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Tye-Murray, Nancy, Linda Spencer, Elizabeth Gilbert Bedia, and George Woodworth. "Differences in Children’s Sound Production When Speaking With a Cochlear Implant Turned On and Turned Off." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 39, no. 3 (June 1996): 604–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/jshr.3903.604.
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Twenty children who have worn a Cochlear Corporation cochlear implant for an average of 33.6 months participated in a device-on/off experiment. They spoke 14 monosyllabic words three times each after having not worn their cochlear implant speech processors for several hours. They then spoke the same speech sample again with their cochlear implants turned on. The utterances were phonetically transcribed by speech-language pathologists. On average, no difference between speaking conditions on indices of vowel height, vowel place, initial consonant place, initial consonant voicing, or final consonant voicing was found. Comparisons based on a narrow transcription of the speech samples revealed no difference between the two speaking conditions. Children who were more intelligible were no more likely to show a degradation in their speech production in the device-off condition than children who were less intelligible. In the device-on condition, children sometimes nasalized their vowels and inappropriately aspirated their consonants. Their tendency to nasalize vowels and aspirate initial consonants might reflect an attempt to increase proprioceptive feedback, which would provide them with a greater awareness of their speaking behavior.
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Milenkovic, Paul, and Feng Mo. "Glottal inverse filtering of nasalized vowels." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 80, S1 (December 1986): S19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.2023691.
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Kerdpol, Karnthida, Volker Dellwo, and Mathias Jenny. "Phonetic Sources of Sound Change: The Influence of Thai on Nasality in Pwo Karen." MANUSYA 19, no. 1 (2016): 45–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-01901003.
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The phonetic realization of nasal vowels produced by Pwo speakers of different ages can vary. The present study investigated mid and low nasal vowels of Pwo speakers from Mae Hong Son province, Thailand. Due to the higher tendency of language contact with Thai, the younger group’s nasal vowels were expected to lose more nasality than the older group. The emergence of final nasal consonants was also expected in the younger group. The nasalization duration and consonant duration of both groups were analyzed. The results showed that, regardless of age, mid nasal vowels of some speakers had final nasal consonants, while low nasal vowels of all speakers did not. Furthermore, the older group had both longer nasalization duration and consonant duration than the younger group, suggesting their higher tendency to preserve nasality. The younger group had shorter nasalization duration and consonant duration, indicating the loss of nasality in vowels without compensatory final nasal consonants. The change might be due to the vowel quality. High vowels were fully denasalized with no compensatory final nasal consonants. Mid vowels were nasalized with the emergence of final nasal consonants. Low vowels remained nasalized without final nasal consonants. We could not confirm that the emergence of final nasal consonants was induced by Thai because it occurred in both groups. The existence of final nasal consonants in the younger group could not be used as evidence of an effect of contact.
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Blainey, Darcie. "Language contact and contextual nasalization in Louisiana French." Language Variation and Change 28, no. 1 (February 23, 2016): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394515000216.
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ABSTRACTThis paper examines variation in Louisiana French nasalized vowels across two time periods: 1977 and 2010–2011. Non-contrastive nasal vowels are typical of English, while contrastive nasal vowels are typical of French. Louisiana French is an endangered language variety. Instead of simplifying to a single type of vowel nasality, as might be expected in a situation of heavy language contact and language shift, Louisiana French maintains a system of phonetic and phonemic nasal vowels. Digitized interviews with 32 native speakers from lower Lafourche Parish provide 2801 data points for analysis. In contrast with previous assertions in the literature, quantitative analyses reveal that contextual nasalization operates almost exclusively within the domain of the word, not the syllable.
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Butkauskaitė, Edita. "Nasalization: an overview of the notion and research." Lietuvių kalba, no. 4 (October 25, 2010): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/lk.2010.22858.
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Nasalization, treated both from a phonetic and phonological point of view, has a rather long history of research. It was first described in reference to nasal sounds in the 5th century BC. Nowadays it is mostly treated in the context of abundant experimental research into nasal and nasalized sounds and is based on radiographic, electrographic, nasographic, fiberoscopic and aerodynamic data.In traditional phonetic studies a nasalized segment is understood as a sound whose production involves a flow of air through the mouth and nose; nasalization is defined as the production of a sound when the velum is lowered so that some air passes through the nose.Linguistic studies of Lithuanian and other researchers have identified three types of nasalization: nasal vowels, nasalized vowels and nasal consonants. Only about one fourth of world languages have nasal vowels in their inventory and they are treated as individual phonemes. French is one of the few examples of such languages. In linguistic studies such nasalization is also called contrastive. In languages which have no nasal vowels, nasalization occurs next to or between the nasal consonants [m] and [n]. The type of nasalization is referred to as contextual nasalization; their respective sounds are called nasalized vowels. The notion of nasalization also includes nasal consonants, whose production also involves the air escaping through the mouth and nose.Nasalization has been extensively discussed in the studies on phonetics and phonology produced by foreign researchers, especially those investigating English and French. The studies include both theoretical papers and overviews of experimental research focusing on investigating both sound length and quality. In Lithuania investigation into nasalization has only just started.
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Carignan, Christopher, Ryan Shosted, Chilin Shih, and Panying Rong. "Compensatory articulation in American English nasalized vowels." Journal of Phonetics 39, no. 4 (October 2011): 668–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wocn.2011.07.005.
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Fernández Planas, Ana Ma. "A study of contextual vowel nasalization in standard peninsular Spanish." Onomázein Revista de lingüística filología y traducción, no. 49 (September 2020): 225–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.7764/onomazein.49.11.
