determinants of natural resource-use and management by Khoe-speaking Damara farmers in and north-west Namibia; 2) to assess the ecological implications of this resource-use in the context of the unpredictable variations in primary productivity characteristic of dryland environments. A combination of quantitative and qualitative anthropological and ecological techniques are employed to meet these objectives. The use of gathered non-timber products for food and medicine was monitored in 7 repeat-surveys over an 18 month period for a sample of 45 households comprising 2017 individual 'diet-days'. Statistical analysis suggests that food resources are consumed when abundant rather than as dry season supplements, that wealth is a poor predictor of gathered resource-use and that the use of natural resources is remarkably resilient given the disruptive effects of land alienation during this century. The utilisation of timber for fuel and building-poles was quantified at the household level and compansons with equivalent data from rural societies in more humid environments suggests conservative use of these resources. Qualitative data emphasise the continuing relevance of culturally-informed management practice relating to the use of natural resources. With regard to the second research objective, woody and herbaceous vegetation datasets were compiled, the former comprising 2760 plant individuals in a stratified sample of 75 transects and the latter consisting of 48 qradrats, half fenced to exclude livestock, in which herbaceous vegetation was monitored over two growing seasons. A number of standard ecological variables, including patterns in community floristics, diversity, cover and population structure, were used to explore the prediction that concentrations of people and livestock cause measurable impacts on vegetation around settlements. Statistical analysis suggests that effects of settlement are extremely localised and are within the range of variability shown by these measures over larger spatial scales, and that between-year variability in herbaceous vegetation dominates that measured both between- and within-sites. The research results indicate that current understanding of local resource-use practices in northwest Namibia is constrained by two conceptual influences: 1) a misleading colonial ethnography which continues to inform debate and interventions regarding the use and management of natural resources, operating to deny the present-day validity of local ecological knowledge and practice; 2) a temperate-zone ecology which focuses on density-dependent interactions between the biotic components of ecosystems, and plays-down the role of unpredictable abiotic factors, particularly rainfall, in driving a continuing dynamic of non-equilibrium variability in arid environments.

The purpose of this study was to investigate and document parental involvement in a San community in Namibia over a period of two months. The emphasis was to investigate whether San parents in the Omusati region were involved in the learning of mathematics of their children. The learner participants were selected according to those who were open to sharing their ideas. An interpretive approach was used to collect and analyse data. The collected data was gathered from 9 participants (4 learners in grade 5 together with their parents, plus their mathematics teacher). Semi-structured interviews, parental contributions and home visit observations were the three tools that I used to collect data. The selected school is located in a rural area in the Omusati region of northern Namibia. The interviews were conducted in Oshiwambo (the participants‟ mother tongue) and translated into English and then analyzed. I discovered that the selected San parents were involved in some but limited school activities. The findings of this study emphasizes that illiteracy may be one of the contributing factors of low or non-involvement of parents among the San community. Other factors which I found caused parents not to assist their children with homework was parents spending much of their time at the local cuca shops during the day until late in the evenings. The study also highlights possible strategies that can be carried out by teachers to encourage parental involvement in school activities.

One of the purposes of the Namibian curriculum is to ensure cultural inclusivity. That is, it recognises the inclusion of traditional cultural practices and experiences in science lessons where appropriate. Based on my experiences both as a learner and a science teacher, I have noted there is a rapid decline and loss of values in most of our cultural practices and heritages. This triggered my interests to do a study on an Oshiwambo traditional beverage known as Ombike. This study is therefore aimed at enhancing conceptual development, meaning making and understanding of concepts in fermentation and distillation. This study was conducted with my grade 9 learners at a school where I was teaching in Omusati region of Namibia. A community member who served as an expert was also a participant. She was involved more in discussions, interviews and most importantly in showing and demonstrating to the learners how Ombike is made practically. Essentially, the goal of this study was to investigate how the indigenous practice associated with the making of Ombike can be used to support meaning making of fermentation and distillation processes. This research is located within an interpretive paradigm where a qualitative case study was adopted. I consider this methodological framework appropriate in this study because it allowed me to use the following data gathering methods: brainstorming and discussion, observation, semi-structured and focus group interviews, and practical activities worksheet. Multiple methods were used for the purpose of triangulation and validation. An inductive analysis was used to discover data patterns and themes from the data. Moreover, ethical considerations were also taken seriously and all the participants gave informed consent. The findings of the study revealed that brainstorming and discussions were an appropriate strategy in eliciting learners’ prior everyday knowledge and experiences on, in particular, the making of Ombike. Furthermore, learner engagement and conceptual development were enhanced. This suggests that contextualisation of knowledge can enhance meaningful learning if it is properly planned. It was also found that practical activities in conjunction with mind maps helped learners to make meanings of scientific concepts. Based on my research findings, I therefore recommend the following three aspects: the consideration of learners` prior knowledge and experiences; contextualising knowledge through use of indigenous knowledge; and the learners’ active involvement in practical activities with an emphasis on key scientific concepts to be developed. That is, there is a need to teach for conceptual understanding.

