Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Namibia. History'

This research dealt with the following cases of relocation that occurred in Rundu, namely: Nkondo village in the 1950s, forced removal to Nkarapamwe Black Township in 1968, and the relocation of Sarusungu and Mangarangandja in 1971 and 1972. The central research aim of this study was to explain why and how relocations occurred and their impact on the communities. The study also aimed to explain the motives of the authorities for the removals.

Mandume has fought two colonial powers, Portugal and British-South Africa from the time he became king in 1911 to 1917. This thesis looked at the different ways in which Manume is remembered in Namibia and Angola after these countries had gained their independence from colonialism. His bravery in fighting the colonizers has awarded him hero status and he is considered a nationalist hero in both Namibia and Angola. However, he is memorialized differently in Namibia and Angola. The process of remembering Mandume in different ways is related to where his body and head are buried respectively. This is because there is a belief that his body was beheaded, and his head was buried in Windhoek while the rest of his body is buried in Angola. The monument that is alleged to host his head is claimed to belong to him to this day. However, this monument was erected for the fallen South African troops who died fighting him. The author argued that this belief was in response to the need to reclaim a monumental space to commemorate Mandume in the capital city.

This thesis examines health care choices patients make when illness and misfortune occur. Research on health seeking behaviour was conducted in Katutura (the African township outside of Windhoek in Namibia) during 1996 and 1997. Due to the availability of a wide range of health care options from both the western and the traditional medical systems, utilisation of traditional medicine represents a conscious choice by patients and is not due to a lack of other alternatives. The use of traditional medicine can therefore be attributed to social, cultural, and personal factors rather than access, cost, and distance to modern health care facilities. A set of theoretical postulates is constructed to explain health seeking behaviour, including western and African concepts of ill health, which integrates both macro and micro-level analysis. Through macro-level analysis, this model postulates that western and traditional medical systems are able to exist within a single society due to the presence of co-existing ideologies (Medical Systems Theory). This model further postulates that social change is a significant attribute of post-colonial Namibian society (Post-colonial Theory). Rapid social change causes social disequilibrium leading to insecurities within the population which increase traditional health care utilisation, especially due to witchcraft accusation. Thus, macro-level theories are used to explain the existence and form of health care alternatives in Katutura; while micro-level analysis is used to examine how people make rational health care choices based on individualised variables within the enabling and constraining umbrella of Namibia's social structure. These variables include the individual's means, goals, desires, and environment of physical and social objects. Health seeking behaviour is influenced by the individual's previous experiences (history), personal constraints, and access to information. Based on data from the 1996 Tradition and Health Survey administered as part of the research for this dissertation, a model for health seeking behaviour is developed to guide the analysis of qualitative data. This model postulates that different patterns of utilisation depend on perceived causes, reasons and origins (aetiology) as well as manifestations of illness. Some illnesses are perceived of as clearly African and some are seen to be clearly western (both of these perceptions result in a single utilisation pattern). Some illnesses have a social/spiritual aetiology but universally recognised manifestations (resulting in a simultaneous utilisation pattern), and some illnesses are of indeterminate aetiology until treatment begins (resulting in a multi-faceted utilisation pattern). In addition to a utilisation pattern based on the aetiology and manifestation of illness, previous health seeking experiences influence, to a certain extent, subsequent health care choices; whereby the failure of one medical system to produce satisfactory results can cause health seekers to shift to another treatment regimen. In Katutura choices patients make are also influenced, to a certain extent, by the urban nature of the health seeking environment. Urban patients seek traditional medicine for a range of social/spiritual aetiologies, due to rapid social change and the experience of new and threatening situations. Urban patients also have more knowledge and experience with the western concept of contagious transmission as opposed to the traditional concept of social/spiritual contamination. In addition, health seeking patterns vary slightly between the different ethnic groups in Katutura. Traditional aetiological beliefs of the different ethnic groups in Katutura are reflected in current cultural beliefs about the cause of illness.

The study sought to understand how Grade 9 History teachers perceive and implement learner-centered education (LCE) in selected schools in Caprivi educational region in the Republic of Namibia. It concentrated on three teachers in two combined and junior secondary schools. The research employed a qualitative approach and three data instruments were used: interviews, class observations and document analysis. The findings of the study show that in their interview discussions of the principles, intent and recommended key features of LCE, the three participating teachers generally correctly captured some of the essential intentions of a LCE approach. At times in the interviews they seemed to strongly grasp the essence of a key strategy and its intent, but at other times their views were sketchy. Their view of different teaching strategies at times appeared integrated but not always that strongly. When it came to their classroom practice they could and did use a number of appropriate LCE teaching approaches. The level of effectiveness in their use of many of the approaches varied from effective to far from ideal and in need of quite big improvement. In the area of resources the three classrooms were extremely limited in what they displayed, had and used. There were too few textbooks and almost no posters and wall displays on history and the geography of the world and its peoples that the students were studying. An especially interesting feature was that they all seemed to be consciously engaged in an on-going teaching experiment with the LCE approaches. The LSC [sic] practices were clearly not yet strongly imbedded as solid classroom habits or dispositions, with perhaps the exception of questioning. But this experimenting made them much more self-conscious and reflective about their experiences. They all frankly identified some tensions that they felt existed between the espoused official features of a LCE class and the demands of the covering the curriculum, size of classes etc. Overall it was an encouraging picture of teachers eager to find ways to improve their teaching and experiment with new ideas. But also a picture of people not properly exposed to good or best practice in each teaching strategy and having to reinvent and rediscover on their own even the basics of reasonable practice often making very basic mistakes, for example in questioning.

The largest known marine diamond placer, the Namibian mega-placer, lies along the Atlantic coast of south-western Africa from the Orange River mouth 1,000 km northwards to the Namibian-Angolan border. The most economically viable portion of the Namibian mega-placer (>75 million carats recovered at >95% gem quality) comprises onshore and offshore marine deposits that are developed within ∼100km of the Orange River outfall. For much of the Cainozoic, this long-lived fluvial system has been the main conduit transporting diamonds from kimberlitic and secondary sources in the cratonic hinterland of southern Africa to the Atlantic shelf that has been neutrally buoyant over this period. Highly energetic marine processes, driven in part, by southerly winds with an attendant northward-directed longshore drift, have generated terminal placers that are preserved both onshore and offshore. This study, through detailed field sedimentological and diamond analyses, investigates the development and mineralisation of gravel barrier deposits within the ancestral Orange River mouth area during a major ∼30 m regional transgression ('30 m Package') in the Late Pliocene. At that time, diamond supply from this fluvial conduit was minimal, yet the corresponding onshore marine deposits to the north of the Orange River mouth were significantly diamond enriched, enabling large-scale alluvial diamond mining to take place for over 75 years. Of the entire coastline of south-western Africa, the most complete accumulation of the '30 m Package' is preserved within the palaeo-Orange River mouth as barrier spit and barrier beach deposits. Arranged vertically and laterally in a 16m thick succession, these are deposits of: (1) intertidal beach, (2) lagoon and washover, (3) tidal inlet and spit recurve and (4) storm-dominated subtidal settings. These were parts of larger barrier features, the bulk of which are preserved as highstand deposits that are diamond-bearing with varying, but generally low grades (<13 stones (diamonds) per hundred tons, spht). Intertidal beach and spit recurve deposits have higher economic grades (12-13 spht) due to the energetic sieving and mobile trapping mechanisms associated with their emplacement. In contrast, the less reworked and more sandy subtidal, tidal inlet and washover deposits have un-economic grades (<2 spht). Despite these low grades, the barrier deposits have the largest average stone (diamond) size (1-2 carats/stone, cts/stn) of the entire Namibian mega-placer, given their proximity to the ancestral Orange River outfall. This study demonstrates that barrier shoreline evolution at the fluvial/marine interface was controlled by: (1) a strong and coarse fluvial sediment supply that sustained shoreline growth on a highly energetic coast, (2) accommodation space facilitating sediment preservation and (3) short-duration, high-frequency sea-level cycles superimposed on the∼30 m regional transgression, promoting hierarchal stacking of progradational deposits. During these sea-level fluctuations, diamonds were 'farmed' from older, shelf sequences in the offshore and driven landward to accumulate in '30 m Package' highstand barrier deposits. In spite of the large supply of diamonds, their retention in these deposits was poor due to an incompetent footwall of ancestral Orange River mouth sediment and the inherent cobble-boulder size of the barrier gravels. Thus the principal process controlling diamond entrapment in these barrier deposits was kinetic sieving in a coarse-grained framework. Consequently, at the marine/fluvial interface and down-drift for ∼5 km, larger diamonds (1-2 cts/stn) were retained in low-grade (<2 spht), coarse-gravel barrier shorelines. Smaller diamonds (mostly < I cts/stn) were rejected into the northward-driven littoral sediments and further size-sorted along ∼95 km of Namibian coast to accumulate in finer, high-grade beach placers (> 100 spht) where bedrock footwall promoted such high concentrations. The gravel-dominated palaeo-Orange River mouth is considered to be the ' heart' of the Namibian mega-placer, controlling sediment and diamond supply to the littoral zone further north. Although coarse gravel is retained at the river mouth, the incompetence of this highly energetic setting to trap diamonds renders it sub-economic. This ineffectiveness at the fluvial/marine interface is thus fundamental in enriching the coastal tract farther down-drift and developing highly economic coastal placers along the Atlantic coast of south-western Africa.
KMBT_363
Adobe Acrobat 9.54 Paper Capture Plug-in

Around Africa there seems to be an increasing disillusion with 'development', seen under the rubric of teleological 'progress', which is touted by post-colonial governments as being the cure for Africa's ailments and woes. Numerous authors have pointed out that this local disillusion, and the attempt to manage the inequities that arise through development and modernity, can be seen to be understood and acted upon by local peoples through the idiom of witchcraft beliefs and fears (see Geschiere & Fisiy 2001; Geschiere 1997; Nyamnjoh 2001; Comaroff & Comaroff 1993; Ashforth 2005) and spirit possession nanatives (see Luig 1999; Gezon 1999), or more simply, occult beliefs and praxis (Moore & Sanders 2001). The majority of the Mayeyi of Namibia's Eastern Caprivi perceive that development is the only way their regiOn and people can survive and succeed in a modernising world. At ~he same time there is also a seeming reluctance to move towards perceiving witchcraft as a means of accumulation (contra Geschiere 1997). This notion of the 'witchcraft of wealth' is emerging, but for the most part witches are seen as the enemies of development, while spirit possession narratives speak to the desire for development and of the identity of the group vis-a-vis the rest of the world. The thesis presented argues that, although modernity orientated analyses enable occult belief to be used as a lens through which to 1..mderstand 'modernity's malcontents' (Comaroff & Comaroff 1993), they can only go so far in explaining the intricacies of witchcraft and spirit possession beliefs themselves. The dissertation argues that one should return to the analysis of the cosmological underpinnings of witchcraft belief and spirit possession, taken together as complementary phenomena, in seeking to understand the domain of the occult. By doing so the thesis argues that a more comprehensive anthropological understanding is obtained of occult belief and practice, the ways in which the domain of the occult is constituted and the ways in which it is a reflection or commentary on a changing world.

