Academic literature on the topic 'Namibia Namibia Germany'

Abstract There are increasing concerns about wastewater treatment plants (WWTPs) acting as hotspots for antibiotic resistance genes (ARG). However, their role largely depends upon the treatment methods and antibiotics in the wastewater. To better understand these influences, we compared the occurrence and fate of ARG between a pond system in a developing country (Namibia) and an advanced WWTP (activated sludge system) in a developed country (Germany). A targeted metagenomic approach was used to investigate the wide-spectrum profiles of ARGs and their co-occurrence patterns at both locations. In total, 93 ARG subtypes were found in the German influent wastewater, 277 in the Namibian influent wastewater. The abundant ARG types found in Namibia and Germany differed, especially for multidrug resistance genes. The differences in occurrence and reduction can help to understand the performance of simple WWTP such as pond systems common in Namibia, where direct contact with wastewater is a potential risk for contamination.

This paper investigates the determinants of tourism in Namibia for the period 1996 to 2012. The results indicate that an increase in trading partners’ income, depreciation of the exchange rate, improvement in Namibia’s infrastructure, sharing a border with Namibia are associated with an increase in tourist arrivals. Governance indicators such as rule of law, political stability and no violence are also associated with an increase in tourist arrivals to Namibia. The results show that there is unexploited tourism potential from Angola, Austria, Botswana, Germany and South Africa. This suggests that it is important to exploit the tourism potential as this would help to accelerate economic growth and generate the much needed employment

In October 2011, twenty skulls of the Herero and Nama people were repatriated from Germany to Namibia. So far, fifty-five skulls and two human skeletons have been repatriated to Namibia and preparations for the return of more skulls from Germany were at an advanced stage at the time of writing this article. Nonetheless, the skulls and skeletons that were returned from Germany in the past have been disappointingly laden with complexities and politics, to such an extent that they have not yet been handed over to their respective communities for mourning and burials. In this context, this article seeks to investigate the practice of ‘anonymising’ the presence of human remains in society by exploring the art and politics of the Namibian state’s memory production and sanctioning in enforcing restrictions on the affected communities not to perform, as they wish, their cultural and ritual practices for the remains of their ancestors.

Based on the types deposited in the Museum für Naturkunde Berlin (Germany), the following African species of Palpimanus Dufour, 1820 are re-examined and redescribed in details: P.namaquensis Simon, 1910 (South Africa, Namibia), P.nubilus Simon, 1910 (Namibia), P.paroculus Simon, 1910 (South Africa, Namibia) and P.processiger Strand, 1913 (Rwanda). The distribution of the considered species is specified and the erroneously interpreted geographical data, previously presented in the World Spider Catalog (2019), are corrected.

Namibia finally achieved independence on 21 March, 1990, after a long struggle and many false hopes and setbacks. In a nutshell: the territory was colonized by Germany. It was seized by South African forces during the First World War, and then made the subject of a League of Nations Mandate, administered by South Africa, after the war. Following the Second World War, South Africa tried to incorporate the territory, a move resisted by the United Nations. In 1966 the International Court of Justice denied standing to Ethiopia and Liberia to allege breaches of the mandate. However, shortly thereafter the UN voted to terminate the mandate. At about the same time the South West African People's Organization (SWAPO) launched its armed struggle. South Africa's response to these developments was to implement plans for the closer integration of the territory into the South African state, and into the system of apartheid. As a result, a system of native authorities, based on ethnicity, was introduced.In 1975 the “Turnhalle” talks were started which, although rejected by most of the black groups, led to the establishment of a constituent Assembly. During the same period, a “Contract Group” of Western Nations began to negotiate with South Africa over a settlement for Namibia. The ultimate proposals were accepted by the UN, SWAPO and South Africa, and the plans were recognized by UN Resolution 435. But immediately thereafter problems began to arise, and talks about implementation stopped and started for a number of years.