Thesis (PhD)-- Stellenbosch University, 1995.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The history of the Oorlam Afrikaners began in the seventeenth century during the disintegration of the Cape Khoikhoi. Through this process a number of independent family groups came into existence. One of these, the Oorlam Afrikaners, had the ability to adapt to changing circumstances. This allowed them, despite their relative small numbers, to develop into a driving force in the history of Namaqua- and Namaland. The first two phases in this development were led by Klaas Afrikaner and his son, Jager Afrikaner. At the time of Jager Afrikaner's death in 1822, his people were living at Blydeverwacht and Jerusalem in southern Namaland. On his deathbed he handed over the leadership of the Oorlam Afrikaners to his second son, Jonker Afrikaner. This gave rise to dissatisfaction which eventually led to a split in the ranks and the moving of Jonker and his followers northwards. Due to Jonker's military skills and the advantages he and his followers had because of their access to firearms and ammunition, they established a reputation for effective warfare. In the thirties this in turn encouraged a Nama tribe, the Red Nation, to ask their help in defeating the Herero when they (the Nama) were driven from their traditional pastures. After driving the Herero back to the area north of the Kuiseb River, Jonker and his followers themselves settled in Central-Namaland, residing at places like Niais, Tsebris and eventually Windhoek. The Oorlam Afrikaners' position of power was vulnerable in one aspect - it was depended on the preservation of their access to firearms and ammunition for its existence and survival. Because of this Jonker initiated contact with the missionaries and traders by means of the English traveller, James Edward Alexander, who visited him in 1837. This in tum set in motion a chain of events which would clearly illustrate the interdependence of the indigenous people, missionaries and traders. Edward Cook and Joseph Tindall of the Wesleyan Mission Society were the first missionaries to visit the northern Oorlam Afrikaners. Their claim on Jonker, however, was not acknowledged by the Rhenish missionaries, Heinrich Kleinschmidt and Carl Hugo Hahn, who settled in Windhoek with Jonker's permission. Here an exceptional relationship developed between Jonker and Kleinschmidt. Jonker's wish to reunite the Oorlam Afrikaners and the unwillingness of the Wesleyan missionaries of the southern Afrikaners to work together with the Rhenish missionaries, eventually forced Kleinschmidt and Hahn to leave Windhoek. Meanwhile traders had arrived in the country. They supplied firearms, ammunition, brandy and other commodities to Jonker and his people on credit. By 1846 the indigenous people were so deeply in debt that they saw no other option than to start raiding the Herero in order to pay what they owed. Thus a period of violence and clashes across cultural borders and even within tribes began. Tension between Jonker and one of his Herero allies, Kahitjene, for example led to an attack on Kahitjene and the destruction of the mission station at Okahandja by Jonker in August 1850. A further escalation in violence was temporarily prevented by the arrival of the English traveller, Francis Galton. He threatened Jonker with British reprisals. After his departure growing resistance of indigenous leaders against Jonker erupted in an attack on Windhoek in May 1854. Again tension in the country was suppressed by external factors, this time the arrival of the copper miners. They promoted peace because the continuation of their work was impossible without it. Through their mediation the Matchlessmine Peace was concluded in November 1855. At the same time the way in which they played off the indigenous groups against each other, forced these leaders to form a collective forum against the mining community. This was done in the Treaty of Hoachanas, concluded in 1858. In 1858, after moving around and residing at Grootwarmfontein and Okapuka, Jonker and his people moved to Okahandja. With Okahandja as base, he became involved in Ovambo politics. Two years later, when the outbreak of lungsickness made the obtaining of cattle in the interior impossible, his previous contact gave him the opportunity to raid the Ovambo. He returned an ill man and died on 16 August 1861 in Okahandja. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Christiaan Afrikaner. After his death it became clear that the Oorlam Afrikaners owed the attaining of their position of power to the leadership abilities of Jonker Afrikaner. Through a combination of diplomacy and a display of power, and the way in which he manipulated people and group relations, he succeeded in setting the pace for events in the whole region between the Orange and Kunene Rivers.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die geskiedenis van die Afrikaner-Oorlams begin tydens die disintegrasie van die Kaapse Khoikhoi in die sewentiende eeu. Deur die loop van hierdie proses het verskeie onafhanklike familiegroepe, soos die Afrikaner-Oorlams, tot stand gekom. Hoewel aanvanklik klein en onbeduidend, het hulle vermoe om hulle by veranderende omstandighede aan te pas, mettertyd gelei tot die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaner-Oorlam-familiegroep as 'n magsfaktor in die geskiedenis van Namakwa- en Namaland. Die eerste twee fases van hierdie ontwikkeling het plaasgevind o.l.v. Klaas Afrikaner, en toe sy seun Jager. Toe Jager Afrikaner in 1822 oorlede is, het hy die leisels aan sy tweede oudste seun, Jonker Afrikaner, oorhandig. Op hierdie stadium het die Afrikaner- Oorlams in suidelike Namaland, by Blydeverwacht en Jerusalem, gewoon. Jager se optrede het tot 'n skeuring in Afrikaner-geledere gelei. Jonker Afrikaner se volgelinge het, danksy sy krygsvernuf en die voorsprong wat hulle toegang tot wapens en ammunisie hulle gegee het, 'n reputasie vir effektiewe oorlogvoering opgebou. Dit het 'n Nama-groep, die Rooinasie, aangespoor om hulle om hulp te vra toe hulle in die dertiger jare deur die Herero uit hulle tradisionele weivelde verdring is. Jonker-hulIe het die Herero teruggedryf tot anderkant die Kuisebrivier en hulle toe self in sentraal-Namaland gevestig, onder meer by Niais, Tsebris en uiteindelik by Windhoek. Jonker-hulle se nuwe magsposisie was kwesbaar in die opsig dat die daarstelling en voortbestaan daarvan afhanklik was van die behoud van hulle toegang tot vuurwapens en ammunisie. Daarom het Jonker in 1837, d.m.v. die Engelse reisiger James Edward Alexander, kontak met sendelinge en handelaars geYnisieer. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot 'n reeks gebeure wat die ineengestrengeldheid van die lotgevalle van die inheemse inwoner, sendeling en handelaar sterk na yore gebring het. Die eerste sendelinge wat die noordelike Afrikaner-Oorlams besoek het, was eerwaardes Edward Cook en Joseph Tindall van die Wesleyaanse Sendinggenootskap. Die Rynse sendelinge, Heinrich Kleinschmidt en Carl Hugo Hahn, het die Wesleyane se aanspraak op Jonker egter nie erken nie en hulle, met Jonker se toestemming, op Windhoek gevestig. Hier het mettertyd 'n besondere vertrouensverhouding tussen Jonker en Kleinschmidt ontwikkel. Jonker se begeerte om die onderskeie Afrikaner-Oorlam-groepe te herenig en die suidelike Afrikaners se sendelinge, die Wesleyane. se onwilligheid om met die RSG saam te werk, het Kleinschmidt-hulle egter uiteindelik gedwing om Windhoek te verlaat. Ondertussen het handelaars in die land aangekom wat ammunisie, vuurwapens, brandewyn en ander handelsartikels op krediet aan Jonker en sy mense verskaf het. Teen 1846 was die inheemse bevolking so diep in die skuld dat hulle geen ander uitweg gesien het as om die Herero te begin beroof om hulle skuld te delg nie. Hierdie optrede het 'n tydperk van geweld en botsings oor kultuurgrense heen en selfs binne stamverband ingelei. Spanning tussen Jonker en een van sy Herero-bondgenote Kahitjene, het byvoorbeeld gelei tot 'n aanval op laasgenoemde en die vernietiging van die sendingstasie Okahandja, in Augustus 1850. 