This thesis deals with the ten years preceding Namibia's independence in March 1990. It examines the various characters and groups in this process, and how their roles delayed or promoted it. The era of Pieter W. Botha is very significant in that his rule brought many changes to the decision-making process and content of South African foreign policy. This period, 1978 - 1989, marked the formulation of the Total National Strategy in response to the Total Onslaught being waged on South Africa by perceived hostile external forces. Namibia's transition to independence suffered under this military-oriented policy as did the rest of the region. Never before in South Africa's policy-making history had the security sector played such a major role. Regional relations changed subsequent to the policy changes because of the distorted vision the Botha regime had of black-ruled states. Namibia was seen as an important pawn in the Total National Strategy as the last buffer state in Southern Africa protecting South Africa's white minority regime

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD
This study critically examines the political, social and institutional settings in which archaeology was introduced in Namibia. I re-examine the idea of archaeology as a scientific and objective discipline that could be practiced without input from the knowledge systems of local communities. Archaeology developed alongside colonialism in Africa. Archaeology became an apparatus for knowing about the strategic resources that could be found in Namibia. Through the processes of recording sites and artefacts archaeology provided information that was useful to the colonial administration.

Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt einerseits überblicksartig, gleichzeitig aber auch ins Detail gehend, vor allem die kartographische Entwicklung von Namibia von den Anfängen im 18. Jh. bis zur Unabhängigkeit im Jahr 1990. Dabei werden neben der eigentlichen Kartographie auch die wichtigsten damit im Zusammenhang stehenden Entwicklungen der Forschungsreisen, des Vermessungswesens, der allgemeinen Verwaltung des Landes und der Organisation des Karten- und Vermessungswesens im Gebiet des heutigen Namibia, im Deutschen Reich und in Südafrika dargestellt. Diese Ausweitung des Themas erwies sich als notwendig, um die Hintergründe und das geschichtliche und politische Umfeld mancher kartographischen Entwicklung deutlich und verständlich machen zu können. Damit liegt erstmals eine umfassende Dokumentation über die Kartographie von Namibia vor. Die Gliederung der Arbeit in die drei großen Zeitabschnitte der vorkolonialen, der deutschen Kolonial- und der südafrikanischen Mandatszeit ermöglicht die genaue Differenzierung von politischen und verwaltungstechnischen Abhängigkeiten bei der Kartenherstellung. Allerdings muss auch berücksichtigt werden, dass unterschiedliche Entwicklungsstadien nicht nur vom Herrschaftsträger abhängig waren. Der Vergleich zu anderen Kolonien des südlichen und zentralen Afrika, aber auch der weiterreichende Blick auf alle europäischen Afrikakolonien zeigt, dass Fortschritte im jeweiligen Karten- und Vermessungswesen neben der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Wertschätzung der Kolonie und der Macht des Mutterlandes (Deutschland, Portugal, Großbritannien, Frankreich) vor allem auch von der Größe, der Lage, der sehr verschiedenartigen Natur und dem Klima des entsprechenden Gebietes bestimmt wurden. Im Gegensatz zu der relativ langsamen, aber kontinuierlichen Entwicklung der Vermessungsmethoden und der kartographischen Darstellung in Europa sind in den Kolonien eher ruckartige Veränderungen zu verzeichnen, die mit dem Import der europäischen Methoden und Instrumente in infrastrukturell unterentwickelte Gebiete einhergingen. Die Entwicklung afrikanischer und im Besonderen südwestafrikanischer Karten zeigt drei Phasen: Zunächst erfolgte die Aufnahme der Küsten während der Entdeckungsreisen des 15. und 16. Jhs. und durch spezielle Forschungsreisen vor allem im 17. und beginnenden 18. Jh. Die Erforschung und kartographische Darstellung des Landesinnern begann dagegen zögernd erst Ende des 18. und Anfang des 19. Jhs. In SWA ist der Grund dafür vor allem in den schlechten Zugangsmöglichkeiten auf Grund der Wüstengebiete zu suchen. Träger dieser Aufnahmen waren hauptsächlich Missionare und Forschungsreisende. Innerhalb der nächsten 100 Jahre konnte in Südwestafrika ein grobes topographisches Grundwissen aufgebaut werden, das zur Orientierung im Land meist ausreichte. Mit der Eroberung Afrikas durch europäische Kolonialmächte Ende des 19. Jhs. begann die dritte Phase. Diese war in Südwestafrika durch die deutsche Kolonialherrschaft bestimmt und ist vor allem geprägt durch die Suche nach geeigneten Aufnahmemethoden und Darstellungswegen, um die riesigen, teilweise menschenleeren Gegenden in wirtschaftlich verantwortbarer, aber auch militärisch und verwaltungstechnisch nutzbarer Form kartographisch darzustellen. Ihren Höhepunkt erreicht diese Phase jedoch erst nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg, in Südwestafrika sogar erst in den 1970er Jahren mit dem Einsatz moderner Aufnahmetechniken. In gleichen Phasen vollzog sich auch der Übergang von Kontinentkarten über lineare Routenaufnahmen mit stark wechselnden Maßstäben hin zu flächendeckenden topographischen Abbildungen. Mit diesen Veränderungen war auch eine Wandlung des Aussagewertes der Karten verbunden. Wie in Europa war die Kartenherstellung in Südwestafrika seit 1904 vor allem durch das Militär und dessen Bedürfnisse geprägt. Damit besaß das Land gegenüber den anderen deutschen Afrikakolonien eine Sonderstellung. Im Gegensatz zu den anderen deutschen Kolonien, aber in Anlehnung an das landschaftlich und klimatisch vergleichbare Südafrika wurde seit dem Hererokrieg 1904 eine großzügige und möglichst flächendeckende geodätische Vermessung durch Triangulation durchgeführt. Dagegen lagen die Katastervermessung und alle damit in Zusammenhang stehenden Arbeiten wie im Deutschen Reich in den Händen der zivilen Behörden. Allerdings war die Trennung der Aufgaben, bedingt durch die alleinige Zuständigkeit der Zivilverwaltung für alle Vermessungs- und Kartierungsangelegenheiten in Südwestafrika vor 1904, nicht ganz so deutlich wie im Deutschen Reich. Die dadurch bedingten regelmäßigen Kompetenzstreitigkeiten und die mangelnde Anerkennung der Arbeiten der Gegenseite verursachten die Behinderung zügiger Fortschritte in der Kartenherstellung sowie erhebliche zusätzliche Kosten. Die Koordinierung und Organisation der Arbeiten in Südwestafrika während der deutschen Kolonialzeit zeigt deutliche Mängel. Trotzdem kann das kartographisch Erreichte als positiv bewertet werden. Natürlich können aus heutiger Perspektive verschiedene Entscheidungen und Vorgehensweisen kritisiert werden. Für die damalige Zeit, die vorhandenen Mittel, Instrumente und Methoden, die Anzahl des Personals und im Wissen um die infrastrukturellen und Lebensbedingungen sind die erzielten Ergebnisse, ob das die Einzelkarten, räumlich definierte Kartenwerke oder solche des ganzen Landes betrifft, eine große Leistung. Das zeigt sich umso mehr im Vergleich zu den Nachbarstaaten, von denen beim Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges keines so zahlreiche und gute Kartenmaterialien vorweisen konnte. Aber auch während der südafrikanischen Mandatszeit seit 1920 waren die Kompetenzen und Zuständigkeiten nicht eindeutig geregelt. Zunächst besaß Südwestafrika eine Sonderstellung gegenüber den Provinzen der Südafrikanischen Union, indem das Vermessungsamt in Windhuk für alle Vermessungs- und Kartierungsarbeiten des Landes zuständig war. Damit war das Mandatsgebiet in gewisser Weise aber auch von den methodischen und technischen Fortschritten, vor allem des Trigsurvey, abgekoppelt. Andererseits nutzte man diese Unabhängigkeit in Windhuk für eigene Wege, vor allem beim Druck der Karten in Southampton. Spätestens seit dem Beginn der Herstellung der landesweiten Kartenwerke in den Maßstäben 1:50 000, 1:250 000 und kleiner in den 1960er Jahren wurden die kartographischen Arbeiten dann aber von Südafrika bestimmt und kontrolliert. Trotz dieser Probleme lässt sich sowohl für die deutsche Kolonialzeit als auch für die südafrikanische Mandatszeit eine Vielzahl guter und von unterschiedlichen Autoren stammender Karten als Einzelwerke, als Beilage zu diversen Berichten oder als Kartenwerke feststellen. Flächendeckende Triangulationen stellen daneben eine bedeutende Entwicklung für die lagerichtige Wiedergabe der Topographie auf der Karte dar. Dass die deutsche Kolonialzeit in der vorliegenden Arbeit ein starkes Übergewicht gegenüber den anderen beiden Zeitabschnitten aufweist, liegt auch an den zahlreichen Aktivitäten und Produkten dieser Zeit, vor allem aber an der Quellenlage, die für die Zeit zwischen 1890 und 1915 qualitativ und quantitativ wesentlich umfangreicher ist, als beispielsweise für die Zeit nach 1920
This work gives an overview over the cartographic development of Namibia from the beginnings in the early 18th century up to the independence of the country in 1990. At the same time there is also a detailed view to the cartography, the maps and map series possible. Besides the most important developments of the large expeditions, the surveying, the general administration and the organization of the surveying and mapping in the area of today’s Namibia are shown. Additionally also the most important developments of surveying and mapping in the German Empire and in South Africa are presented because of there relevance for some historical and political decisions in relation to the surveying and mapping of Namibia. For the first time this work presents a comprehensive documentation about the cartography and the map-products of Namibia. Such a work does not exist for any of the neighbour countries in Southern Africa. The work is structured into three main periods, the Precolonial time up to 1884, the time of the German colony German South West Africa between 1884 and 1915/20 and the time of the South African mandatory power between 1920 and 1990. These periods allow to show in detail the different political and administrative obediences for the map making. But not only the colonial power (Germany, Great Britain, France, Portugal) is responsible for different developments. In comparison especially with other countries of Southern Africa but also with countries all over Africa it could be shown that advances in surveying and mapping also depend on the dimension, the location, the different nature, relief and the climate of an area. In contrast to the mostly slow but continuous development of the surveying methods and the cartographic design in Europe the colonies show steplike changes. This is because of the import of the European methods and instruments into areas with very low infrastructure. The development of the South West African cartography shows three main phases. During the age of discoveries in the 15th and 16th centuries but also through special expeditions in the 17th and the beginning 18th centuries the coasts were surveyed and mapped. The exploration and mapping of the inner parts of the country began late (end of 18th century) and slowly. The main reason for this are the large coastal deserts and the large waterless areas that made travelling very difficult and dangerous. The first travellers in South West Africa were missionaries and researchers. Within the next about 100 years the travellers could map an approximate topographic structure of the land. This was more or less satisfactory for an overview and the safe travelling in the country. The third phase began with the European, here German colonisation at the end of the 19th century. This phase began with the search for useful recording and mapping methods. Especially the huge but deserted areas of the colony had to be mapped in an economic arguable but also for the military and the administration usable way. The culmination of this phase was reached only after World War II, in South West Africa even only in the 1970th. At this time the modern recording methods allowed an area-wide and economic surveying and mapping of the whole country. In the same phases one can also see the change-over from maps of the continent via linear maps as results of route-mappings to area-wide topographic map series. As in Europe the surveying and mapping of German South West Africa since 1904 was affected by the military and its techniques and demands. This gave the land an exceptional position in comparison to the other German colonies. Like in the scenic and climatic similar South Africa the military survey section built up a large and area-wide geodetic survey by triangulation since the Herero-War in 1904. On the other hand the cadastral survey was in the hands of the civil administration as it was in the German Empire. But the separation of the duties and responsibilities was not that clear and precise like in Germany because the civil land surveyors were responsible for all works in the colony prior 1904 and did not wanted to give up all charges. The constant questions of authority and the partly lack of acceptance of the works of the other side caused a lot of additional costs and the relatively slow mapping progress. The coordination and organization of the surveying and mapping of the German colony South West Africa shows obvious failings. Even so the mapping of the colony can be evaluated positive. For that time, the possibilities, instruments and methods, for the small number of employees and with the knowledge of the infrastructure and the living conditions the results are quite good. Many beautiful and high quality single maps and maps series of special area and for the whole country are known. This is much more astonishing as none of the neighbour countries could reach such an high standard up to the beginning of World War I. During the time of the South African mandatory power the competences and responsibilities of the surveying and mapping were also not clearly defined. After World War I but up to the 1950th South West Africa had an exceptional position compared to the South African provinces. The surveying office in Windhuk was responsible for all surveyings and mappings in South West Africa. For this the country was partly cutted from the latest methodic and technic developments of the South African Trigsurvey. On the other hand Windhuk could use his independence for own ways. For this the SWA-maps produced in the 1930th were printed in Southampton and not at the South African Government Printer in Pretoria and show a much better printing quality than the South African maps of that time. At the latest with the beginning of the production process of the map series in 1:50 000, 1:250 000 and smaller in the 1960th the mapping process of South West Africa/Namibia was fully controlled and affected by the South African Trigsurvey. Despite a lot of problems there are both for the Precolonial period, for the German and for the South African time a lot of good maps from many different authors and for different objections produced known. An analysis of the geometric accuracy of four maps, made between 1879 and 1980 (Chapter 6) shows additionally the high importance of area-wide triangulations for high quality maps. The reason for the overweight of the German colonial time in this work depends on the one side on the many maps and other cartographic products and activities of that time but on the other side it depends also on the high quantity and quality of resources about surveying and mapping in the German time