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Since Navarro Tomás (1918) it is well known in Spanish phonetics that vowels between nasals become nasalized and that vowels followed by a nasal in syllable coda position might undergo a certain degree of nasalization, even if Spanish does not have nasal vowels from the phonological point of view. This study aims to explore this phenomenon through the use of a Nasometer by examining several nasal-vowel contexts (NV, VN, and NVN sequences; and with post-vocalic nasals in tautosyllabic or heterosyllabic sequences with reference to the preceding vowel), the distinction between stressed and unstressed syllables containing the target vowel, and three speaking rate conditions (slow, normal, and fast). The utterances produced by three speakers of Standard Peninsular Spanish are analyzed. Results of the percentage of nasality and nasalance indicate that the variables under examination are statistically significant in the process of vowel nasalization, though to a varying extent. A closer look at the different syllable positions in the nasal-vowel relationship addresses the issue of anticipatory vs. carryover coarticulation effects on vowel nasalization.
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Chen, Marilyn Y. "Acoustic correlates of English and French nasalized vowels." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 102, no. 4 (October 1997): 2360–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.419620.
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Gobl, Christer, and James Mahshie. "Inverse Filtering of Nasalized Vowels Using Synthesized Speech." Journal of Voice 27, no. 2 (March 2013): 155–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jvoice.2012.09.004.
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Flege, James Emil. "Anticipatory and Carry-Over Nasal Coarticulation in the Speech of Children and Adults." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 31, no. 4 (December 1988): 525–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/jshr.3104.525.
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Producing /n/ requires a lingual constriction to be formed and the velopharyngeal port (VPP) to be opened. This study examined interarticulator timing in the speech of adults and children aged 5 and 10 years. A new acoustic method was developed to determine the time at which VPP opening began during vowels spoken in the context of /d_n/, and VPP closing reached completion in vowels spoken in the context of /n_d/. Adults and children alike nasalized most of the vowels in the /d_n/context. This suggested that the children's speech was not more "segmental" than adults'. It suggested, further, that nasalizing vowels in a /d_n/ context is a natural speech process that need not be learned by young children. The children, like the adults, nasalized most of the vowels spoken in the context of /n_d/. The lack of significant between-group differences, taken together with several other findings of the study, is consistent with the view that the temporal domain of carry-over nasal coarticulation is determined largely by the time needed to close the VPP (i.e, by inertial properties of the speech production mechanism).
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Feng, Gang, and Eric Castelli. "Some acoustic features of nasal and nasalized vowels: A target for vowel nasalization." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 99, no. 6 (June 1996): 3694–706. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.414967.
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Thorp, Elias B., Boris T. Virnik, and Cara E. Stepp. "Comparison of Nasal Acceleration and Nasalance Across Vowels." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 56, no. 5 (October 2013): 1476–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/1092-4388(2013/12-0239).
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Purpose The purpose of this study was to determine the performance of normalized nasal acceleration (NNA) relative to nasalance as estimates of nasalized versus nonnasalized vowel and sentence productions. Method Participants were 18 healthy speakers of American English. NNA was measured using a custom sensor, and nasalance was measured using the KayPentax Nasometer II. Speech stimuli consisted of CVC syllables with the vowels (/ɑ/, /æ/, /i/, /u/) and sentences loaded with high front, high back, low front, and low back vowels in both nasal and nonnasal contexts. Results NNA showed a small but significant effect of the vowel produced during syllable stimuli but no significant effect of vowel loading during sentence stimuli. Nasalance was significantly affected by the vowel being produced during both syllables and sentences with large effect sizes. Both NNA and nasalance were highly sensitive and specific to nasalization. Conclusions NNA was less affected by vowel than nasalance. Discrimination of nasal versus nonnasal stimuli using NNA and nasalance was comparable, suggesting potential for use of NNA for biofeedback applications. Future work to improve calibration of NNA is needed to lower intersubject variability.
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Dow, Michael. "A phonetic-phonological study of vowel height and nasal coarticulation in French." Journal of French Language Studies 30, no. 3 (June 30, 2020): 239–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269520000083.
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ABSTRACTThe majority of previous studies on nasal coarticulation in French find an inversely proportionate relationship between vowel opening and nasality, such that high vowels are the most nasalized, sometimes exceeding 50% nasality. However, it has been unclear whether this is a mechanical or controlled property of French, given the typically short duration of high vowels in natural speech, as well as the aerodynamic and acoustic factors rendering them more susceptible to spontaneous nasalization. This study uses nasometric data to quantify progressive and regressive nasalization in 20 Northern Metropolitan French speakers as a function of vowel height. Furthermore, the relationship between degree of nasal coupling and overall vowel duration serves as a proxy for distinguishing mechanical from controlled nasalization, in the spirit of Solé (1992, 2007). This study finds evidence that high vowel nasalization in French is mechanical in pre-nasal position, but controlled in post-nasal position. Meanwhile, nasalization of mid and low vowels is blocked in pre-nasal position but, at most, mechanical in post-nasal position. In consequence, French appears to block nasalization in otherwise lexically impossible positions (*ṼN), while passively allowing, though not actively requiring, nasalizing in positions where conflation is possible (both NṼ and NV being permitted in the lexicon).
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Chen, Marilyn Y. "Baseline acoustic parameters for nasalized vowels in English and French." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 96, no. 5 (November 1994): 3283. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.410941.
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Marques, Luciana. "Perceptual compensation in nasal and nasalized vowels in Brazilian Portuguese." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 139, no. 4 (April 2016): 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4949931.