'n Verdere eskalasie in geweld is tydelik verhinder deur die aankoms van die Engelse reisiger Francis Galton, wat Jonker gedreig het met Britse militere optrede. Na sy vertrek het opbouende verset teen Jonker onder inheemse leiers in Mei 1854 tot uitbarsting gekom in 'n aanval op Windhoek. Weer eens is die spanning in die land onderdruk deur eksterne faktore, die keer die aankoms van koperdelwers. Hulle het vrede aangemoedig omdat die voortsetting van hulle werksaamhede daarsonder onmoontlik was. Deur hulle bemiddeling is die Matchless-myn Vrede in November 1855 gesluit. Terselfdertyd het die wyse waarop hulle die verskillende inheemse groepe teen mekaar afgespeel het, inheemse leiers genoodsaak om die Traktaat van Hoachanas in 1858 te sluit, 'n verdrag wat aan hulle 'n gemeenskaplike forum teen die mynmaatskappye sou verskaf. Nadat Jonker en sy volgelinge onder meer op Grootwarmfontein en Okapuka gewoon het, het hulle in 1858 na Okahandja verhuis. Hiervandaan het Jonker betrokke geraak in die Ovambo-politiek. Dit het hom twee jaar later, toe longsiekte die verkryging van vee in die binneland onmoontlik gemaak het, die geleentheid gebied om die Ovambo te gaan beroof. Jonker het siek van hierdie roof tog af teruggekeer en op 16 Augustus 1861 op Okahandja gesterf. Hy is opgevolg deur sy oudste seun, Christiaan Afrikaner. Na sy dood het dit duidelik geword dat die Afrikaner-Oorlams hulle magsposisie hoofsaaklik aan Jonker se leierskap te danke gehad het. Deur'n kombinasie van magsvertoon en diplomasie en die manier waarop hy mense- en groepsverhoudinge gemanipuleer het, het hy vir bykans veertig jaar die pas aangegee vir gebeure in feitlik die hele landstreek tussen die Oranje- en Kuneneriviere.

Thesis (MTh)--Stellenbosch University, 2013.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The goal of this study was to investigate the driving force behind family conflicts, its relation to change in gender roles, male power abuse, and their impact on Ovawambo family life. Firstly, this research indicates that Ovawambo males are trained to be breadwinners, heads of families, owners of family properties, supervisors for their wives and children, and protectors of their families and the entire community. Secondly, the research indicates that both have also influenced the masculine identity of these males. The missionaries, as well as colonialism, promoted Western patriarchy, justified male dominance and reinforced the power of the male as the head of the family and exclusive holder of authority in the family, community and the state. The direct and indirect participation of men in the struggle for Namibian independence also possibly influenced them to apply power and threats. However, this study also indicates that Ovawambo males are under the influence of the modern mass media, which reflect and reinforce gender stereotypes and portray males as controlling or leading characters who tend to dominate women in relationships. Thirdly, this study indicates that the rapid socio-economic and political change, which took place in Namibia after independence, also directly affected Ovawambo male and female relationships. Through law reforms, gender roles were redefined and laws for gender equality were introduced. These laws (the Married Persons' Equality Act, Family Law on Rape and Domestic Violence and Maintenance Act) challenged the male-dominant norms; thus, the men feel that law reforms favoured only the women. The second purpose of this study was to examine whether a pastoral-anthropological and theological understanding of God's vulnerability could help pastoral care to address the problem of the Ovawambo male identity within the cultural setting of Namibian males and the notion of power abuse. In order to reframe male identity through a theological understanding of God‟s power, the researcher selected the theopaschitic interpretation of the theology of the cross. The theopaschitic approach renders God's power, in terms of the Pauline notion of astheneia, as weakness and compassionate