A study of the biology, anatomy and taxonomy of the sciaenid fishes of the genus Argyrosomus from South Africa and Namibia revealed that three species were confused under the name "Argyrosomus Izololepidotus (Lacepède 1801)". Comparison of morphometric and meristic data, otoliths, swim-bladders, drumming muscles, and other morphological features of specimens from southern Africa, Madagascar, the Mediterranean, the eastern Atlantic Ocean, Japan and Australia, revealed that "A. hololepidotus" is a complex of four species: A. japonicus (Temminck & Schlegel 1843), which occurs off southern Africa, Japan and Australia; A. inodorus sp. nov., which is known from Namibia to the Kei River (32°40'S) on the east coast of South Africa; A. coronus sp. nov., which is known from central and northern Namibia and Angola, and A. hololepidotus, which appears to be endemic to Madagascar. Both A. japonicus and A. inodorus are important recreational and commercial linefish species in South Africa. Although A. inodorus occurs on the east and west coasts of South Africa, and A. japonicus is found between Cape Point and Mozambique, the former species is abundant only between Cape Point and the Kei River, and the latter species from Cape Agulhas to northern KwaZulu/Natal. The life-histories of Argyrosomus japonicus and A. inodorus, within these respective ranges, were elucidated using length-at-age, reproductive, catch and effort, size composition, otolith dimension/fish length and tagging data. Median sizes at maturity (L₅₀) for A. japonicus were 920 mm TL (5 years) for males and 1070 mm TL (6 years) for females. All males >1100 mm TL (7 years) and all females >1200 mm TL (8 years) were mature. Females grew faster than males, but in both sexes growth slowed dramatically after maturity. Maximum age recorded was 42 years, but fish older than 27 years were rare. Adult A. japonicus were predominantly found in the nearshore marine environment, but also occurred in estuaries and in the surf zone. Spawning takes place in the nearshore environment, from August to November in Natal, and from October to January in the Southern and South-Eastern Cape regions. A large proportion of the adult population migrate to Natal to spawn, although spawning may continue once they return to the Cape. Early juveniles of 20-30 mm TL recruit into turbid estuaries along the entire east coast, possibly aided by olfactory cues. They appear to remain in the upper reaches of the estuaries where they find suitable food and refuge from predators until they grow to about 150 mm TL. Juveniles larger than this size were found in the middle and lower reaches of estuaries and also in the surf zone. Juvenile A. japonicus (<1000 mm TL) generally did not migrate long distances, but remained as separate sub-stocks until they reached maturity. A. inodorus grows more slowly than A. japonicus, and attains a lower maximum age (25 years) and a smaller maximum size (34 vs 75 kg). There was no significant difference between the growth rates of male and female A. inodorus. Those in the South-Westem Cape initially grew faster than those on the east coast, but growth slowed sooner in the former region with the result that these fish attained a smaller maximum size. Although ripe A. inodorus were sampled throughout the year, there was a distinct spawning season from August to December, with a peak in spring (Sept-Nov). Spawning occurred throughout the study area for this species, in <50 m depth. Size at sexual maturity for A. inodorus was smaller in the South-Eastern Cape than in the Southern Cape. Median size at maturity for females was attained at 310 mm TL (1.3 years) in the former and at 375 mm TL (2.4 years) in the latter region, and the length at which all females were mature was 400 mm (3.5 years) and 550 mm (4.7 years) respectively. For males the estimates of Lso and total maturity were 200 mm (1 year) and 400 mm (2.8 years) for the SouthEastern Cape and 250 mm (1.5 years) and 450 mm (3.4 years) in the Southern Cape. East of Cape Agulhas, A. inodorus was found from just beyond the surf zone to depths of 120 m. Adults occurred predominantly on reef (>20 m) while juveniles were found mainly over soft substrata of sand/mud (5-120 m depth). Early juveniles do not enter estuaries, but apparently recruit to nursery areas immediately beyond the backline of breakers (5-10 m depth), and then move seawards with growth. No juveniles were obtained from the area west of Cape Agulhas as substrates <200 m depth were unsuitable for trawling. Due to lower water temperatures, the adults in this area were found from within the surf zone to depths of only 20 m. East and west of Cape Agulhas there was evidence of offshore dispersal in winter, in response to oceanographic changes. Based upon otolith morphology, juvenile and adult distribution patterns, sizes at sexual maturity and on tagging data, A. inodorus between Cape Point and the Kei River apparently exist as three separate stocks, one in the South-Eastern Cape, one in the Southern Cape and one in the South-Western Cape, with limited exchange. The life-histories of A. japonicus and A. inodorus are discussed in terms of their management. The large size at maturity of A. japonicus together with evidence for considerable human impact on the early juvenile, juvenile, and the adult phases of the life-cycle indicate that estuarine nursery habitats need to be conserved, that the minimum size limit should be increased, and that current bag limits for this species should be reviewed. Although the current minimum size limit provides protection for A. illodorus until maturity, evidence is presented which indicates that at least one and possibly all of the stocks of this species are currently over-exploited. Stock assessment of the South African A. japonicus and A. inodorus resources, and the implementation of effective management strategies, are therefore a matter of urgency.

The contribution of local knowledge to land use planning and sustainable utilization of natural resources is enormous, yet often overlooked by conventional top-down approaches of regional integrated land use plans. The rich knowledge of local land users contribution to implementation of top-down plans is very important. This study investigated the importance of environmental criteria analysis in sustainable land management through engaging the community at local level, using Salambala Conservancy in Katima Mulilo Rural, Lusese Village in Kabbe and Mayuni Conservancy in Linyanti constituencies, Caprivi region, North East Namibia as case studies.

Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2015
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis undertakes a comparative reading of post-colonial literature written in English in Botswana, Namibia and Zimbabwe to bring into focus the similarities and differences between fictional representations of poverty in these three countries. The thesis explores the unique way in which literature may contribute to the better understanding of poverty, a field that has hitherto been largely dominated by scholarship that relies on quantitative analysis as opposed to qualitative approaches. The thesis seeks to use examples from selected texts to illustrate that (as many social scientists have argued before) literature provides insights into the ‘lived realities’ of the poor and that with its vividly imagined specificities it illuminates the broad generalisations about poverty established in other (data-gathering) disciplines. Selected texts from the three countries destabilise the usual categories of gender, race and class which are often utilised in quantitative studies of poverty and by so doing show that experiences of poverty cut across and intersect all of these spheres and the experiences differ from one person to another regardless of which category they may fall within. The three main chapters focus primarily on local indigence as depicted by texts from the three countries. The selection of texts in the chapters follows a thematic approach and texts are discussed by means of selective focus on the ways in which they address the theme of poverty. Using three main theorists – Maria Pia Lara, Njabulo Ndebele and Amartya Sen – the thesis focuses centrally on how writers use varying literary devices and techniques to provide moving depictions of poverty that show rather than tell the reader of the unique experiences that different characters and different communities have of deprivation and shortage of basic needs.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis onderneem ‘n vergelykende studie van post-koloniale letterkunde in Engels uit Botswana, Namibië en Zimbabwe, om sodoende die ooreenstemmings en verskille tussen letterkundige uitbeeldings van armoede in hierdie drie lande aan die lig te bring. Die tesis ondersoek die unieke manier waarop letterkunde kan bydra tot ‘n beter begrip van armoede, ‘n studieveld wat tot huidiglik grotendeels op kwantitatiewe analises berus, in teenstelling met kwalitatiewe benaderings. Die tesis se werkswyse gebruik voorbeelde uit gelekteerde tekste met die doel om te illustreer (soos verskeie sosiaal-wetenskaplikes reeds aangevoer het) dat letterkunde insig voorsien in die lewenservarings van armoediges en dat dit die breë veralgemenings aangaande armoede in ander (data-gebaseerde) wetenskappe kan illumineer. Geselekteerde tekste uit die drie lande destabiliseer die gewone kategorieë van gender, ras en klas wat normaaalweg gebruik word in kwantitatiewe studies van armoede, om sodoende aan te toon dat die ervaring van armoede dwarsdeur hierdie klassifikasies sny en dat hierdie tipe lewenservaring verskil van persoon tot persoon ongeag in watter kategorie hulle geplaas word. Die drie sentrale hoofstukke fokus primêr op lokale armoede soos uitgebeeld in tekste vanuit die drie lande. Die seleksie van tekste in die hoofstukke volg ‘n tematiese patroon en tekste word geanaliseer na aanleiding van ‘n selektiewe fokus op die maniere waarop hulle armoede uitbeeld. Deur gebruik te maak van ‘ die teorieë van Maria Pia Lara, Njabulo Ndebele en Amartya Sen, fokus hierdie tesis sentraal op hoe skrywers verskeie literêre metodes en tegnieke aanwend ten einde ontroerende uitbeeldings van armoede te skep wat die leser wys liewer as om hom/haar slegs te vertel aangaande die unieke ervarings wat verskillende karakters en gemeenskappe het van ontbering en die tekort aan basiese behoefte-voorsiening.