Missionary work was one of the main forces in the opening of the African continent to direct western influence. In many cases, from the 1830s onwards, missionaries were the first Westerners residing in the interior of the continent, thus accumulating considerable knowledge concerning geographical conditions in their respective areas of residence.The question arises: how did information from these people with scarce knowledge about the interior filter down to representations of geographical conditions such as maps and literary descriptions? Working in close cooperation with Africans, their conceptions were likely to be somewhat more detailed than those of the colonial administration. Politically, they often assumed the role of mediators between the foreign powers and local societies; perhaps this was also the case where geographical knowledge was concerned. The aim of this study is to investigate the extent to which the Finnish Mission in colonial Ovamboland under German influence had an active role in mapmaking.One ostensible reason for Germany's annexation of colonies was to turn a profit from them and strengthen the economy of the homeland. An additional function of German colonies was to persuade people who otherwise would have emigrated to the United States or Latin America to stay within the German economic sphere. White settlers were to supplant what was considered inefficient African land use with commercial agriculture whose products were to be exported to Germany. Public opinion in Germany also advocated colonization for status reasons, which made politicians sensitive to it.

The morphological features of recurved sand spits were studied by selecting recurved sand spits in Namibia, Sandy Hook on the US east coast, and Graswarder spit in Germany. The elongation of a recurved spit was predicted using the BG model (a model for predicting three-dimensional beach changes based on Bagnold’s concept). A recurved spit was formed in Case 1 when waves were incident at angles of 45° and -30° with a duration ratio of 0.85:0.15. The width of the recurved sand spit in Case 1 increased with the elongation of sand spit, and the overall shape became similar to the expanded bird wing, which well explains the configuration of a recuved sand spit formed in Namibia. In Case 2 when waves were obliquely incident at angles of 45° and -45° with the same duration ratio as in Case 1, a sand spit extended straight, which well resembles Graswarder spit in Germany.

The present thesis deals with the Namibian liberation struggle against the South African regime, by focusing on the relationship of solidarity between SWAPO and East Germany. It provides an original perspective of the German-Namibian history between 1978-1990, by using the life stories of Lucia Engombe and Stefanie Lahya Aukongo. They are Namibian women who, according to the pact of solidarity, lived on the brink between Namibia and East Germany, becoming in this way witnesses of the historical upheavals that have changed the global order. Then, this thesis makes use of Child No. 95. My German-African Odyssey – the autobiography of Lucia Engombe – and Kalungas Kind: meine unglaubliche Reise uns Leben – the autobiography of Stefanie Layha Aukongo – as sources to investigate the complexities of that period. The global lives of Lucia Engombe and Stefanie Lahya Aukongo allow the combination of macro and micro history and bring out new facets, which otherwise would remain in the shadow. Through the deconstruction of their life narratives, in fact, the big narrative of the global history become fraught with new meanings, bringing out the power of microhistories. This thesis shows how individual autobiographies can be meaningful to history, and how global history can be reconciled with micro-history through the story of global lives, which provide new and unprecedented points of view.

This essay seeks to give an account of the German-Herero/Nama conflict of 1903-1907, often labelled the first genocide of the 20th century, and to address the question, whether the Namibian tribes of the Herero and Nama have the right to claim reparations from Germany. After explaining the historical narrative, a legal discussion is held which underlines the complexity of the issue, bringing in the difficulty of the definition of “genocide” as a legal term, the question of German state succession, as well as the domestic struggles of contemporary Namibian politics. With all factors taken into consideration the conclusion is reached that the question is not answerable with a simple “yes” or “no”, but must ultimately be solved in direct negotiations between the involved parties.

Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt einerseits überblicksartig, gleichzeitig aber auch ins Detail gehend, vor allem die kartographische Entwicklung von Namibia von den Anfängen im 18. Jh. bis zur Unabhängigkeit im Jahr 1990. Dabei werden neben der eigentlichen Kartographie auch die wichtigsten damit im Zusammenhang stehenden Entwicklungen der Forschungsreisen, des Vermessungswesens, der allgemeinen Verwaltung des Landes und der Organisation des Karten- und Vermessungswesens im Gebiet des heutigen Namibia, im Deutschen Reich und in Südafrika dargestellt. Diese Ausweitung des Themas erwies sich als notwendig, um die Hintergründe und das geschichtliche und politische Umfeld mancher kartographischen Entwicklung deutlich und verständlich machen zu können. Damit liegt erstmals eine umfassende Dokumentation über die Kartographie von Namibia vor. Die Gliederung der Arbeit in die drei großen Zeitabschnitte der vorkolonialen, der deutschen Kolonial- und der südafrikanischen Mandatszeit ermöglicht die genaue Differenzierung von politischen und verwaltungstechnischen Abhängigkeiten bei der Kartenherstellung. Allerdings muss auch berücksichtigt werden, dass unterschiedliche Entwicklungsstadien nicht nur vom Herrschaftsträger abhängig waren. Der Vergleich zu anderen Kolonien des südlichen und zentralen Afrika, aber auch der weiterreichende Blick auf alle europäischen Afrikakolonien zeigt, dass Fortschritte im jeweiligen Karten- und Vermessungswesen neben der politischen und wirtschaftlichen Wertschätzung der Kolonie und der Macht des Mutterlandes (Deutschland, Portugal, Großbritannien, Frankreich) vor allem auch von der Größe, der Lage, der sehr verschiedenartigen Natur und dem Klima des entsprechenden Gebietes bestimmt wurden. Im Gegensatz zu der relativ langsamen, aber kontinuierlichen Entwicklung der Vermessungsmethoden und der kartographischen Darstellung in Europa sind in den Kolonien eher ruckartige Veränderungen zu verzeichnen, die mit dem Import der europäischen Methoden und Instrumente in infrastrukturell unterentwickelte Gebiete einhergingen. Die Entwicklung afrikanischer und im Besonderen südwestafrikanischer Karten zeigt drei Phasen: Zunächst erfolgte die Aufnahme der Küsten während der Entdeckungsreisen des 15. und 16. Jhs. und durch spezielle Forschungsreisen vor allem im 17. und beginnenden 18. Jh. Die Erforschung und kartographische Darstellung des Landesinnern begann dagegen zögernd erst Ende des 18. und Anfang des 19. Jhs. In SWA ist der Grund dafür vor allem in den schlechten Zugangsmöglichkeiten auf Grund der Wüstengebiete zu suchen. Träger dieser Aufnahmen waren hauptsächlich Missionare und Forschungsreisende. Innerhalb der nächsten 100 Jahre konnte in Südwestafrika ein grobes topographisches Grundwissen aufgebaut werden, das zur Orientierung im Land meist ausreichte. Mit der Eroberung Afrikas durch europäische Kolonialmächte Ende des 19. Jhs. begann die dritte Phase. Diese war in Südwestafrika durch die deutsche Kolonialherrschaft bestimmt und ist vor allem geprägt durch die Suche nach geeigneten Aufnahmemethoden und Darstellungswegen, um die riesigen, teilweise menschenleeren Gegenden in wirtschaftlich verantwortbarer, aber auch militärisch und verwaltungstechnisch nutzbarer Form kartographisch darzustellen. Ihren Höhepunkt erreicht diese Phase jedoch erst nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg, in Südwestafrika sogar erst in den 1970er Jahren mit dem Einsatz moderner Aufnahmetechniken. In gleichen Phasen vollzog sich auch der Übergang von Kontinentkarten über lineare Routenaufnahmen mit stark wechselnden Maßstäben hin zu flächendeckenden topographischen Abbildungen. Mit diesen Veränderungen war auch eine Wandlung des Aussagewertes der Karten verbunden. Wie in Europa war die Kartenherstellung in Südwestafrika seit 1904 vor allem durch das Militär und dessen Bedürfnisse geprägt. Damit besaß das Land gegenüber den anderen deutschen Afrikakolonien eine Sonderstellung. Im Gegensatz zu den anderen deutschen Kolonien, aber in Anlehnung an das landschaftlich und klimatisch vergleichbare Südafrika wurde seit dem Hererokrieg 1904 eine großzügige und möglichst flächendeckende geodätische Vermessung durch Triangulation durchgeführt. Dagegen lagen die Katastervermessung und alle damit in Zusammenhang stehenden Arbeiten wie im Deutschen Reich in den Händen der zivilen Behörden. Allerdings war die Trennung der Aufgaben, bedingt durch die alleinige Zuständigkeit der Zivilverwaltung für alle Vermessungs- und Kartierungsangelegenheiten in Südwestafrika vor 1904, nicht ganz so deutlich wie im Deutschen Reich. Die dadurch bedingten regelmäßigen Kompetenzstreitigkeiten und die mangelnde Anerkennung der Arbeiten der Gegenseite verursachten die Behinderung zügiger Fortschritte in der Kartenherstellung sowie erhebliche zusätzliche Kosten. Die Koordinierung und Organisation der Arbeiten in Südwestafrika während der deutschen Kolonialzeit zeigt deutliche Mängel. Trotzdem kann das kartographisch Erreichte als positiv bewertet werden. Natürlich können aus heutiger Perspektive verschiedene Entscheidungen und Vorgehensweisen kritisiert werden. Für die damalige Zeit, die vorhandenen Mittel, Instrumente und Methoden, die Anzahl des Personals und im Wissen um die infrastrukturellen und Lebensbedingungen sind die erzielten Ergebnisse, ob das die Einzelkarten, räumlich definierte Kartenwerke oder solche des ganzen Landes betrifft, eine große Leistung. Das zeigt sich umso mehr im Vergleich zu den Nachbarstaaten, von denen beim Beginn des Ersten Weltkrieges keines so zahlreiche und gute Kartenmaterialien vorweisen konnte. Aber auch während der südafrikanischen Mandatszeit seit 1920 waren die Kompetenzen und Zuständigkeiten nicht eindeutig geregelt. Zunächst besaß Südwestafrika eine Sonderstellung gegenüber den Provinzen der Südafrikanischen Union, indem das Vermessungsamt in Windhuk für alle Vermessungs- und Kartierungsarbeiten des Landes zuständig war. Damit war das Mandatsgebiet in gewisser Weise aber auch von den methodischen und technischen Fortschritten, vor allem des Trigsurvey, abgekoppelt. Andererseits nutzte man diese Unabhängigkeit in Windhuk für eigene Wege, vor allem beim Druck der Karten in Southampton. Spätestens seit dem Beginn der Herstellung der landesweiten Kartenwerke in den Maßstäben 1:50 000, 1:250 000 und kleiner in den 1960er Jahren wurden die kartographischen Arbeiten dann aber von Südafrika bestimmt und kontrolliert. Trotz dieser Probleme lässt sich sowohl für die deutsche Kolonialzeit als auch für die südafrikanische Mandatszeit eine Vielzahl guter und von unterschiedlichen Autoren stammender Karten als Einzelwerke, als Beilage zu diversen Berichten oder als Kartenwerke feststellen. Flächendeckende Triangulationen stellen daneben eine bedeutende Entwicklung für die lagerichtige Wiedergabe der Topographie auf der Karte dar. Dass die deutsche Kolonialzeit in der vorliegenden Arbeit ein starkes Übergewicht gegenüber den anderen beiden Zeitabschnitten aufweist, liegt auch an den zahlreichen Aktivitäten und Produkten dieser Zeit, vor allem aber an der Quellenlage, die für die Zeit zwischen 1890 und 1915 qualitativ und quantitativ wesentlich umfangreicher ist, als beispielsweise für die Zeit nach 1920
This work gives an overview over the cartographic development of Namibia from the beginnings in the early 18th century up to the independence of the country in 1990. At the same time there is also a detailed view to the cartography, the maps and map series possible. Besides the most important developments of the large expeditions, the surveying, the general administration and the organization of the surveying and mapping in the area of today’s Namibia are shown. Additionally also the most important developments of surveying and mapping in the German Empire and in South Africa are presented because of there relevance for some historical and political decisions in relation to the surveying and mapping of Namibia. For the first time this work presents a comprehensive documentation about the cartography and the map-products of Namibia. Such a work does not exist for any of the neighbour countries in Southern Africa. The work is structured into three main periods, the Precolonial time up to 1884, the time of the German colony German South West Africa between 1884 and 1915/20 and the time of the South African mandatory power between 1920 and 1990. These periods allow to show in detail the different political and administrative obediences for the map making. But not only the colonial power (Germany, Great Britain, France, Portugal) is responsible for different developments. In comparison especially with other countries of Southern Africa but also with countries all over Africa it could be shown that advances in surveying and mapping also depend on the dimension, the location, the different nature, relief and the climate of an area. In contrast to the mostly slow but continuous development of the surveying methods and the cartographic design in Europe the colonies show steplike changes. This is because of the import of the European methods and instruments into areas with very low infrastructure. The development of the South West African cartography shows three main phases. During the age of discoveries in the 15th and 16th centuries but also through special expeditions in the 17th and the beginning 18th centuries the coasts were surveyed and mapped. The exploration and mapping of the inner parts of the country began late (end of 18th century) and slowly. The main reason for this are the large coastal deserts and the large waterless areas that made travelling very difficult and dangerous. The first travellers in South West Africa were missionaries and researchers. Within the next about 100 years the travellers could map an approximate topographic structure of the land. This was more or less satisfactory for an overview and the safe travelling in the country. The third phase began with the European, here German colonisation at the end of the 19th century. This phase began with the search for useful recording and mapping methods. Especially the huge but deserted areas of the colony had to be mapped in an economic arguable but also for the military and the administration usable way. The culmination of this phase was reached only after World War II, in South West Africa even only in the 1970th. At this time the modern recording methods allowed an area-wide and economic surveying and mapping of the whole country. In the same phases one can also see the change-over from maps of the continent via linear maps as results of route-mappings to area-wide topographic map series. As in Europe the surveying and mapping of German South West Africa since 1904 was affected by the military and its techniques and demands. This gave the land an exceptional position in comparison to the other German colonies. Like in the scenic and climatic similar South Africa the military survey section built up a large and area-wide geodetic survey by triangulation since the Herero-War in 1904. On the other hand the cadastral survey was in the hands of the civil administration as it was in the German Empire. But the separation of the duties and responsibilities was not that clear and precise like in Germany because the civil land surveyors were responsible for all works in the colony prior 1904 and did not wanted to give up all charges. The constant questions of authority and the partly lack of acceptance of the works of the other side caused a lot of additional costs and the relatively slow mapping progress. The coordination and organization of the surveying and mapping of the German colony South West Africa shows obvious failings. Even so the mapping of the colony can be evaluated positive. For that time, the possibilities, instruments and methods, for the small number of employees and with the knowledge of the infrastructure and the living conditions the results are quite good. Many beautiful and high quality single maps and maps series of special area and for the whole country are known. This is much more astonishing as none of the neighbour countries could reach such an high standard up to the beginning of World War I. During the time of the South African mandatory power the competences and responsibilities of the surveying and mapping were also not clearly defined. After World War I but up to the 1950th South West Africa had an exceptional position compared to the South African provinces. The surveying office in Windhuk was responsible for all surveyings and mappings in South West Africa. For this the country was partly cutted from the latest methodic and technic developments of the South African Trigsurvey. On the other hand Windhuk could use his independence for own ways. For this the SWA-maps produced in the 1930th were printed in Southampton and not at the South African Government Printer in Pretoria and show a much better printing quality than the South African maps of that time. At the latest with the beginning of the production process of the map series in 1:50 000, 1:250 000 and smaller in the 1960th the mapping process of South West Africa/Namibia was fully controlled and affected by the South African Trigsurvey. Despite a lot of problems there are both for the Precolonial period, for the German and for the South African time a lot of good maps from many different authors and for different objections produced known. An analysis of the geometric accuracy of four maps, made between 1879 and 1980 (Chapter 6) shows additionally the high importance of area-wide triangulations for high quality maps. The reason for the overweight of the German colonial time in this work depends on the one side on the many maps and other cartographic products and activities of that time but on the other side it depends also on the high quantity and quality of resources about surveying and mapping in the German time