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Warsi, M. J. "SEGMENTAL PHONOLOGY OF MAITHILI URDU." IARS' International Research Journal 11, no. 1 (February 9, 2021): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.51611/iars.irj.v11i1.2021.156.
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This paper on the Mithilanchal Urdu, a dialect of the Indo-Aryan language family, would be an interesting study in the time of the Corona Pandemic, as it may be considered a minority language or dialect and such languages and dialects have been found to be especially vulnerable in the times of calamities like the present COVID-19 pandemic. However, this paper would basically provide a baseline upon which post-pandamic studies can be based for exploring the effect of the pandemic. The present study reflects the segmental phonology of Maithili Urdu, a dialect of the Indo-Aryan language family, spoken mainly in the Mithilanchal region of the state of Bihar in India. Maithili Urdu does not have its own script or literature, yet it has maintained an oral history over many centuries. It has contributed in enriching the Maithili, Hindi and Urdu language and literature very profoundly. There are ten vowels in Maithili Urdu. It would be very interesting to know that out of these, there are four front vowels, four back vowels, and two central vowels. Lip rounding is not distinctive, but only the back vowels are rounded. Out of these ten vowels, three are short and seven are long. Length, thus, is a distinctive feature in Maithili Urdu, where short and long vowels show full phonological opposition in all positions. These are all pure vowels, non-nasalized. All vowels in Maithili Urdu can be nasalized. Consonantal phonemes in Maithili Urdu show four-way contrast between voiceless and voiced and unaspirated and aspirated at bilabial, dental, retroflex, palatal, velar, and glottal places of articulation. Phonetically, affricates also behave like stops. Similarly, the taps, laterals, and nasals also show a two-way contrast between unaspirated and aspirated. Aspiration, thus, is an overriding characteristic of the Maithili Urdu sound system. This study has greatly benifited from the similar work done by Dixit, 1963; Halle & Mohannan 1985; Masud Husain Khan, 1986; Hyman, 2003. In this paper, a brief overview of segmental phonology of Maithili Urdu will be presented wherein vowels and consonants and their phonotactic behavior will be described in detail.
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Styler, Will, and Rebecca Scarborough. "Surveying the nasal peak: A1 and P0 in nasal and nasalized vowels." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 136, no. 4 (October 2014): 2083. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4899480.
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Rong, Panying, and David P. Kuehn. "The effect of oral articulation on the acoustic characteristics of nasalized vowels." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 127, no. 4 (April 2010): 2543–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.3294486.
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Chen, Marilyn Y. "Acoustic parameters of nasalized vowels in hearing‐impaired and normal‐hearing speakers." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 98, no. 5 (November 1995): 2443–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.414399.
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Pruthi, Tarun, Carol Y. Espy-Wilson, and Brad H. Story. "Simulation and analysis of nasalized vowels based on magnetic resonance imaging data." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 121, no. 6 (2007): 3858. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.2722220.
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Lorenc, Anita, Daniel Król, and Katarzyna Klessa. "An acoustic camera approach to studying nasality in speech: The case of Polish nasalized vowels." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 144, no. 6 (December 2018): 3603–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.5084038.
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Najnin, Shamima, and Celia Shahnaz. "A detection and classification method for nasalized vowels in noise using product spectrum based cepstra." International Journal of Speech Technology 18, no. 1 (October 1, 2014): 97–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10772-014-9225-9.
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Carignan, Christopher. "Using ultrasound and nasalance to separate oral and nasal contributions to formant frequencies of nasalized vowels." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 143, no. 5 (May 2018): 2588–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.5034760.
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Najnin, Shamima, and Celia Shahnaz. "Detection and Classification of Nasalized Vowels in Noise Based on Cepstra Derived from Differential Product Spectrum." Circuits, Systems, and Signal Processing 36, no. 1 (March 23, 2016): 181–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00034-016-0298-3.
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Hyman, Larry M. "Nasal consonant harmony at a distance the case of Yaka." Studies in African Linguistics 24, no. 1 (June 1, 1995): 6–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v24i1.107408.
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In a number of Bantu languages the [d-l] reflex of Proto-Bantu *-Vd- suffixes alternates with [n] when the consonant of the preceding syllable is nasal, e.g., /dim-id-/ 'cultivate for' ~ [dim-in-]. Because these Bantu languages do not allow nasalized vowels, it is necessary to view such assimilation as operating "at a distance" [Poser 1983], with the intervening vowel(s) being transparent. Transvocalic nasal consonant harmony (NCR) is widespread within Bantu [Greenberg 1951], and was repeatedly cited by phonologists in the 1970's, e.g., from Luba [Howard 1972, Johnson 1972] and Lamba [Kenstowicz and Kisseberth 1979]. In this paper I treat a more extensive and dramatic case of NCR at a distance in Yaka, a language spoken in Zaire. In this language /-Vd-/ suffixes are realized [-Vn-] even when the triggering nasal consonant is not in the immediately preceding syllable, e.g., /-miituk-id-/ 'sulk for' ~ [miituk-in-] (cf. Ao [1991], Piggott [1993] and Odden [1994], who cite parallel facts from Kongo). I begin by documenting the pervasiveness of the (stem-level) nasal harmony effects in the language, which therefore require a phonological analysis (vs. one involving allomorphy). Discussion centers around the problem of why voiceless and prenasalized consonants should be transparent to NCR.
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Regmi, Dan Raj, and Ambika Regmi. "Segmental phonological properties in Thakali: a typological perspective." Gipan 4 (December 31, 2019): 142–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/gipan.v4i0.35463.