Visual records of place remain to a large degree inadequate when attempting to make visible the ephemeral states of consciousness that underlie the damage wrought by brutal regimes, let alone make visible the extraordinary histories and power structures encoded in images and views. This practice-led dissertation examines an emerging critical landscape genre in post-apartheid South Africa and Namibia, and its relationship to specific themes such as identity, belonging, trauma and memory. The landscape genre was traditionally considered inadequate to use in expressions of resistance under apartheid, particularly in the socially conscious and reformist discourse of South African documentary photography. I argue that, as a result of historical and cultural shifts after the demise of apartheid in 1994, a shift in aesthetic and subject matter has occurred, one that has led to a more rigorous and interventionist engagement with the landscape genre. I demonstrate how, after 1994, photographers of the long-established documentary tradition, which was meant to record 'what is there' in a sharp, clear, legible and impartial manner, would continue to draw on devices of the documentary aesthetic, but in a more idiosyncratic way. I show how these post-apartheid, documentary landscapes both disrupt and complicate the conventional expectations involved in converting visual fields into knowledge. I further investigate, through my own experimental documentary work, the ideologically fraught aspects of landscape representation with their links to Calvinist and German Romantic aesthetics. I appropriate and disrupt certain tropes still prevalent in popular landscape depictions. I do this in an effort to reveal the complex and troubled relationship that these traditions share with issues of willed historical amnesia and recognition in contemporary Namibia. Through my practice and the examination of other photographers' and artists' work, this project aims to further a self-reflective and critical approach to the genre of landscape and issues of identity in post-apartheid South Africa and Namibia.

Includes bibliography.
'Smuts and ,the Politics of Colonial Expansion: South African Strategy in Regard to South-West Africa [Namibia] and the League of Nations Mandate: c.1914-1924' is an analysis of Jan Smuts's central role in the Union's conquest of South West Africa in 1915, the fight for annexation of the territory in 1918-1919, and his subsequent shaping of the Mandate as Prime Minister of the Union until 1924. In addition it is an investigation of Smuts's motivations during this period. Three significant conclusions emerge from this dissertation. Primarily, I argue that Smuts was involved in all three above described stages of the Union's acquisition of South-West Africa, as both a policy-maker and the lead representative of South Africa's interests. Most importantly, I evaluate Smuts's incentives for so passionately leading the attempt to incorporate South-West Africa and contend that Smuts wanted to annex the territory because of his desire to create a white-led superstate in southern Africa, independent of European influence and with regional hegemony, and that the annexation of South-West Africa was an important step in that direction for Smuts. Additonally, I assess Smuts's successes and failures and conclude that his failure to fully realize annexation of the territory was responsible for Namibia's eventual independence. In order to prove my assertions, I rely on both secondary and primary information from South African and Namibian archives. My primary sources are drawn from the papers of the Governor-General of the Union, the Prime Minister of the Union, the Secretary and Administrator of South-West Africa, and others such as the American Ambassador to South Africa.

Philosophiae Doctor - PhD
Although jellyfish are recognised recently as key components that can influence ecosystem functioning and trophic flows in the northern Benguela upwelling ecosystem, the number of published studies on their abundance, seasonality, life history and ecological roles off Namibia is strictly limited. Chrysaora fulgida is one of the most common and conspicuous medusae in the plankton off Namibia, and has flourished in the region, following the decline of the pilchard fishery at the end of the 1960s. It is said that their biomass (together with Aequorea forskalea) exceed that of the commercially important fish stocks off Namibia. In addition, this species is also capable of forming large swarms in northern Benguela where they are a nuisance to fisheries operations. The objective of this study is to try and fill gaps regarding our knowledge of the biology and ecology of Chrysaora fulgida off Namibia, with a view to improve our understanding of its success in the northern Benguela ecosystem. In the Chapter 1, a general overview on the current knowledge and population dynamics of jellyish blooms and their ecology is compiled. Other key topics of the thesis such as jellyfish life cycles and their reproduction are also introduced. Chapter 2 investigates the temporal changes in the jellyfish community in Walvis Bay over a 23-month period from biweekly plankton samples. All twelve of the recovered taxa were characteristically neritic, and included meroplanktonic Hydrozoa and Scyphozoa, as well as cydippid ctenophores and shallow water siphonophores. Whilst, ephyrae of Chrysaora fulgida were dominant overall, and peaked in abundance during mid-spring (Year 2012: 168 933 ind. 100 m-3) and late winter (Year 2013: 23 389 ind. 100 m-3), they were not present all year round, being replaced (in part) by Obelia in summer and autumn, Bougainvillia in spring and summer, and Muggiaea atlantica in summer. Seasonal changes in the composition and structure of the community were driven primarily by bottom water temperature and day length (explaining 24% of the variability in community structure), with wind speed and moon illumination playing a secondary role. The recruitment of ephyrae of C. fulgida to the plankton off Walvis Bay is confirmed not to be continuous throughout the year. Chapter 3 present the first detailed investigation on the identification, morphological development and growth of wild caught ―ephyrae‖ of the scyphozoan Chrysaora fulgida and Chrysaora africana in Walvis Bay, off Namibia. Concrete morphological dissimilarities are documented to distinguish C. africana from C. fulgida, despite the limited sample size of C. africana: coloration differences and the presence/absence of branched canals on the periphery of velar and rhopalial canal tips. In the case of C. fulgida the morphological development from an ephyra (Stage 0) to a juvenile medusa could be described successfully in six stages, whilst missing stages were noted for C. africana. In general, the development of ephyrae described here agrees with patterns described for other species in the genus from elsewhere. The ephyrae stages of C. fulgida illustrated a low overall growth rate (4.33 and 3.45% d-1, respectively) and longer ontogenic development (~164 days), respectively, than most other jellyfish species. Through the histological examination of medusa gonads, Chapter 4 investigates the sexual reproduction and maturation of both Chrysaora species, collected off Walvis Bay, Namibia. Both species were non-brooding, gonochoristic, displayed a 1:1 sex ratio and exhibited no clear sexual dimorphism features. Gametogenesis in both species was similar to that displayed by other Discomedusae, whilst some differences in gonad maturity were evident between them – Chrysaora fulgida displayed aseasonal, reproductive heterogeneity (maturing at ~300 mm diameter) and individuals were semelparous, whilst C. africana appeared strongly seasonal but iteroparous. Through stable isotope analysis (𝛿13C, 𝛿15N and C:N ratios), Chapter 5 examines the presence of tissue, ontogenetic, seasonal, spatial and interspecific variability in medusae of Chrysaora fulgida and Chrysaora africana off Walvis Bay, in the northern Benguela, Namibia. This study did not only illustrate size-associated shifts in trophic ecology, but also revealed spatial, inter-species and some tissue differences in the northern Benguela upwelling system. Size would appear to be the over-riding factor that influences the isotope signatures of Chrysaora fulgida; size being linked in turn to space. A clear negative relationship is illustratred between 𝛿15N and individual size for two scyphozoans (C. fulgida and C. africana) off central Namibia, indicating that larger jellyfish feed lower down the food chain than smaller ones in both species. This is explained by the need and ability of ephyrae and small medusae to access the microbial food web which consists of many trophic steps and hence numerous opportunities for enrichment of nitrogen isotopes, resulting in higher 𝛿15N values of smaller individuals. Chapter 6 provides a synthesis of the main findings of the thesis, and makes recommendations on ways that the research can be carried forward.
2020-08-31

Magister Educationis - MEd
This study endeavoured to gauge the impact of globalization on the intergenerational diffusion of oral literature and its pedagogic role in Namibia. The study also sought to highlight the contribution of oral literature and its pedagogic value in addressing the aims and objectives of the Namibian education system in regard to the training of learners to acquire the skills, knowledge, attitudes and values needed for them to become effective and valuable members of society. The theoretical framework that underpins the study, the functionalist approach, foregrounds the functional values of social systems and structures. Oral heritage is seen as having various societal functions, pre-eminently that of moulding, educating and shaping young people to be functional members of the society (Finnegan, 1970). The aims of this study were pursued through a case study of two educational contexts in the Zambezi (formerly Caprivi) region of north-east Namibia. The inquiry in the formal educational setting was done in four schools, while that into the non-formal educational setting took place in four rural villages. The latter were crucial in the study in that they were home to research subjects who possessed valuable insights into the pedagogic role of oral literature as a form of community based education. The four schools were purposefully selected for offering Silozi, a lingua franca in Zambezi region, as a first language subject

The present thesis deals with the Namibian liberation struggle against the South African regime, by focusing on the relationship of solidarity between SWAPO and East Germany. It provides an original perspective of the German-Namibian history between 1978-1990, by using the life stories of Lucia Engombe and Stefanie Lahya Aukongo. They are Namibian women who, according to the pact of solidarity, lived on the brink between Namibia and East Germany, becoming in this way witnesses of the historical upheavals that have changed the global order. Then, this thesis makes use of Child No. 95. My German-African Odyssey – the autobiography of Lucia Engombe – and Kalungas Kind: meine unglaubliche Reise uns Leben – the autobiography of Stefanie Layha Aukongo – as sources to investigate the complexities of that period. The global lives of Lucia Engombe and Stefanie Lahya Aukongo allow the combination of macro and micro history and bring out new facets, which otherwise would remain in the shadow. Through the deconstruction of their life narratives, in fact, the big narrative of the global history become fraught with new meanings, bringing out the power of microhistories. This thesis shows how individual autobiographies can be meaningful to history, and how global history can be reconciled with micro-history through the story of global lives, which provide new and unprecedented points of view.