This thesis examines West Germany's relationship with Namibia between 1969 and 1990. It investigates West German foreign policy towards Namibia, at the height of the Namibian liberation struggle, against the backdrop of East and West German rivalry. It brings to light that the post-war division of Germany into two separate states significantly impacted both German states' policies towards Namibia. The Federal Republic of Germany's (FRG) changing approach towards the German Democratic Republic (GDR) is analysed in relation to the Federal Republic's shifting attitude towards the South West Africa People's Organisation (SWAPO), Namibia's leading national liberation movement. It shows that the political dynamic that drove the normalisation of relations between East and West Germany played a key role in West Germany's move towards supporting SWAPO in the mid-to-late 1970. Furthermore, this thesis demonstrates that the Federal Republic's political landscape was dominated by political division over the issue of SWAPO's role in Namibia's future. This dissertation therefore examines the diverging views among political parties and its wider effects on shaping West Germany's policy towards Namibia. It calls to attention that political discord led to attempts by political factions to influence events in Namibia, independent of the Federal Government, through alternative instruments of foreign policy. Particular attention is also paid to the ideological underpinnings that promoted or hindered interactions and co-operation between East and West Germany in Namibia, on the one hand, and the two German states and SWAPO on the other. It reveals that West Germany's attitude towards SWAPO cannot be separated from the wider realities of the Cold War. In particular, it shows that the normalization of relations between West Germany and SWAPO can only be fully understood against the backdrop of intra-German rivalry.