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Thakali, a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Nepal, exhibits some typologically interesting properties in the domain of segmental phonology. It presents a rich inventory of 33 segmental consonant phonemes and a set of six monophthongal vowels with murmured voice (i.e., breathy) counterparts. The syllable structure at the maximum consists of (C) (X) V (C), where X stands for a glide or liquid phoneme. Thakali as a Bodish language contains retroflex series as well as distinct alveolar fricatives and affricates and lacks phonemic voicing contrasts. As a member of the Gurungic cluster of West Bodish sub-section, Thakali shares such properties with other West- Bodish languages, viz., Chantyal, Manange, Gurung, Magar Kaike, Ghale, Seke, Nar-Phu, Western Tamang and Eastern Tamang. Unlike a Bodish language, Thakali lacks phonemically nasalized vowels. Thakali, like Chantyal, presents contrasts involving voice onset time and murmur. Such contrasts are attested in stops, affricates, fricatives, trills/taps and laterals in Thakali. However, unlike Chantyal, Thakali contains murmured trill/tap and murmured lateral with voiceless onset like Seke and Nar-Phu. Such properties are exclusively absent in other West Bodish languages. While uplifting Thakali, a shifting language, from sustainable identity to sustainable orality, such properties typical in South Asia (Noonan, 2003a: 316) have to be fully maintained.
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Stoakes, Hywel M., Janet M. Fletcher, and Andrew R. Butcher. "Nasal coarticulation in Bininj Kunwok: An aerodynamic analysis." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 50, no. 3 (February 12, 2019): 305–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100318000282.
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Bininj Kunwok (BKw), a language spoken in Northern Australia, restricts the degree of anticipatory nasalization, as suggested by previous aerodynamic and acoustic analyses (Butcher 1999). The current study uses aerodynamic measurements of speech to investigate patterns of nasalization and nasal articulation in Bininj Kunwok to compare with Australian languages more generally. The role of nasal coarticulation in ensuring language compre-hensibility a key question in phonetics research today is explored. Nasal aerodynamics is measured in intervocalic, word-medial nasals in the speech of five female speakers of BKw and data are analyzed using Smoothing Spline Analysis of Variance (SSANOVA) and Functional Data Analysis averaging techniques. Results show that in a VNV sequence there is very little anticipatory vowel nasalization with no restriction on carryover nasalization for a following vowel. The maximum peak nasal flow is delayed until the oral release of a nasal for coronal articulations, indicating a delayed velum opening gesture. Patterns of anticipatory nasalization appears similar to nasal airflow in French non-nasalized vowels in oral vowel plus nasal environments (Delvaux et al. 2008). Findings show that Bininj Kunwok speakers use language specific strategies in order to limit anticipatory nasalization, enhancing place of articulation cues at a site of intonational prominence which also is also the location of the majority of place of articulation contrasts within the language. Patterns of airflow suggest enhancement and coarticulatory resistance in prosodically prominent VN and VNC sequences which we interpret as evidence of speakers maintaining a phonological contrast to enhance place of articulation cues.
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Шарма Брахма Дутта. "Vowel Phonemes in Hindi." East European Journal of Psycholinguistics 5, no. 2 (December 28, 2018): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.29038/eejpl.2018.5.2.bsh.
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An analysis of the present day Hindi, as spoken in the northern part of India, brings to light the fact that this language has at least twenty vowel phonemes, and not simply thirteen. Twelve of these twenty vowel phonemes are oral while eight of them are nasalized. Eighteen of them are pure vowels (monophthongs) while two of them are diphthongs. Two of the thirteen vowels included in the current list of alphabet have given place to two consonants with the result that they have ceased to exist. Most of these vowel phonemes occur in all the three positions, namely initial, medial and final, in the Hindi words.
References
Agnihotri, Rama Kant. (2007). Hindi: An Essential Grammar. London: Routledge.
Chatterjee, Suniti Kumar. (1942). Indo-Aryan and Hindi: Eight Lectures. Ahmedabad: Gujarat Vernacular Society. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/in.gov.ignca.2478.
Duncan Forbes. (1846). A Grammar of the Hindustani Language in the Oriental and Roman Character, London: W. H. Allen & Co. Retrieved from: https://ia801408.us.archive.org/ 27/items/agrammarhindstn00forbgoog/agrammarhindstn00forbgoog.pdf.
Dwivedi, Kapildev. (2016). Bhasha Vigyan Evam Bhasha Shastra [Philology and Linguistics]. Varanasi: Vishvavidaya Prakashan.
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Shakespear, John. (1845). An Introduction to the Hindustani Language. Comprising a Grammar, and a Vocabulary, English and Hindustani. London: Wm. H. Allen & Co. Retrieved from: https://archive.org/details/introductiontohi00shakrich.
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Sharma, Aryendra. (1994). A Basic Grammar of Hindi. Delhi: Central Hindi Directorate.
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Bunton, Kate, and Jeannette D. Hoit. "Development of Velopharyngeal Closure for Vocalization During the First 2 Years of Life." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 61, no. 3 (March 15, 2018): 549–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/2017_jslhr-s-17-0208.