Thesis (PhD)-- Stellenbosch University, 1995.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The history of the Oorlam Afrikaners began in the seventeenth century during the disintegration of the Cape Khoikhoi. Through this process a number of independent family groups came into existence. One of these, the Oorlam Afrikaners, had the ability to adapt to changing circumstances. This allowed them, despite their relative small numbers, to develop into a driving force in the history of Namaqua- and Namaland. The first two phases in this development were led by Klaas Afrikaner and his son, Jager Afrikaner. At the time of Jager Afrikaner's death in 1822, his people were living at Blydeverwacht and Jerusalem in southern Namaland. On his deathbed he handed over the leadership of the Oorlam Afrikaners to his second son, Jonker Afrikaner. This gave rise to dissatisfaction which eventually led to a split in the ranks and the moving of Jonker and his followers northwards. Due to Jonker's military skills and the advantages he and his followers had because of their access to firearms and ammunition, they established a reputation for effective warfare. In the thirties this in turn encouraged a Nama tribe, the Red Nation, to ask their help in defeating the Herero when they (the Nama) were driven from their traditional pastures. After driving the Herero back to the area north of the Kuiseb River, Jonker and his followers themselves settled in Central-Namaland, residing at places like Niais, Tsebris and eventually Windhoek. The Oorlam Afrikaners' position of power was vulnerable in one aspect - it was depended on the preservation of their access to firearms and ammunition for its existence and survival. Because of this Jonker initiated contact with the missionaries and traders by means of the English traveller, James Edward Alexander, who visited him in 1837. This in tum set in motion a chain of events which would clearly illustrate the interdependence of the indigenous people, missionaries and traders. Edward Cook and Joseph Tindall of the Wesleyan Mission Society were the first missionaries to visit the northern Oorlam Afrikaners. Their claim on Jonker, however, was not acknowledged by the Rhenish missionaries, Heinrich Kleinschmidt and Carl Hugo Hahn, who settled in Windhoek with Jonker's permission. Here an exceptional relationship developed between Jonker and Kleinschmidt. Jonker's wish to reunite the Oorlam Afrikaners and the unwillingness of the Wesleyan missionaries of the southern Afrikaners to work together with the Rhenish missionaries, eventually forced Kleinschmidt and Hahn to leave Windhoek. Meanwhile traders had arrived in the country. They supplied firearms, ammunition, brandy and other commodities to Jonker and his people on credit. By 1846 the indigenous people were so deeply in debt that they saw no other option than to start raiding the Herero in order to pay what they owed. Thus a period of violence and clashes across cultural borders and even within tribes began. Tension between Jonker and one of his Herero allies, Kahitjene, for example led to an attack on Kahitjene and the destruction of the mission station at Okahandja by Jonker in August 1850. A further escalation in violence was temporarily prevented by the arrival of the English traveller, Francis Galton. He threatened Jonker with British reprisals. After his departure growing resistance of indigenous leaders against Jonker erupted in an attack on Windhoek in May 1854. Again tension in the country was suppressed by external factors, this time the arrival of the copper miners. They promoted peace because the continuation of their work was impossible without it. Through their mediation the Matchlessmine Peace was concluded in November 1855. At the same time the way in which they played off the indigenous groups against each other, forced these leaders to form a collective forum against the mining community. This was done in the Treaty of Hoachanas, concluded in 1858. In 1858, after moving around and residing at Grootwarmfontein and Okapuka, Jonker and his people moved to Okahandja. With Okahandja as base, he became involved in Ovambo politics. Two years later, when the outbreak of lungsickness made the obtaining of cattle in the interior impossible, his previous contact gave him the opportunity to raid the Ovambo. He returned an ill man and died on 16 August 1861 in Okahandja. He was succeeded by his eldest son, Christiaan Afrikaner. After his death it became clear that the Oorlam Afrikaners owed the attaining of their position of power to the leadership abilities of Jonker Afrikaner. Through a combination of diplomacy and a display of power, and the way in which he manipulated people and group relations, he succeeded in setting the pace for events in the whole region between the Orange and Kunene Rivers.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die geskiedenis van die Afrikaner-Oorlams begin tydens die disintegrasie van die Kaapse Khoikhoi in die sewentiende eeu. Deur die loop van hierdie proses het verskeie onafhanklike familiegroepe, soos die Afrikaner-Oorlams, tot stand gekom. Hoewel aanvanklik klein en onbeduidend, het hulle vermoe om hulle by veranderende omstandighede aan te pas, mettertyd gelei tot die ontwikkeling van die Afrikaner-Oorlam-familiegroep as 'n magsfaktor in die geskiedenis van Namakwa- en Namaland. Die eerste twee fases van hierdie ontwikkeling het plaasgevind o.l.v. Klaas Afrikaner, en toe sy seun Jager. Toe Jager Afrikaner in 1822 oorlede is, het hy die leisels aan sy tweede oudste seun, Jonker Afrikaner, oorhandig. Op hierdie stadium het die Afrikaner- Oorlams in suidelike Namaland, by Blydeverwacht en Jerusalem, gewoon. Jager se optrede het tot 'n skeuring in Afrikaner-geledere gelei. Jonker Afrikaner se volgelinge het, danksy sy krygsvernuf en die voorsprong wat hulle toegang tot wapens en ammunisie hulle gegee het, 'n reputasie vir effektiewe oorlogvoering opgebou. Dit het 'n Nama-groep, die Rooinasie, aangespoor om hulle om hulp te vra toe hulle in die dertiger jare deur die Herero uit hulle tradisionele weivelde verdring is. Jonker-hulIe het die Herero teruggedryf tot anderkant die Kuisebrivier en hulle toe self in sentraal-Namaland gevestig, onder meer by Niais, Tsebris en uiteindelik by Windhoek. Jonker-hulle se nuwe magsposisie was kwesbaar in die opsig dat die daarstelling en voortbestaan daarvan afhanklik was van die behoud van hulle toegang tot vuurwapens en ammunisie. Daarom het Jonker in 1837, d.m.v. die Engelse reisiger James Edward Alexander, kontak met sendelinge en handelaars geYnisieer. Dit het aanleiding gegee tot 'n reeks gebeure wat die ineengestrengeldheid van die lotgevalle van die inheemse inwoner, sendeling en handelaar sterk na yore gebring het. Die eerste sendelinge wat die noordelike Afrikaner-Oorlams besoek het, was eerwaardes Edward Cook en Joseph Tindall van die Wesleyaanse Sendinggenootskap. Die Rynse sendelinge, Heinrich Kleinschmidt en Carl Hugo Hahn, het die Wesleyane se aanspraak op Jonker egter nie erken nie en hulle, met Jonker se toestemming, op Windhoek gevestig. Hier het mettertyd 'n besondere vertrouensverhouding tussen Jonker en Kleinschmidt ontwikkel. Jonker se begeerte om die onderskeie Afrikaner-Oorlam-groepe te herenig en die suidelike Afrikaners se sendelinge, die Wesleyane. se onwilligheid om met die RSG saam te werk, het Kleinschmidt-hulle egter uiteindelik gedwing om Windhoek te verlaat. Ondertussen het handelaars in die land aangekom wat ammunisie, vuurwapens, brandewyn en ander handelsartikels op krediet aan Jonker en sy mense verskaf het. Teen 1846 was die inheemse bevolking so diep in die skuld dat hulle geen ander uitweg gesien het as om die Herero te begin beroof om hulle skuld te delg nie. Hierdie optrede het 'n tydperk van geweld en botsings oor kultuurgrense heen en selfs binne stamverband ingelei. Spanning tussen Jonker en een van sy Herero-bondgenote Kahitjene, het byvoorbeeld gelei tot 'n aanval op laasgenoemde en die vernietiging van die sendingstasie Okahandja, in Augustus 1850. 'n Verdere eskalasie in geweld is tydelik verhinder deur die aankoms van die Engelse reisiger Francis Galton, wat Jonker gedreig het met Britse militere optrede. Na sy vertrek het opbouende verset teen Jonker onder inheemse leiers in Mei 1854 tot uitbarsting gekom in 'n aanval op Windhoek. Weer eens is die spanning in die land onderdruk deur eksterne faktore, die keer die aankoms van koperdelwers. Hulle het vrede aangemoedig omdat die voortsetting van hulle werksaamhede daarsonder onmoontlik was. Deur hulle bemiddeling is die Matchless-myn Vrede in November 1855 gesluit. Terselfdertyd het die wyse waarop hulle die verskillende inheemse groepe teen mekaar afgespeel het, inheemse leiers genoodsaak om die Traktaat van Hoachanas in 1858 te sluit, 'n verdrag wat aan hulle 'n gemeenskaplike forum teen die mynmaatskappye sou verskaf. Nadat Jonker en sy volgelinge onder meer op Grootwarmfontein en Okapuka gewoon het, het hulle in 1858 na Okahandja verhuis. Hiervandaan het Jonker betrokke geraak in die Ovambo-politiek. Dit het hom twee jaar later, toe longsiekte die verkryging van vee in die binneland onmoontlik gemaak het, die geleentheid gebied om die Ovambo te gaan beroof. Jonker het siek van hierdie roof tog af teruggekeer en op 16 Augustus 1861 op Okahandja gesterf. Hy is opgevolg deur sy oudste seun, Christiaan Afrikaner. Na sy dood het dit duidelik geword dat die Afrikaner-Oorlams hulle magsposisie hoofsaaklik aan Jonker se leierskap te danke gehad het. Deur'n kombinasie van magsvertoon en diplomasie en die manier waarop hy mense- en groepsverhoudinge gemanipuleer het, het hy vir bykans veertig jaar die pas aangegee vir gebeure in feitlik die hele landstreek tussen die Oranje- en Kuneneriviere.

This study examines Cuba’s role in the two southern African countries of Angola and Namibia during the Cold War period. It argues that Cuba’s ideological motivations have been embodied in the mutually reinforcing concepts of proletarian internationalism and anti-imperialism. These conceptual perspectives constitute some of the central variables that influence Cuba’s foreign policy behaviour in international relations. It is within this context that one can understand Cuba’s involvement in Southern Africa. This study also attempts to explain that Cuban foreign policy towards Africa was based on two complementary and contextual objectives namely, promoting nationalism at home and nurturing revolutionary Marxist-Leninist governments, as well as supporting anti-colonial and anti-imperialist movements abroad. For the purpose of achieving these foreign policy objectives, Cuba not only engaged in state-to-state relations with Angola and Namibia; but had cordial relations with the rest of the continent and in particular Southern Africa, which also became a direct military testing ground for Cuba’s commitment to an anti-colonial and anti-imperialist revolutionary stance. Furthermore, the thesis shows that Cuba’s relentless hatred of imperialism is rooted in its historical relationship with the United States because from the turn of the century till 1958, the Americans interfered in Cuba’s internal affairs by supporting corrupt administrations and exploited the country. These practices by the United States laid the foundation for Cuba’s anti-colonialism and antiimperialism abroad. Ultimately, this thesis shows that Cuban involvement in Angola and Namibia can be conceptualised within these contexts (anti-imperialism, anti-colonialism, proletarian internationalism and revolutionary Marxism-Leninism). The role of Cuban nationalism in the realisation of these objectives and ideals, as well as its role in perpetuating and consolidating her foreign policy is assessed in this study. This nationalism and ideals of internationalism constitutes the central idea in the Cuban revolution. Finally, this thesis asserts that Cuban motives for getting involved in the politics of Southern Africa were not motivated by economic or imperialistic reasons. Rather, the historical similarity and colonial experiences between Africa and Cuba were some of the central causal factors.