vulnerability. The value of theopaschitic thinking, in terms of God's praxis, is based on a shift from the substantial approach in theological reflection to the relational and encounter paradigm. Through appropriate understanding of the fatherhood of God, Ovawambo men can appreciate their power and ability to enrich relationships, rather than destroy. It is argued that, the power of God interpreted as “weakness” and “vulnerability”, can contribute to a paradigm change in the interpretation of male identity within the cultural setting of the Ovawambo. The paradigm shift emanating from this theological understanding of power, is from “threat power” (the need to control, to abuse, to dominate) to “intimate power” (the need to comfort, to be compassionate and understanding and to bestow intimacy and love within the dynamics of family and social relationships). The study concluded that the church has a major role to play in helping families to survive the intrusiveness of modern family crises through a holistic systematic pastoral care model. The pastoral ministry of the church should help men to shift from selfishness, enmeshment, domination, dissociation and rejection, towards a healing family environment wherein intimacy, caring, trust, openness, understanding, supportive guidance and respect prevail. The church should fulfil this through models for relational, educational and therapeutic family enrichment programs. Pastoral care is one of the basic ways to promote, not only physical, but also spiritual well-being. It has been argued that an understanding of God‟s power in terms of a theopaschitic interpretation of a theologia crucis can play a fundamental role as regards a theological reframing of the existing patriarchal and hierarchical paradigms. Instead of male dominance, a disposition and attitude of compassionate intimacy is proposed. Such a disposition should reflect a kind of diakonia position within the dynamics of family life. In terms of a Christian spiritual understanding of fatherhood, males should represent the sacrificial ethics of diakonic outreach as well as a stance of unconditional love.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die hoofdoel van die studie is om daardie faktore wat aanleiding gee tot gesinskonflik binne die kultuurkonteks van die Ovavambo te bepaal. Wat is die verband tussen gesinskonflik en gender-rolfunksies, die tradisionele siening van manlikheid en die geweldsfaktor (magsmisbruik) en die invloed hiervan op gesinsinteraksie? Die navorsing dui aan dat Ovavambo mans binne die kultuurtradisie opgevoed word wat daartoe lei dat gevestigde idees oor manlike rolfunksies vasgelê word. (a) Die rolfunksie van die man is om broodwinner te wees; die man is die hoof van die gesin; die eienaar van familie-eiendom; die een wat toesig hou oor vrou en kinders; optree as beskermheer van die gesin asook van die hele gemeenskap. (b) Die konsep van patriargaat bepaal deurslaggewend manlikheid en identiteit. Hierdie perspektief is verder aangewakker en versterk deur sendelinge wat binne die raamwerk van Westerse kolonialisme geopereer het. 'n Westerse verstaan van die patriargaat het daartoe bygedra dat manlike dominansie gepropageer is sodat die man steeds die oorheersende faktor in gesinsaangeleenthede gebly het. Gesag is eksklusief gesetel in manlike funksies in beide die gesin, en gemeenskapstrukture. Die feit dat mans die oorheersende rol in die stryd vir onafhanklikheid in Namibië gespeel het, het verder die persepsie versterk dat mans die leiersfigure in die samelewing is en aldus, direk en indirek, met gesag beklee is. Die studie dui verder aan dat Ovavambomans sterk deur die hedendaagse massa-media beïnvloed is. Die media projekteer manlike stereotipes wat daartoe bydra dat vroue steeds in 'n ondersgekikte rol gesien word. Die man word voorgestel as die dominante figuur in verhoudingsaangeleenthede. Dit blyk voorts dat ingrypende verskuiwings op sosio-ekonomiese gebied en radikale veranderinge binne politieke stelsels na die onafhanklikheidswording van Namibië, 'n direkte invloed op die man-vrouverhoudings in die Ovavambokultuur gehad het. Wetlike hervormings het gender-rolfunksies sterk bepaal. Op juridiese gebied is gender-gelykheid wetlik verskans. Nuwe wette rakende gelykwaardigheid en gelykheid, gesinswette oor verkragting en gesinsgeweld, het bestaande geykte norme oor manlike oorheersing gedekonstrueer. Dit het daartoe gelei dat mans al meer bedreig begin voel het en van mening was dat die nuwe wette eintlik net vrouens bevoordeel. 