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PurposeThe vocalizations of young infants often sound nasalized, suggesting that the velopharynx is open during the 1st few months of life. Whereas acoustic and perceptual studies seemed to support the idea that the velopharynx closes for vocalization by about 4 months of age, an aeromechanical study contradicted this (Thom, Hoit, Hixon, & Smith, 2006). Thus, the current large-scale investigation was undertaken to determine when the velopharynx closes for speech production by following infants during their first 2 years of life.MethodThis longitudinal study used nasal ram pressure to determine the status of the velopharynx (open or closed) during spontaneous speech production in 92 participants (46 male, 46 female) studied monthly from age 4 to 24 months.ResultsThe velopharynx was closed during at least 90% of the utterances by 19 months, though there was substantial variability across participants. When considered by sound category, the velopharynx was closed from most to least often during production of oral obstruents, approximants, vowels (only), and glottal obstruents. No sex effects were observed.ConclusionVelopharyngeal closure for spontaneous speech production can be considered complete by 19 months, but closure occurs earlier for speech sounds with higher oral pressure demands.
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Wielgat, Robert, and Anita Lorenc. "The EMA Study on the Inter-individual Variability and Differences in Articulation between Polish Oral and Nasalised Vowels." Science, Technology and Innovation 1, no. 1 (December 27, 2017): 17–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0010.7600.
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The electromagnetic articulography (EMA) is a relatively exact and efficient method used in study on speech production physiology. It allows to precisely estimate movement trajectories of speech articulators like tongue, lips, jaw etc. by tracking position of sensors fixed to the articulators. This paper presents results of EMA research on Polish oral and nasalised vowels in orthography represented by the graphemes <e>, <o>, <ę>, <ą>. Inter-individual variability of tongue and lips position in X-axis direction during realization of the same phoneme has been estimated. Differences between oral and nasalised vowels in terms of movement of articulators in X-axis direction have been assessed too.
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Lipski, John M. "Spontaneous Nasalization in the Development of Afro-Hispanic Language." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 7, no. 2 (January 1, 1992): 261–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.7.2.04lip.
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Afro-Hispanic or bozal Spanish, from the sixteenth century to the early twentieth century, exhibited numerous cases of "epenthetic" nasal consonants, exemplified by Punto Rico < Puerto Rico; limbre < libre 'free'; pincueso < pescuezo 'neck'; and monosyllabic clitics such as lon < lo(s), lan < la(s), and so on. The present study, based on a comparison of Afro-Hispanic (AH) language data from a wide range of regions and time periods, provides alternative models for spontaneous nasalization. The first involves vowel nasalization, analyzed as the linking of a free (nasal) autosegment to the first available vowel of relevant words; Spanish speakers in turn reinterpreted the nasal vowels as a nasal consonant homorganic to the preceding consonant. Cases of apparent word-final nasal epenthesis, invariably involving phrase-internal clitics, resulted from prenasalization of following word-initial obstruents, a well-documented process in Afro-Iberian linguistic contacts. The preference for voiced obstruents to pre-nasalize is attributed to the lack of the normal fricative pronunciation of /b/, /d/, and /g/ in AH speech. In general, Spanish voiced obstruents are pronounced as stops only following nasals. The stop pronunciation of Pol, /d/, and /g/ by AH speakers was reinterpreted as an additional Root node, to which a floating (nasal) autosegment could be linked. AH nasalization generally seems to stem from Africans' underspecification of Spanish vowels and consonants, resulting from the precarious conditions under which Spanish was learned by speakers of various African languages.
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Abdulraheem, Mashood Ajibola. "دراسة تقابلية لبعض المظاهر الصوتية في اللغة العربية ولغة يوربا / Contrastive Study for some of the sound features in Arabic and Yorba." مجلة الدراسات اللغوية والأدبية (Journal of Linguistic and Literary Studies) 9, no. 3 (October 3, 2018): 54–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jlls.v9i3.646.
Full textAbstract:
ملخص البحث:
تهدف هذه المقالة بمنهجها التطبيقي إلى الدراسة التقابلية لبعض المظاهر الصوتية في اللغة العربية ولغة يوربا، للكشف عن أوجه التشابه والاختلاف بينهما، وبهذه الدراسة يعرف القرّاء والباحثون عبرها مدى التفاعل الإيجابي بين اللغتين العربية واليورباوية، والتي هي إحدى اللغات في الجنوب الغربي من نيجيريا، وهي لغة معروفة ومعترفة بها لدى الحكومة النيجيرية الفدرالية. واللغة العربية كغيرها من اللغات المعروفة وهي منتشرة في العالم بفضل الإسلام وكتابه العزيز، وهي لغة قومية حيّة يتكلمها ما يربو عن ثلاثمائة مليون نسمة حسب إحصائيات رسمية عن سكان العالم العربي، وتعدّ لغة المسلمين عامة لارتباطها بثقافة دينهم الإسلامي. من نتائج هذه الدراسة ما يأتي: أن بعض الأصوات العربية بخصائصها الصوتية ذات الحروف الحلقيّة وغيرها غير موجودة في لغة يوربا، مثل: حرف الثاء، والحاء والخاء، والذال، والزاي، الصاد، الضاد، والطاء، والظاء، والعين، والغين، والقاف، أن في لغة يوربا سبعة صوائت، ثلاثة منها نظير في العربية وهي: الفتحة والكسرة، والضمة، مقابل حروف صوائت غير أنفية في لغة يوربا، وهي: (a و i وu). وأخريات ليس لها مثيل في اللغة العربية، وأن مقاطع الكلمات العربية ما بين مقطع واحد إلى سبعة مقاطع، وأما المقاطع في لغة يوربا فهي أصغر وحدة صوتية يورباوية يمكن نطقها مرة واحدة،.
الكلمات المفتاحية: اللغة العربية-لغة يوربا-الفصائل -لتقابل اللغوي –الصوت.