This study sought to investigate English literate journeys of selected Grade 12 learners who come from educationally disempowering home backgrounds, and who ‘meet’ informal and/or formal exposure to English language mainly within the confines of school hours. Located within the qualitative, interpretive life history study design, the study used questionnaire and learners’ autobiographies to generate data. These data were then subjected to explore the literate journey of these learners in English as a second language through a comprehensive descriptive analysis. The study was conducted in an urban high school in Omaheke region, Namibia, and the research site and study participants were selected purposively. Theoretically, the study drew from Krashen’s (1981) Second Language Acquisition Theory, which offered this study the five hypotheses that were used as categories to generate, analyse, interpret and discuss data. Research findings reveal that, for various reasons discussed in the study, there is minimal parental involvement in the English literacy journey of their children at home. These include parents not reading regularly to their children, not encouraging visits to the library and the shortage of literacy materials such as newspapers and magazines. The educational level of parents is also a major contributing factor in the literacy journey of their children. The contribution of the community towards the literacy journey in English as a second language of these learners was minimal since the vernacular languages or Afrikaans were used to communicate. At the school level it was found that the attitude of some teachers was a hindrance, as was the way they taught. The use of the mother tongue during teaching also had an effect on the literacy development of the learners. Although the different methods used by various teachers at school level contributed in a way towards literacy development of the learners at school, the huge number of learners in the classrooms was a force to be reckoned with. It is hoped that the study’s findings will assist the Ministry of Basic Education Arts and Culture (MBEAC) in Namibia in informing the type of syllabus content and pedagogical practices to be utilised in teaching English as a Second Language.

Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt einerseits überblicksartig, gleichzeitig aber auch ins Detail gehend, vor allem die kartographische Entwicklung von Namibia von den Anfängen im 18. Jh. bis zur Unabhängigkeit im Jahr 1990. Dabei werden neben der eigentlichen Kartographie auch die wichtigsten damit im Zusammenhang stehenden Entwicklungen der Forschungsreisen, des Vermessungswesens, der allgemeinen Verwaltung des Landes und der Organisation des Karten- und Vermessungswesens im Gebiet des heutigen Namibia, im Deutschen Reich und in Südafrika dargestellt. Diese Ausweitung des Themas erwies sich als notwendig, um die Hintergründe und das geschichtliche und politische Umfeld mancher kartographischen Entwicklung deutlich und verständlich machen zu können. Damit liegt erstmals eine umfassende Dokumentation über die Kartographie von Namibia vor. Die Gliederung der Arbeit in die drei großen Zeitabschnitte der vorkolonialen, der deutschen Kolonial- und der südafrikanischen Mandatszeit ermöglicht die genaue Differenzierung von politischen und verwaltungstechnischen Abhängigkeiten bei der Kartenherstellung. Allerdings muss auch berücksichtigt werden, dass unterschiedliche Entwicklungsstadien nicht nur vom Herrschaftsträger abhängig waren. Der Vergleich zu anderen Kolonien des südlichen und zentralen Afrika, aber auch der weiterreichende Blick auf alle europäischen Afrikakolonien zeigt, dass Fortschritte im jeweiligen Karten- und Vermessungswesen neben der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Wertschätzung der Kolonie und der Macht des Mutterlandes (Deutschland, Portugal, Großbritannien, Frankreich) vor allem auch von der Größe, der Lage, der sehr verschiedenartigen Natur und dem Klima des entsprechenden Gebietes bestimmt wurden. Im Gegensatz zu der relativ langsamen, aber kontinuierlichen Entwicklung der Vermessungsmethoden und der kartographischen Darstellung in Europa sind in den Kolonien eher ruckartige Veränderungen zu verzeichnen, die mit dem Import der europäischen Methoden und Instrumente in infrastrukturell unterentwickelte Gebiete einhergingen. Die Entwicklung afrikanischer und im Besonderen südwestafrikanischer Karten zeigt drei Phasen: Zunächst erfolgte die Aufnahme der Küsten während der Entdeckungsreisen des 15. und 16. Jhs. und durch spezielle Forschungsreisen vor allem im 17. und beginnenden 18. Jh. Die Erforschung und kartographische Darstellung des Landesinnern begann dagegen zögernd erst Ende des 18. und Anfang des 19. Jhs. In SWA ist der Grund dafür vor allem in den schlechten Zugangsmöglichkeiten auf Grund der Wüstengebiete zu suchen. Träger dieser Aufnahmen waren hauptsächlich Missionare und Forschungsreisende. Innerhalb der nächsten 100 Jahre konnte in Südwestafrika ein grobes topographisches Grundwissen aufgebaut werden, das zur Orientierung im Land meist ausreichte. Mit der Eroberung Afrikas durch europäische Kolonialmächte Ende des 19. Jhs. begann die dritte Phase. Diese war in Südwestafrika durch die deutsche Kolonialherrschaft bestimmt und ist vor allem geprägt durch die Suche nach geeigneten Aufnahmemethoden und Darstellungswegen, um die riesigen, teilweise menschenleeren Gegenden in wirtschaftlich verantwortbarer, aber auch militärisch und verwaltungstechnisch nutzbarer Form kartographisch darzustellen. Ihren Höhepunkt erreicht diese Phase jedoch erst nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg, in Südwestafrika sogar erst in den 1970er Jahren mit dem Einsatz moderner Aufnahmetechniken. In gleichen Phasen vollzog sich auch der Übergang von Kontinentkarten über lineare Routenaufnahmen mit stark wechselnden Maßstäben hin zu flächendeckenden topographischen Abbildungen. Mit diesen Veränderungen war auch eine Wandlung des Aussagewertes der Karten verbunden. Wie in Europa war die Kartenherstellung in Südwestafrika seit 1904 vor allem durch das Militär und dessen Bedürfnisse geprägt. Damit besaß das Land gegenüber den anderen deutschen Afrikakolonien eine Sonderstellung. Im Gegensatz zu den anderen deutschen Kolonien, aber in Anlehnung an das landschaftlich und klimatisch vergleichbare Südafrika wurde seit dem Hererokrieg 1904 eine großzügige und möglichst flächendeckende geodätische Vermessung durch Triangulation durchgeführt. Dagegen lagen die Katastervermessung und alle damit in Zusammenhang stehenden Arbeiten wie im Deutschen Reich in den Händen der zivilen Behörden. Allerdings war die Trennung der Aufgaben, bedingt durch die alleinige Zuständigkeit der Zivilverwaltung für alle Vermessungs- und Kartierungsangelegenheiten in Südwestafrika vor 1904, nicht ganz so deutlich wie im Deutschen Reich. Die dadurch bedingten regelmäßigen Kompetenzstreitigkeiten und die mangelnde Anerkennung der Arbeiten der Gegenseite verursachten die Behinderung zügiger Fortschritte in der Kartenherstellung sowie erhebliche zusätzliche Kosten. Die Koordinierung und Organisation der Arbeiten in Südwestafrika während der deutschen Kolonialzeit zeigt deutliche Mängel. Trotzdem kann das kartographisch Erreichte als positiv bewertet werden. Natürlich können aus heutiger Perspektive verschiedene Entscheidungen und Vorgehensweisen kritisiert werden. Für die damalige Zeit, die vorhandenen Mittel, Instrumente und Methoden, die Anzahl des Personals und im Wissen um die infrastrukturellen und Lebensbedingungen sind die erzielten Ergebnisse, ob das die Einzelkarten, räumlich definierte Kartenwerke oder solche des ganzen Landes betrifft, eine große Leistung. Das zeigt sich umso mehr im Vergleich zu den Nachbarstaaten, von denen beim Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges keines so zahlreiche und gute Kartenmaterialien vorweisen konnte. Aber auch während der südafrikanischen Mandatszeit seit 1920 waren die Kompetenzen und Zuständigkeiten nicht eindeutig geregelt. Zunächst besaß Südwestafrika eine Sonderstellung gegenüber den Provinzen der Südafrikanischen Union, indem das Vermessungsamt in Windhuk für alle Vermessungs- und Kartierungsarbeiten des Landes zuständig war. Damit war das Mandatsgebiet in gewisser Weise aber auch von den methodischen und technischen Fortschritten, vor allem des Trigsurvey, abgekoppelt. Andererseits nutzte man diese Unabhängigkeit in Windhuk für eigene Wege, vor allem beim Druck der Karten in Southampton. Spätestens seit dem Beginn der Herstellung der landesweiten Kartenwerke in den Maßstäben 1:50 000, 1:250 000 und kleiner in den 1960er Jahren wurden die kartographischen Arbeiten dann aber von Südafrika bestimmt und kontrolliert. Trotz dieser Probleme lässt sich sowohl für die deutsche Kolonialzeit als auch für die südafrikanische Mandatszeit eine Vielzahl guter und von unterschiedlichen Autoren stammender Karten als Einzelwerke, als Beilage zu diversen Berichten oder als Kartenwerke feststellen. Flächendeckende Triangulationen stellen daneben eine bedeutende Entwicklung für die lagerichtige Wiedergabe der Topographie auf der Karte dar. Dass die deutsche Kolonialzeit in der vorliegenden Arbeit ein starkes Übergewicht gegenüber den anderen beiden Zeitabschnitten aufweist, liegt auch an den zahlreichen Aktivitäten und Produkten dieser Zeit, vor allem aber an der Quellenlage, die für die Zeit zwischen 1890 und 1915 qualitativ und quantitativ wesentlich umfangreicher ist, als beispielsweise für die Zeit nach 1920.
This work gives an overview over the cartographic development of Namibia from the beginnings in the early 18th century up to the independence of the country in 1990. At the same time there is also a detailed view to the cartography, the maps and map series possible. Besides the most important developments of the large expeditions, the surveying, the general administration and the organization of the surveying and mapping in the area of today’s Namibia are shown. Additionally also the most important developments of surveying and mapping in the German Empire and in South Africa are presented because of there relevance for some historical and political decisions in relation to the surveying and mapping of Namibia. For the first time this work presents a comprehensive documentation about the cartography and the map-products of Namibia. Such a work does not exist for any of the neighbour countries in Southern Africa. The work is structured into three main periods, the Precolonial time up to 1884, the time of the German colony German South West Africa between 1884 and 1915/20 and the time of the South African mandatory power between 1920 and 1990. These periods allow to show in detail the different political and administrative obediences for the map making. But not only the colonial power (Germany, Great Britain, France, Portugal) is responsible for different developments. In comparison especially with other countries of Southern Africa but also with countries all over Africa it could be shown that advances in surveying and mapping also depend on the dimension, the location, the different nature, relief and the climate of an area. In contrast to the mostly slow but continuous development of the surveying methods and the cartographic design in Europe the colonies show steplike changes. This is because of the import of the European methods and instruments into areas with very low infrastructure. The development of the South West African cartography shows three main phases. During the age of discoveries in the 15th and 16th centuries but also through special expeditions in the 17th and the beginning 18th centuries the coasts were surveyed and mapped. The exploration and mapping of the inner parts of the country began late (end of 18th century) and slowly. The main reason for this are the large coastal deserts and the large waterless areas that made travelling very difficult and dangerous. The first travellers in South West Africa were missionaries and researchers. Within the next about 100 years the travellers could map an approximate topographic structure of the land. This was more or less satisfactory for an overview and the safe travelling in the country. The third phase began with the European, here German colonisation at the end of the 19th century. This phase began with the search for useful recording and mapping methods. Especially the huge but deserted areas of the colony had to be mapped in an economic arguable but also for the military and the administration usable way. The culmination of this phase was reached only after World War II, in South West Africa even only in the 1970th. At this time the modern recording methods allowed an area-wide and economic surveying and mapping of the whole country. In the same phases one can also see the change-over from maps of the continent via linear maps as results of route-mappings to area-wide topographic map series. As in Europe the surveying and mapping of German South West Africa since 1904 was affected by the military and its techniques and demands. This gave the land an exceptional position in comparison to the other German colonies. Like in the scenic and climatic similar South Africa the military survey section built up a large and area-wide geodetic survey by triangulation since the Herero-War in 1904. On the other hand the cadastral survey was in the hands of the civil administration as it was in the German Empire. But the separation of the duties and responsibilities was not that clear and precise like in Germany because the civil land surveyors were responsible for all works in the colony prior 1904 and did not wanted to give up all charges. The constant questions of authority and the partly lack of acceptance of the works of the other side caused a lot of additional costs and the relatively slow mapping progress. The coordination and organization of the surveying and mapping of the German colony South West Africa shows obvious failings. Even so the mapping of the colony can be evaluated positive. For that time, the possibilities, instruments and methods, for the small number of employees and with the knowledge of the infrastructure and the living conditions the results are quite good. Many beautiful and high quality single maps and maps series of special area and for the whole country are known. This is much more astonishing as none of the neighbour countries could reach such an high standard up to the beginning of World War I. During the time of the South African mandatory power the competences and responsibilities of the surveying and mapping were also not clearly defined. After World War I but up to the 1950th South West Africa had an exceptional position compared to the South African provinces. The surveying office in Windhuk was responsible for all surveyings and mappings in South West Africa. For this the country was partly cutted from the latest methodic and technic developments of the South African Trigsurvey. On the other hand Windhuk could use his independence for own ways. For this the SWA-maps produced in the 1930th were printed in Southampton and not at the South African Government Printer in Pretoria and show a much better printing quality than the South African maps of that time. At the latest with the beginning of the production process of the map series in 1:50 000, 1:250 000 and smaller in the 1960th the mapping process of South West Africa/Namibia was fully controlled and affected by the South African Trigsurvey. Despite a lot of problems there are both for the Precolonial period, for the German and for the South African time a lot of good maps from many different authors and for different objections produced known. An analysis of the geometric accuracy of four maps, made between 1879 and 1980 (Chapter 6) shows additionally the high importance of area-wide triangulations for high quality maps. The reason for the overweight of the German colonial time in this work depends on the one side on the many maps and other cartographic products and activities of that time but on the other side it depends also on the high quantity and quality of resources about surveying and mapping in the German time.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: It is asswned that events during the border war (SWAI Angola) had an influencelimpact on the lives of soldiers who took part in it. Some experiences have become embedded in their memories and are reflected in yams about such episodes and anecdotes that constitute a wealth of oral art. From a cultural history point of view, these therefore deserve to be recorded and conserved. The study interprets the narratives against the background of the border war and determines the relationship between these stories and the influence of the war on the lives of soldiers. Examples of war hwnour are grouped into stories about personal hygiene, misunderstandings, boyish pranks, practical jokes and other humorous incidents. As in any war, soldiers were confronted with unpleasant experiences such as bad news from home, the death of comrades and the enemy, adventures with wild animals and the loss of pets. Tales about soldiers' experiences during contact with the enemy allow one to gain insight into the functioning of the human mind. These stories are grouped into heroic deeds, narrow escapes and feelings experienced in contact with the enemy. As far as is known, no legends had their origin in the border war, but stories about quite a few legendary characters are told. Stories about helicopter pilots and trackers might eventually develop into legends, because of the fearlessness and skill of these people. Myths are stories originating in folkbelief, in which God or the gods play an important role. However, stories from the border war about chaplains and religion are not myths, but tales about personal experience with a religious inclination. It is clear from the narratives that religion played an important role in the lives of soldiers and that they had a child-like trust in a Supreme Being. Leaders, trackers and helicopter pilots were identified as important people in soldiers' battle for survival. They also had a need of female company and the presence of women. Pets played a significant role in allowing them to express their emotions. Each soldier experienced confrontation with death and the enemy in his own unique manner. In spite of hardships, many tales of a humorous nature were told. This can be regarded as a way of dealing and coping with unpleasant experiences.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die veronderstelling is dat gebeure gedurende die grensoorlog (SW AI Angola) In invloed/impak op die soldate wat daaraan deelgeneem het, se lewens gehad het. Sekere ervarings is in hulle geheue vasgele en kom in die vorm van belewenisvertellings en staaltjies na Yore, wat In ryke skat van volkswoordkuns bied. Dit verdien daarom om vanuit In kultuurhistoriese oogpunt opgeteken en bewaar te word. Die studie vertolk die vertellings teen die agtergrond van die grensoorlog en bepaal die verband tussen die vertellings en die invloed van die oorlog op die lewens van soldate. Voorbeelde van oorlogshumor word gegroepeer in verhale wat handel oor persoonlike higiene, misverstande, kwajongstreke, poetse en ander humoristiese insidente. Soos in enige oorlog, is soldate gekonfronteer met onaangename wedervarings soos slegte nuus van die huis af, die dood van makkers en die vyand, wedervarings met wilde diere en die verlies van troeteldiere. Vertellings oor soldate se ervarings tydens kontak met die vyand verleen insig in die werking van die menslike gees en is gegroepeer in heldedade, noue ontkomings en gevoelens wat ervaar is in kontak met die vyand. Sover bekend bestaan daar nie legendes uit die grensoorlog nie, maar daar is van In hele paar legendariese karakters vertel. Vanwee hulle onverskrokkenheid en vemuf kan verhale oor helikoptervlieeniers en spoorsnyers met verloop van tyd legendes word. Mites is verhale wat uit die volksgeloof spruit en waarin God of gode Inbelangrike rol speel. Verhale uit die grensoorlog wat handel oor kapelane en godsdiens, is egter nie mites nie maar belewenisvertellings met In godsdienstige strekking. Uit die vertellings blyk dit dat godsdiens In belangrike rol in die lewens van soldate gespeel het en dat daar In kinderlike vertroue in In Hoer Hand was. Leiersfigure, spoorsnyers en helikoptervlieeniers is geidentifiseer as belangrike persone in soldate se oorlewingstryd. Daar was ook In behoefte aan vroulike geselskap en teenwoordigheid. Troeteldiere het In belangrike rol gespeel om uiting te gee aan emosies. Soldate het konfrontasie met die dood en die vyand elkeen op sy eie unieke manier beleef. Ten spyte van ontberings, is daar heelwat verhale met In humoristiese strekking vertel en dit kan beskou word as In manier om onaangename ervarings te hanteer en te verwerk.