'n Verdere doel van die studie was om te bepaal wat die moontlike impak van 'n pastorale antropologie kan wees op die proses om stereotipe persepsies oor manlikheid te verander. Die teologiese vraagstuk duik dan op of 'n bepaalde Godskonsep daartoe kan bydra om kultuur-paradigmas oor manlikheid te wysig. Daar word gekies vir 'n teopasgitiese benadering tot die Godssvestaan met 'n besondere voorkeur vir die weerloosheid van God as teologies-paradigmatiese raamwerk vir die verstaan van gesag en mag. Die hipotese word ondersoek dat 'n dergelike Godsverstaan manlike indentiteit kan verskuif vanaf patriargale oorheersing na 'n liefdesintimiteit wat manlikheid transponeer na deernisvolle sensitiwiteit. Manlike identiteit word dan bepaal deur 'n kruishermeneutiek; mag word geherdefinieer deur medelye en deernisvolle omgee vir die weerloosheid van die ander. Binne hierdie hermeneutiek speel die Pauliniese konsep van die swakheid (astheneia) van God 'n deurslaggewende rol. Die waarde van die teopasgitiese paradigma in die gender-debat is dat dit die fokus vir 'n Godsverstaan verskuif vanaf 'n substansiële interpretasieraamwerk na 'n relasionele en ontmoetingsparadigma. Die praxis van God en die Vaderskap van God moet dan nie in terme van kultuurkonvensies oor manlikheid en vroulikheid bepaal word nie, maar in terme van 'n teopasgitiese verstaan van mag as medelye. Hierdie teologiese konstruk kan aangewend word om die patriargaat te deurbreek en manlikheid binne die kultuurkonvensies van die Ovavambo te help herdefinieer. Ovavambomans kan dan manlikheid gebruik om verhoudinge te verryk en die vrou te bemagtig in plaas daarvan om die vrou te verkneg en op geweldadige wyse te oorheers. Die waarde van 'n kruisteologie is dat dit die paradigmatiese raamwerk aangaande mag verskuif vanaf 'n bedreigende magspel na 'n verrykende intimiteitspel. Dominering maak plek vir medelye; magsmisbruik maak plek vir deernis, intimiteit en omgee (sorg). Die teopasgitiese skema van interpretasie kan van toepasing gemaak word op alle vorme van menseverhoudinge, ook in die sosiale lewensbestel. Die studie konkludeer dat binne die voorgestelde, teologiese verstaan van mag, die kerklike bediening 'n belangrike rol kan speel om deur middel van gesinspastoraat, en veral gesinsverrykingsprogramme, die vraagstuk van manlike oorheersing aan te spreek. Vir dié doel moet gesinpastoraat gebruik maak van 'n sistemiese gesinsmodel ten einde die hedendaagse sogenaamde gesinskrisis aan te spreek. Gesinsbediening en gesinspastoraat het ten doel om die man te laat skuif vanaf selfsugtigheid, 'n dominerende houding wat andere versmoor, ontrekking en uitbuiting en verwerping, na intimiteit, sorg, vertroue, openhartigheid, begrip, ondersteunende begeleiding en respek. Op hierdie wyse kan mans daartoe bydra om die gesin weer heel en gesond te maak. Dit is dan ook die rede waarom die navorsing die aanbied van gesinsverrykingsprogramme sterk wil propageer. Dergelike programme moet dan naas die fisieke en sosiale behoeftes binne gesinsverband veral ook die spirituele dimensie van gesinsinteraksie bevorder. Met verwysing na die rol van 'n theologia crucis, is dit die tese van die navorsing dat mans 'n diakonia-posisie en omgee-houding sal internaliseer ten einde uit te reik na al die fasette van gesinsbehoeftes. Vaderskap moet die offerkarakter van die kruisliefde demonstreer en aldus 'n etos van opoffering in plaas van manipulering en hiërargiese oorheering reflekteer. 'n Diakonia-posisie inkarneer die werklikheid van 'n kruis-intimiteit, naamlik onvoorwaardelike liefde.