The rapid post-Independence development of the city of Windhoek, Namibia; and the ensuing destruction of a substantial number of German colonial buildings in the capital city, prompted speculation as to why these buildings are inadequately protected as heritage – and whether they are, in fact, considered to be heritage. The study explores the issues pertaining to the presence of German colonial architecture, as artefacts of the German colonial period, within the postcolonial context of Windhoek. The trauma and pain of the Namibian War and genocide (1904 – 1908) are recurring themes in the body of literature on postcolonial Namibia; and this informs a wider discourse on memory. Memory is found to play a crucial role in evoking a sense of both individual and shared ownership, through its capacity to create meaning, which can in turn ascribe value to a place. Memory is also dependent on visual cues for its continued existence, which suggests the importance of colonial architecture as a material prompt to sustain memory. The research therefore investigates the memories and multiple meanings attributable to colonial architecture in this plural society, and how these meanings can be created, or possibly reinvented, through the continued use of these buildings. The study is based on an assessment of three halls in Windhoek – the Grüner Kranz Hall (1906), the Kaiserkrone Hall (1909), and the Turnhalle (1909; 1912), all designed by the German architect Otto Busch – which illustrates in part, the need for the development of historical building surveys that assess the social values and significances of these contested spaces; and moreover, the potential that these spaces have to support memory work through their continued use.