This essay seeks to give an account of the German-Herero/Nama conflict of 1903-1907, often labelled the first genocide of the 20th century, and to address the question, whether the Namibian tribes of the Herero and Nama have the right to claim reparations from Germany. After explaining the historical narrative, a legal discussion is held which underlines the complexity of the issue, bringing in the difficulty of the definition of “genocide” as a legal term, the question of German state succession, as well as the domestic struggles of contemporary Namibian politics. With all factors taken into consideration the conclusion is reached that the question is not answerable with a simple “yes” or “no”, but must ultimately be solved in direct negotiations between the involved parties.

L’Angola est devenue indépendante du Portugal le 11 novembre 1975, au milieu des disputes internes qui ont conduit à l'éclatement de la guerre civile provoquée par le fait que le MPLA a déclaré unilatéralement l'indépendance à Luanda. Ce moment a été déterminée en grande partie par le soutien reçu de Cuba et le bloc de l'Est, plus précisément l'URSS, au cours des 14 années de lutte anticoloniale. Dans la période postindépendance, entre 1975 et 1991, même si des bases militaires soviétiques ne furent pas été installées en Angola, il faut signaler l’influence politique-idéologique et la présence militaire de l’Union Soviétique, qui s’exerça à un degré élevé en comparaison avec d’autres pays dans le contexte d’une bipolarité mondiale. Du point de vue idéologique, l’influence soviétique se manifesta dans des actions de l’Etat angolais en ce que cela touchait à la construction d’un sentiment et d’une identité nationale, ainsi que dans l’appartenance à une nation angolaise, objectivée dans le processus de constitution de l’Homme Nouveau, promu par le Parti-Etat. Du point de vue militaire, l’implication de Moscou dans la guerre en Angola nous a amené à conclure que dans ce territoire les Soviétiques donnèrent une plus grande importance à la consolidation de l’Etat en ce qui touchait la sécurité et le renforcement des appareils politiques, en fournissant matériel et le soutien consultatif pour les forces militaires de l’Angola, bien qu'il soit important de remarquer que les Soviétiques n'ont pas contrôlé la politique intérieure du pays
Angola became independent from Portugal on 11 November 1975, in the midst of internal disputes that led to the outbreak of civil war caused by the fact that the MPLA unilaterally declared independence in Luanda. This moment has been determined largely by the support received from Cuba and the Eastern bloc, specifically the USSR during the 14 years of anti-colonial struggle. In the post-independence period, between 1975 and 1991, although Soviet military bases were not been installed in Angola, it should be noted the political-ideological influence and military presence of the Soviet Union, which exercised a high degree compared with other countries in the context of global bipolarity. From an ideological point of view, Soviet influence was manifested in the actions of the Angolan government in that it affected the building and a sense of national identity, as well as membership in an Angolan nation, objectified in the process of formation of the New Man, promoted by the Party-state. From a military point of view, the involvement of Moscow in the war in Angola has led us to conclude that in this territory the Soviets gave greater importance to the consolidation of the state in which affected the safety and building equipment policies, providing material and advisory support to the military forces of Angola, although it is important to note that the Soviets did not control the internal politics of the country

La question namibienne est caractérisée par des développements souvent tragiques dont le point de départ fut la colonisation qu' a connu ce territoire, sa soumission au mandat sud africain pour se retrouver sous d'autres formes d'occupation et d' annexion illégales malgré les différents rôles assumés par la Cour Internationale de Justice au milieu des années soixantes. Le processus d'évolution de la question fut transféré du cadre juridique au politique consécutivement aux interférences internationales. C'est ainsi qu'elle prit de nombreuses dimensions politiques, stratégiques et idéologiques.

ACette thèse est une histoire anthropologique de la communauté herero, de 1840 a aujourd'hui. Les cinq premiers chapitres retracent l'histoire des pasteurs herero, en s'interrogeant sur la signification de "la communauté herero" en tant qu'entité. Pour saisir la façon dont les formes de cette entité ont été transformées, maintenues ou réactivées aujourd'hui dans un contexte nouveau, deux thèmes ont été privilégiés : l'évolution des formes du pouvoir et les changements religieux. Ce travail s'intéresse à la façon dont les herero ont géré les présences et les actions des intervenants extérieurs ( oorlams, allemands, anglais, sud africains), et comment ils y ont répondu, en révélant les aptitudes a la résistance et les stratégies et ruses déployées au niveau local : la gestion du prosélytisme religieux, les formes de la richesse, l'évolution du pouvoir, et particulièrement le processus qui donne la supériorité a "l'être" sur "l'avoir" dans la constitution du pouvoir. A la lumière des chapitres précédents, le dernier chapitre analyse un conflit politique à l'oeuvre aujourd'hui entre les nationalistes et les néo-traditionalistes. Il pressente les différentes façons de reconstruire l'histoire et de penser l'avenir à l'aune de la complexité du passé.