Text in English
Oruuano is an Independent Church in Namibia founded in 1955 because of members of the Herero community breaking away from the Rhenish Mission Church. Oruuano has the same doctrinal position as the Evangelical Lutheran Churches. In all church services it uses the standard Lutheran liturgical forms and the Otjiherero Lutheran hymnal. Belief in the ancestors is strong among the Herero. It is centred around the holy fire that is found between the main house of the head man and the cattle's kraal. The church does not acknowledge the ancestors, but it allows its members to venerate their ancestors outside the church. The church's approach is that of tacit consent. This dissertation discusses this approach and concludes that Oruuano cannot remain silent on the ancestors any longer. Time has come to deal with it theologically, showing the supremacy of Christ, while integrating Herero traditional practices and spirituality with the worship and practice of Oruuano.
Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology
M.Th. (Missiology)

D.Litt. et Phil. (Afrikaans)
Today linguists generally accept that languages change continuously and that variation characterizes language. lt appears from sociolinguistic research done since 1964 that there is a connection between linguistic and social or non-linguistic variables. Even an initial acquaintance with Rehoboth Afrikaans will indicate the general occurrence of variation; yet little research has been done in this area. The only noteworthy study in this field was carried out by J.H. Rademeyer in 1938. Variation, more specifically phonetic variation, is the object of study of this thesis ...

This study aims to analyse the links between patriarchy in the bible, the Damara culture, and the ecclesiological practices of the Evangelical Lutheran Church in Namibia (ELCN). Using empirical research (interviews) and socio-historical methodology, the study demonstrates how biblical patriarchy affects married Damara women and evaluates the consequent roles of women in the religious context of the church, in the light of the biblical and cultural patriarchy which Damara women are subjected to.
Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2007.

It is the feeling of the author of this thesis that in Oshiwambo society power and authority in families is invested on the male head. This act has caused the society to be a patriarchal society. In most cases women and children are taken for granted by men that they are there to serve men's interests. This patriarchal society emerged from culture and tradition of Oshiwambo people. Women discrimination starts at birth, when every member ofthe family is sorry that the baby is a girl. Also the way a baby boy is raised is different from the way of a girl. The boy is treated with a great respect while a girl is not. When the church came in the area, did not change this situation. In stead it gave more power to men than to women. Until 1992 women were not allowed to lead the church. Nowadays, there is a general feeling that this patriarchal system is good for nothing. As a response to that feeling the state has taken a stand in the present government that women must be well represented in leadership and holding important positions than before. Still, there have been opposition from some people who are not happy with these changes. They want women to be looked as inferior beings. The author of this thesis is of opinion that there are enough texts in the Bible which say about gender equality. Unfortunately, in most cases, the Oshiwambo men have failed to read these texts in the light of elevating the status ofwomen in their society. Therefore, the problem is not women discrimination as it may sound to the reader, but the real problem is the conservative ideology of men towards women. Men must be liberated from it.
Thesis (M.Th.)-University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2000.

This research deals with Bible translating into Oshikwanyama between 1891 and 1974. Poeple who live in northern Namibia and southern Angola speak Oshikwanyama. The research will focus on stages of translation projects and work done by translators, co-ordinators and the translation committee, as from German missionaries from the Rhenish Missionary Society for Finnish missionaries from Finnish Missionary Society. However, the focus will concentrate more on the agency of African indigenous translators. The German missionaries started the translation of the New Testament into Oshikwanyama with the assistance of the indigenous people when they arrived in Oukwanyama in 1891. The New Testament was printed in 1927 in London. The Finnish missionaries started the translation of the whole Bible into under the auspices of the BFBS Oshikwanyama in late 1958, and it was published by the BSSA in Cape Town in 1974. In line with the focus of this research, little has been documented up t6o now about African missionary identities and their contributions. The present research on Bible translation into Oshikwanyama aims to correct this by giving their biographies in some details. The issue of Bible translation into Oshikwanyama went hand in hand with the development of the language in written form. Therefore at the end the Oshikwanyama were very happy because God now speak to them in their language and at the same time their language has been recignized. In this research you will find out that indigenous people were not only behind the translation of the Bible into Oshikwanyama, but they were involved in that translation, proofreading and the correct appropriation of words. The 1974 Bible in Oshikwanyama is the product of African missionaries. After reading this thesis you will know them by their names and individual contributions.
Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2004.