Bibliography : pages 312-319.
The present study sets out to accomplish two things: first, to demonstrate that space and spatiality is the domain in which discourse partakes of the colonial project, and second, to isolate a number of textual strategies employed in the discursive production of colonial space. The first aim requires a lengthy theoretical discussion which occupies the first part of the study. Here I develop the thesis that spatiality as a philosophical preoccupation has never been divorced from the questions of sigmfication and subjectivity, and that the production of significant and subjective space is always a production of social space. In support of this thesis, it is shown that vision and writing are the two functions in which subjective space becomes meaningful, and that in both cases it becomes meaningful only as social space. It is thus in the context of looking and writing that the production of colonial space may be examined as a social space within which meaning and subjectivity are possible. The second aim requires an analytical study of a number of colorual texts, which I undertake in part II of the study. For simplicity, I have confined myself to the colonial discourse of German South West Africa in the period 1884-1915. The central thesis developed here is that discourse develops strategies for enclosing spaces by demarkating borders, privileging certain passages between spaces and blocking others. This organization of space is presented as the ordering of a chaotic multiplicity and, as such, as a process of civilization. The contradiction between the blocking and privileging of passages results in what I call a "ritual of crossing": an implicit set of rules prescribmg the conditions of possibility for crossing the borders it establishes. As a result, in its production of space, the colonial text assumes a mythical function which allows it to transcend the very spaces it produces. It is here that I attempt to situate colonial discourse's claims to uruversal truth. In conclusion, the detailed analysis of the production of space in colonial discourse may be understood as a strategic intervention. It attempts to use the texts of colonisation to counter colonization's claims to universal truth and a civilizing mission.

Tourism has various effects on society. Not only economic but also immaterial effects on destinations as well as on tourists themselves. Especially regarding tourism between the Global North and South, it is arguable if tourism is a social force influencing societies in a positive way or if it rather reinforces stereotypes and colonial structures. Postcolonial approaches help to narrow down this topic and to complement classical tourism studies. This paper focuses on the situation of German tourists in a former German colony: Namibia. It examines how the tourists perceive themselves within the system of tourism in a postcolonial context, how they perceive the Other and colonial heritage during their trips. Interviews were conducted with eight German tourists who had travelled to Namibia during the last years on their experiences and thoughts to complement existing studies and broaden the picture. The interviews show that stereotypes and notions of white superiority still exist within tourism whilst the sensitivity for history, colonial times and postcolonial structures is rather weak amongst German tourists. At the same time, the tourists wish for more equality and encounters at eye level. It is reinforced that tourism scholarship as well as the tourism industry itself should have postcolonial issues in mind, as well as the non-economic effects of tourism which are in dire need to be considered stronger. The tourists showed that they are ready for a closer engagement with history if colonial heritage is presented and interpreted more intensively. If this interpretation is elaborated in communicative processes respecting all stakeholders, especially the local populations, tourism can not only impact economic development, it can also be a strong social force which ultimately would create a better understanding and experience for both stakeholders, the tourists, and locals respectively.