Abstract
This article with its applied method aims to study contrastively some of the vocal features in Arabic and Yorba to uncover the similar and different characteristics of both. With this study, readers and scholars would be exposed to the degree of interaction between the two languages. Yorba is one of the languages in the south western region of Nigeria. It is a renown and recognized language by the Nigerian Federal government. Arabic as, it is known to many, is a language that is spread because of Islam and it holy book. It s a national language to more than 300million speakers according to an official survey on the population of the Arab World. It is regarded generally as an Islamic language due to its close bound with Islam. Among the conclusions of this study: some of the Arabic sounds have glottal letters and others do not exist in Yorba, examples are such as: Tha, Ha, Zal, Kha, Zay, Sad, Dhad, Tho, Zho, ‘Ain, Ghayn, Qaf. In Yorba there are seven vowels, three of which are similar in Arabic: fathah, kasrah and dhammah, in contrast with vowel non-nasalized sounds in Yorba such as: a, i and u. The rest have no similar sounds in Arabic. Length of syllable in Arabic is from one to seven but in Yorba they are the smallest vocal units that are pronounceable once.
Keywords: Arabic, Yorba, Categories, language contrastive, sounds.
Abstrak
Artikel ini dengan menggunakan pendekatan gunaan bertujuan untuk mengkaji secara konstruktif sebahagian daripada ciri-ciri suara dalam Bahasa Arab dan Yorba untuk menyingkap persamaan dan perbezaan di antara kedua-dua bahasa. Yorba ialah salah satu bahasa di bahagian tenggara Nigeria yang diiktiraf oleh Kerajaan Federal Nigeria. Bahasa Arab sperti yang dimaklumi umum ialah sebuah bahasa yang tersebar disebabkan oleh Islam dan juga pangajaran Al-Quran. Ia merupakan bahasa rasmi kepada lebih 300 juta penutur mengikut satu tinjauan penduduk dunia Arab. Ia dianggap secara umum sebagai sebuah bahasa Islam kerana hubungan rapatnya dengan Islam. Di antara kesimpulan kajian ini ialah: sebahagian bunyi mempunyai huruf-huruf glottal namun bunyi yang sama tidak didapati dalam Yorba. Contoh-contohnya ialah seperti: kha, Ha, Zal, Kha, Sad, Dhad, Tho, Zho, ‘Ain, Ghayn, Qaf. Dalam Yorba terdapat tujuh vowel, tiga daripadanya terdapat dalam Bahasa Arab: baris atas, bawah dan depan, berbeza dengan hruf vowel yang tidak sengau dalam Yorba seperti: a, i dan u. Yang lain-lainnya tidak mempunyai persamaan dengan Yorba. Panjang sesuatu suku kata ialah daripada satu ke 7 namun dalam Yorba semua bunyi tersebut merupakan unit vocal terkecil yang boleh dibunyikan sekali gus.
Kata kunci: Bahasa Arab, Yorba, Kategori-kategori, bahasa konstrastif, bunyi-bunyi.
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Stemberger, Joseph Paul. "Radical underspecification in language production." Phonology 8, no. 1 (May 1991): 73–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675700001287.
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Phonological underspecification plays an important role in phonological theory. Some features are left blank in underlying representations. If they are relevant to the pronunciation of a segment, they are filled in at some point in the derivation; otherwise, they are left blank permanently. When underspecification was reintroduced to phonological theory in the 1980s, researchers originally assumed that all information that could be considered predictable had to be underspecified in underlying representations (Kiparsky 1982; Archangeli 1984). Information can be considered predictable in one of two ways. First, information is predictable if it is redundant or allophonic; the voicing and nasality of the vowel in the word grin [grin] in English are predictable (because vowels are always voiced, and are always nasalised before a nasal) and omitted from underlying representations. Second, given that a feature is binary, it is possible to leave one value of the feature blank in underlying representations; if the segment is not specified as e.g. [+ F], then it must be [− F], by default. The approach that defines predictability in this fashion is known as RADICAL UNDERSPECIFICATION
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Zago, Anna. "Mytacism in Latin grammarians." Journal of Latin Linguistics 17, no. 1 (June 26, 2018): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/joll-2018-0002.
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Abstract This paper focuses on the different definitions of the so-called mytacism in Latin grammarians (from the early imperial period to twelth-century treatises), starting from an assessment of the textual basis of their statements. Mytacism is a vitium orationis which affects the phonetic realization of the final group vowel + [m] when followed by another vowel; mytacism also raises various phonetic and rhetorical issues such as weakening of the sound [m], nasalization of the preceding vowel, elision and hiatus. Two competing theories in modern scholarship (weak nasal consonant versus nasalized vowel) try to explain the pronunciation of the final group vowel+[m] followed by another vowel; however, ancient grammar does not possess a theoretical and terminological framework stringent enough to give an accurate phonetic description of this sound. Finally, the paper argues that mytacism is a linguistic mistake associated with the ancient perception of word boundary; its varying definitions allow us to recognize at least an elementary “phonological awareness” in ancient grammatical doctrines.
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Pruthi, Tarun, and Carol Y. Espy‐Wilson. "Simulating and understanding the effects of velar coupling area on nasalized vowel spectra." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 118, no. 3 (September 2005): 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/1.4785765.
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Kelm, Orlando R. "Acoustic Characteristics of Oral vs. Nasalized /a/ in Brazilian Portuguese: Variation in Vowel Timbre and Duration." Hispania 72, no. 4 (December 1989): 853. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/343563.