L’Angola est devenue indépendante du Portugal le 11 novembre 1975, au milieu des disputes internes qui ont conduit à l'éclatement de la guerre civile provoquée par le fait que le MPLA a déclaré unilatéralement l'indépendance à Luanda. Ce moment a été déterminée en grande partie par le soutien reçu de Cuba et le bloc de l'Est, plus précisément l'URSS, au cours des 14 années de lutte anticoloniale. Dans la période postindépendance, entre 1975 et 1991, même si des bases militaires soviétiques ne furent pas été installées en Angola, il faut signaler l’influence politique-idéologique et la présence militaire de l’Union Soviétique, qui s’exerça à un degré élevé en comparaison avec d’autres pays dans le contexte d’une bipolarité mondiale. Du point de vue idéologique, l’influence soviétique se manifesta dans des actions de l’Etat angolais en ce que cela touchait à la construction d’un sentiment et d’une identité nationale, ainsi que dans l’appartenance à une nation angolaise, objectivée dans le processus de constitution de l’Homme Nouveau, promu par le Parti-Etat. Du point de vue militaire, l’implication de Moscou dans la guerre en Angola nous a amené à conclure que dans ce territoire les Soviétiques donnèrent une plus grande importance à la consolidation de l’Etat en ce qui touchait la sécurité et le renforcement des appareils politiques, en fournissant matériel et le soutien consultatif pour les forces militaires de l’Angola, bien qu'il soit important de remarquer que les Soviétiques n'ont pas contrôlé la politique intérieure du pays
Angola became independent from Portugal on 11 November 1975, in the midst of internal disputes that led to the outbreak of civil war caused by the fact that the MPLA unilaterally declared independence in Luanda. This moment has been determined largely by the support received from Cuba and the Eastern bloc, specifically the USSR during the 14 years of anti-colonial struggle. In the post-independence period, between 1975 and 1991, although Soviet military bases were not been installed in Angola, it should be noted the political-ideological influence and military presence of the Soviet Union, which exercised a high degree compared with other countries in the context of global bipolarity. From an ideological point of view, Soviet influence was manifested in the actions of the Angolan government in that it affected the building and a sense of national identity, as well as membership in an Angolan nation, objectified in the process of formation of the New Man, promoted by the Party-state. From a military point of view, the involvement of Moscow in the war in Angola has led us to conclude that in this territory the Soviets gave greater importance to the consolidation of the state in which affected the safety and building equipment policies, providing material and advisory support to the military forces of Angola, although it is important to note that the Soviets did not control the internal politics of the country

Bibliography : pages 312-319.
The present study sets out to accomplish two things: first, to demonstrate that space and spatiality is the domain in which discourse partakes of the colonial project, and second, to isolate a number of textual strategies employed in the discursive production of colonial space. The first aim requires a lengthy theoretical discussion which occupies the first part of the study. Here I develop the thesis that spatiality as a philosophical preoccupation has never been divorced from the questions of sigmfication and subjectivity, and that the production of significant and subjective space is always a production of social space. In support of this thesis, it is shown that vision and writing are the two functions in which subjective space becomes meaningful, and that in both cases it becomes meaningful only as social space. It is thus in the context of looking and writing that the production of colonial space may be examined as a social space within which meaning and subjectivity are possible. The second aim requires an analytical study of a number of colorual texts, which I undertake in part II of the study. For simplicity, I have confined myself to the colonial discourse of German South West Africa in the period 1884-1915. The central thesis developed here is that discourse develops strategies for enclosing spaces by demarkating borders, privileging certain passages between spaces and blocking others. This organization of space is presented as the ordering of a chaotic multiplicity and, as such, as a process of civilization. The contradiction between the blocking and privileging of passages results in what I call a "ritual of crossing": an implicit set of rules prescribmg the conditions of possibility for crossing the borders it establishes. As a result, in its production of space, the colonial text assumes a mythical function which allows it to transcend the very spaces it produces. It is here that I attempt to situate colonial discourse's claims to uruversal truth. In conclusion, the detailed analysis of the production of space in colonial discourse may be understood as a strategic intervention. It attempts to use the texts of colonisation to counter colonization's claims to universal truth and a civilizing mission.

This thesis examines West Germany's relationship with Namibia between 1969 and 1990. It investigates West German foreign policy towards Namibia, at the height of the Namibian liberation struggle, against the backdrop of East and West German rivalry. It brings to light that the post-war division of Germany into two separate states significantly impacted both German states' policies towards Namibia. The Federal Republic of Germany's (FRG) changing approach towards the German Democratic Republic (GDR) is analysed in relation to the Federal Republic's shifting attitude towards the South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO), Namibia's leading national liberation movement. It shows that the political dynamic that drove the normalisation of relations between East and West Germany played a key role in West Germany's move towards supporting SWAPO in the mid-to-late 1970. Furthermore, this thesis demonstrates that the Federal Republic's political landscape was dominated by political division over the issue of SWAPO's role in Namibia's future. This dissertation therefore examines the diverging views among political parties and its wider effects on shaping West Germany's policy towards Namibia. It calls to attention that political discord led to attempts by political factions to influence events in Namibia, independent of the Federal Government, through alternative instruments of foreign policy. Particular attention is also paid to the ideological underpinnings that promoted or hindered interactions and co-operation between East and West Germany in Namibia, on the one hand, and the two German states and SWAPO on the other. It reveals that West Germany's attitude towards SWAPO cannot be separated from the wider realities of the Cold War. In particular, it shows that the normalization of relations between West Germany and SWAPO can only be fully understood against the backdrop of intra-German rivalry.

La these comprend trois parties: la premiere partie traite de la periode precoloniale (1842-1884). Les missionnaires lutheriens allemands sont arrives en namibie en 1842, apres un sejour prolonge en afrique du sud ou ils ont fait leurs premieres experiences en terre africaine, a l'invitation d'une mission protestante soeur anglaise. A partir de la colonisation officielle en 1884, les contradictions entre les convictions ethiques et religieuses d'une part, le contexte politique allemand de l'autre, prennent un tour affirme, que nous nous sommes efforce de presenter dans la seconde partie. Ainsi des 1915, la namibie change de maitre sans pour autant, comme nous le montrons dans la derniere partie, beneficier d'une reelle amelioration de son statut. Ce qui est remarquable, c'est que la mission lutherienne qui ne se sent pas aussi liee a ce pouvoir etranger (afrique du sud) qu'elle l'etait au souverain allemand et chef supreme de son eglise, collabore malgre tout avec celui-ci; cela la met en conflit avec les africains. Decue et abandonnee par ses fideles, elle entreprend de se "decolonisee" pour retrouver la credibilite dont elle jouissait
The thesis is composed of three parts: the first part deals with the precolonial period: 1842-1884. Invited by their british counterparts in the region, the german lutheran missionaries arrived in namibia in 1842 after a long stay in south africa, where they had firsthand experience with the africain continent. After 1884 - year marking the official beginning of colonization - the contradictions between ethical and religions convictions on the one hand, and the german political context on the other hand, take a more serious turn. The second part is devoted to that point. This situation will prevail up to world war i. Thus, as early as 1915, namibia comes under a different rule, without, as shown in the first part, enjoying a better status. What is remarkable is that the lutheran mission which did not have strong connections with the foreign power (south africa), as it had with the german crown - paramount leader of the church - collaborated still with that foreign power. This attitude sets, the lutheran church against the africans. It will, however, be forced to revise its position, thus winning back the credibility it had lost

This thesis examines the historical and theological development, and ultimate failure, of the unity process between the three Lutheran Churches in Namibia, and places it in the socio-political and economic context of the turbulent history of the country. The focus is particularly on the period between 1972 and 1993 which witnessed a crucial phase in the struggle for a United Evangelical Lutheran Church in Namibia. This took place against the background of heightened anti-apartheid political activity and international mediation for Namibian independence, which was achieved in 1990. The increasing involvement of the two Black Lutheran Churches in the liberation struggle was matched by the growing alienation and isolation of the White Lutheran Church. The three Lutheran Churches eventually failed in their deliberations between 1972 and 1993 either to unite or even to form a federation, and managed only to achieve a superficial working relationship. The failure ofthe process was shaped by various factors. These included issues of political and ethnic differences between the three Churches, concerns over the future common ownership of each Church's property, differentials in salaries, the external influence of Lutheran Churches elsewhere in the world (not least through their funding), and the question of what form the leadership structure should take in a unified Church. The leaders of the three Lutheran Churches lived and operated as theologians in somewhat different religious cultures that were the product of the several Lutheran missionary societies that had originally founded the three Lutheran Churches in Namibia. The abnormal socio-political and economic context of Namibia during colonialism (1884-1990), and the new challenges after independence, created a situation where religious and secular activities became inseparable. Inevitably, the priorities and questions confronting Lutheran Church leaders and people were concerned more with issues such as social justice, freedom, self-determination, political participation and sheer survival than with the question of church unity. The challenge for the Lutheran Churches of Namibia still remains for them to preach the Gospel of Jesus Christ holistically and to spread the message of unity for all Namibians irrespective of differences of race, colour, gender and geographical region.
Thesis (M.A.)- University of Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2002

M.A. (Social Work)
The objective of this study was to provide guidelines for the training of professionals and others in community development for South West Africa/Namibia. The primary purpose was to establish how training programmes for both community consultants and workers nearer the grass roots levels could be developed. With this objective in mind, an exploratory study was undertaken in six countries, viz.• Israel, Hong Kong, Singapore, Thailand, Bophutatswana and Lesotho•. Interviews were conducted with various categories of trainers in these countries, utilising an interview schedule designed to cover the basic principles of curriculum design. The researcher concluded that prospective professionals and others should be trained at four levels, viz. the unskilled, semi-skilled, skilled and academic and professional levels.- Specific curricula were proposed to serve as guidelines for the development of training courses for these different categories of trainees and students, in preparation for service in the field of community development. The envisaged indexes of successful community development are an ultimately improved quality of life, enhanced social functioning and stimulated but controlled modernization.

This study is about foreign policy-making in Namibia from independence, 1990 to 2008, which is based on Liberalism as an approach to the study of International Relations. Namibia’s foreign policy has three main themes, namely the promotion of world peace, economic diplomacy and South-South cooperation. The domestic actors of Namibia’s foreign policy are the President, Minister of Foreign Affairs and other Government Ministries. Former President Nujoma is pragmatic and persuasive, while President Pohamba maintains a reserved approach. Other domestic actors such as the Parliament, opposition parties and civil society organisations have not been effective in influencing Namibia’s foreign policy-making. Although Namibia is a small state her foreign policy is successful contrary to the traditional perspectives of small states’ foreign policies. Namibia has played an active role in regional and international organisations and maintained a wider scope of foreign policy. Namibia has 24 diplomatic Missions in Africa, Asia, Europe and America.
Political Sciences
M.A. (International politics)