AbstractThis paper is based on ethnographic research with Ju|’hoan San in Botswana starting in 1970 and on translation and transcription work with Ju|’hoan San trackers from Namibia who travelled to the Caves du Volp in the French Pyrenees in 2013 to do archaeological work. The Tracking in Caves project, headed by German archaeologists Andreas Pastoors and Tilman Lenssen-Erz, was investigating fossilized human footprints in the caves dating back to around 17,000 calBP. The paper discusses three main verbal formats that can provide useful information to the archaeology of tracking: (1) narrative in the form of folktales and other oral forms referring to animal behaviour, (2) talk in the form of accounts of actual hunts, and (3) consensual discussion in the form of deliberations among trackers as they seek to gain many types of information from tracks. The paper outlines how the trackers and the archaeologists, after an initial period of misunderstanding and miscommunication, mutually learned from each other and eventually bonded on the basis of the scientific method. It does so by drawing on evidence from narrative, talk, and consensual discussion. By investigating verbal data provided by People’s Science, the Tracking in Caves project shows us that skill in tracking, using the tools of egalitarian communication and based on extensive environmental knowledge, has been an enabling feature of the long human story.

The colonial troops of imperial Germany, the Schutztruppe, carried out a systematic war of extermination (1904 – 1908) against the Herero and Nama people in what is now modern day Namibia. An undisclosed number of bones of the victims were traded to Germany in their pursuit of scientific racial studies. As part of the post-genocide growing trend calling for the repatriation of the bones, ongoing negotiations between the Namibian and German governments have resulted in the return of fifty-five skulls, including a few skeletons since October 2011. The return of these bones to Namibia has divided Namibian society on religious, cultural, political and ethnic issues regarding what to do with the genocide victims’ remains. In view of the general public perception that the genocide bones have been treated with a considerable degree of indignity, this study attempts to associate the evolving disrespectfulness for the genocide’s bones with the re-emergence of genocide trauma and suffering of the affected communities in general. It perceives political obstruction, involving German and Namibian governments, as a central factor that impedes humanitarian efforts to seek justice and dignity for the bones or descendants of the genocide’s victims.

This paper describes a new concept and experiences of a distributed interdisciplinary learning programme for students across continents. The aim is to provide students with a truly Global Intercultural Project Experience (GIPE) by working together with peers from around the world, and solving real-life client’s problems. We have received seed-funding for four annual projects to engage students from Germany (Europe), Namibia (Africa), Indonesia (Asia), and Peru (Latin-America). In 2020, 30 students from four continents engaged in a one-semester distributed software development project for a Namibian client. Despite Covid-19 they successfully completed the project expressing deep appreciation for the learning opportunities overcoming challenges of working across wide-spread time zones, cultures, changing requirements, and various technical challenges. Considering the vast learning benefits, we suggest to incorporate such projects in all tertiary education curricula across the globe.

The Uranium Mine Remediation Exchange Group meetings of representatives from US, Canada, Australia and Germany have been going on since 1993. The novelty of UMREG 2002 was that the traditional group from was extended to representatives from CEEC, which have a history of uranium mining and milling and are presently involved or interested in environmental remediation (ER) of the legacy. The meeting was attended and/or presentations given by representatives from Czech Republic, Estonia, Hungary, Poland, Rumania, Russian Fed. and Slovenia. Furthermore, representatives from overseas countries, Brazil, Japan and Namibia having a present or historical uranium mining and the intent to remediate the consequences of the mining provided a contribution. The extended UMREG membership confirms the increasing interest in ER remediation and in following the “Good Environmental Remediation Practice” guidelines and provides a broader idea pool for the future UMREG meetings.