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Bae, Youkyung. "Nasalization Amplitude-Timing Characteristics of Speakers With and Without Cleft Palate." Cleft Palate-Craniofacial Journal 55, no. 1 (December 14, 2017): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1055665617718826.
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Objectives: To examine the amplitude-temporal relationships of acoustic nasalization in speakers with a range of nasality and to determine the extent to which each domain independently predicts the speaker’s perceived oral-nasal balance. Design: Rate-controlled speech samples, consisting of /izinizi/, /azanaza/, and /uzunuzu/, were recorded from 18 participants (14 with repaired cleft palate and 4 without cleft palate) using the Nasometer. The mean nasalance of the entire mid-vowel–nasal consonant–vowel (mid-VNV) sequence (amplitude-domain) and the duration of the nasalized segment of the mid-VNV sequence (temporal-domain) were obtained based on nasalance contours. Results: Strong linear and vowel-dependent relationships were observed between the 2 domains of nasalization (adjusted R2 = 71.5%). Both the amplitude- and temporal-domain measures were found to reliably predict the speaker’s perceived oral-nasal balance, with better overall model fit and higher classification accuracy rates observed in /izinizi/ and /uzunuzu/ than in /azanaza/. Despite poor specificity, the temporal-domain measure of /azanaza/ was found to have a strong correlation with the participants’ Zoo passage nasalance scores ( rs = .897, p < .01), suggesting its potential utility as a severity indicator of perceived nasality. Conclusions: With the use of relatively simple speech tasks and measurements representing the amplitude and temporal domains of nasalization, the present study provided practical guidelines for using the Nasometer in assessing patients with oral-nasal resonance imbalance. Findings suggest that both domain measures of nasalization should be examined across different vowel contexts, given that each domain may provide clinically relevant, yet different, information.
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Bae, Youkyung, David P. Kuehn, Charles A. Conway, and Bradley P. Sutton. "Real-Time Magnetic Resonance Imaging of Velopharyngeal Activities with Simultaneous Speech Recordings." Cleft Palate-Craniofacial Journal 48, no. 6 (November 2011): 695–707. http://dx.doi.org/10.1597/09-158.
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Objective To examine the relationships between acoustic and physiologic aspects of the velopharyngeal mechanism during acoustically nasalized segments of speech in normal individuals by combining fast magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) with simultaneous speech recordings and subsequent acoustic analyses. Design Ten normal Caucasian adult individuals participated in the study. M id sagittal dynamic magnetic resonance imaging (MRI) and simultaneous speech recordings were performed while participants were producing repetitions of two rate-controlled nonsense syllables including /zanaza/ and /zunuzu/. Acoustic features of nasalization represented as the peak amplitude and the bandwidth of the first resonant frequency (F1) were derived from speech at the rate of 30 sets per second. Physiologic information was based on velar and tongue positional changes measured from the dynamic MRI data, which were acquired at a rate of 21.4 images per second and resampled with a corresponding rate of 30 images per second. Each acoustic feature of nasalization was regressed on gender, vowel context, and velar and tongue positional variables. Results Acoustic features of nasalization represented by F1 peak amplitude and bandwidth changes were significantly influenced by the vowel context surrounding the nasal consonant, velar elevated position, and tongue height at the tip. Conclusions Fast MRI combined with acoustic analysis was successfully applied to the investigation of acoustic-physiologic relationships of the velopharyngeal mechanism with the type of speech samples employed in the present study. Future applications are feasible to examine how anatomic and physiologic deviations of the velopharyngeal mechanism would be acoustically manifested in individuals with velopharyngeal incompetence.
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Lao, Shanyi, Celeste Rodrigues, and Fernando Brissos. "Nasalização regressiva heterossilábica (NRH) da vogal /a/ acentuada em PE." Revista da Associação Portuguesa de Linguística, no. 7 (November 30, 2020): 295–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.26334/2183-9077/rapln7ano2020a18.
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According to the autosegmental model adopted by Mateus & Andrade (2000), the nasal vowel in Portuguese, in words such as cinco, lã and campo, is a phonetic form derived from a phonological oral vowel plus a nasal autosegment N in the same syllable. However, we can also notice the nasalization in words such as cãma, cẽna and cũnha in Portuguese, although not often in the standard language. This phenomenon is an heterosyllabic regressive nasalization (NRH), in which the nasal consonant of the onset nasalizes the previous vowel. In Brazilian Portuguese, there are more studies related to NRH than in European Portuguese and most of them treat it as a phonetic phenomenon (Câmara Jr., 1970; Battisti, 1997; Botelho, 2007). Moraes & Wetzels (1992) find NRH more frequently in the stressed syllable and with the palatal consonant /ɲ/, but its frequency varies in different dialects. Therefore, this paper aims to analyze the variation of NRH in Mainland Portugal and the phonological processes that go together with it, focusing particularly on the structure /a/[+ac] .C[+nas] (/m/, /n/, /ɲ/). We collected occurrences that contain the target structure from the corpus Linguistic-Ethnographic Atlas of Portugal and Galicia and our analysis is based on the phonetic transcriptions performed by CLUL dialectologists. By calculating the percentage of NRH in each locality and making dialectal maps, the results show that: i) NRH can be found almost throughout the entire territory; ii) it has a greater frequency in Northwest (mainly with the consonant /ɲ/), Beira Baixa, Alentejo, and Algarve; iii) multiple phenomena transform the phonological segments into different phonetic shapes; iv) in a diachronic analysis, the changing path of /a/ in Portuguese in this structure is: [a] → [ã] → [ɐ̃]→ [ɐ], which shows that the elevation of /a/ follows the NRH. Dialects, then, choose between one of these phonetic variants.
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Myrvoll, Klaus Johan. "Zum Ursprung des Dativs Singular auf -u der altwestnordischen ō-Stämme." Indogermanische Forschungen 120, no. 1 (October 16, 2015): 153–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/if-2015-0009.
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Zusammenfassung Many explanations have been proposed for the dative singular in -u in Old Norse ō-stems. Most of these take as their starting point a Proto- Germanic instrumental in *-ō, PIE *‑ā. Such an ending, however, should according to the established laws for syncope in Nordic result in an Old Norse zero ending. This article reveals the many problems researchers have encountered attempting to back up the traditional explanation. Instead it argues that the dative in -u must stem from a Proto-Norse ending covered by a nasal, *-ōn or *-un, where the vowel later got nasalized and therefore was preserved as -u in Old Norse. This nasal-ending of Proto-Norse could in turn be connected with the Balto-Slavic instrumentals in -mi, Plural -mis, for which in Germanic there have so far only been found cognates in the dative plural. The ultimate source for the Old Norse dative in -u could either be a PIE ā-stem instrumental in *-āmi, which would give the proposed Proto-Norse ending *-ōn, or a PIE consonantal stem instrumental in *-mi, which, with the addition of an analogical -u- between stem and ending, would give Proto-Norse *-un. In the latter case, the ending must have been transferred analogically from the consonantal stems to the ō-stems during the Proto-Norse period.
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Bouchhioua, Nadia. "Cross-Linguistic Influence On The Acquisition Of English Pronunciation By Tunisian EFL Learners." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 12, no. 5 (February 28, 2016): 260. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2016.v12n5p260.
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While acquiring English as a second language (L2) has received substantial research, learning English as a third language (L3) especially in complex sociolinguistic contexts has not received as much attention. Various factors including typological similarity between L2 and L3 are believed to affect the process and the product of learning a third language. Typological similarity is said to facilitate learning at the lexcio-semantic level. However, its effects on the learning of L3 phonology is not always as such. In this study, cross-linguistic influence on the acquisition of English (as L3) pronunciation in the Tunisian context which is characterized by multilingualism involving Tunisian Arabic (TA) as mother tongue, Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) as the first language learnt at school, and French as L2 is investigated. The production of two pronunciation features is tested. These features are the sounds existing in English-French cognates such as information, syntax, important, and stress placement in polysyllabic words. The methodology consisted in having English major university students and their teachers produce these features in read and spontaneous speech. Phonetic analysis and statistical tests revealed significant linguistic transfer from French in the pronunciation of the target features. The participants produced the French nasalized vowel [ɛ̃] in the syllables in English-French cognate vocabulary instead of the correct English pronunciation and placed stress on final syllables according to French stress patterns in their production of English polysyllabic words that should be stressed elsewhere.
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Han, Jeong-Im, and Rinus G. Verdonschot. "Spoken-word production in Korean: A non-word masked priming and phonological Stroop task investigation." Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology 72, no. 4 (May 1, 2018): 901–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1747021818770989.
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Speech production studies have shown that phonological unit initially used to fill the metrical frame during phonological encoding is language specific, that is, a phoneme for English and Dutch, an atonal syllable for Mandarin Chinese, and a mora for Japanese. However, only a few studies chronometrically investigated speech production in Korean, and they obtained mixed results. Korean is particularly interesting as there might be both phonemic and syllabic influences during phonological encoding. The purpose of this study is to further examine the initial phonological preparation unit in Korean, employing a masked priming task (Experiment 1) and a phonological Stroop task (Experiment 2). The results showed that significant onset (and onset-plus, that is, consonant–vowel [CV]) effects were found in both experiments, but there was no compelling evidence for a prominent role for the syllable. When the prime words were presented in three different forms related to the targets, namely, without any change, with re-syllabified codas, and with nasalised codas, there were no significant differences in facilitation among the three forms. Alternatively, it is also possible that participants may not have had sufficient time to process the primes up to the point that re-syllabification or nasalisation could have been carried out. In addition, the results of a Stroop task demonstrated that the onset phoneme effect was not driven by any orthographic influence. These findings suggest that the onset segment and not the syllable is the initial (or proximate) phonological unit used in the segment-to-frame encoding process during speech planning in Korean.
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Brisolara, Luciene Bassols, Carmen Lúcia Barreto Matzenauer, and Roberta Quintanilha Azevedo. "A formalização da percepção da vogal baixa nasalizada do espanhol à luz do modelo BiPhon: estudo comparativo de fragmentos das gramáticas de falantes nativos e de brasileiros adquirindo o Espanhol como língua estrangeira / Formalization of the perception of the nasalized low vowel in Spanish in the light of the BiPhon model: a comparative study of grammar fragments of Spanish native speakers and Brazilian students learning Spanish as a foreign language." REVISTA DE ESTUDOS DA LINGUAGEM 29, no. 1 (January 4, 2021): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/2237-2083.29.1.13-48.
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Ryzhikova, Tatiana R., Albina A. Dobrinina, and Nikolay S. Urtegeshev. "Articulatory Traits of “a”-Type Sound Realizations in the Barabian, Altai, and Bashkir Languages in the Comparative Aspect." Philology 18, no. 9 (2020): 127–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2019-18-9-127-143.
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Purpose. Experimental phonetics is a fundamental source of typological reconstructions. It provides plausible data on the phonetic processes progressing in a language, dialect, or subdialect. In this paper, we compare the results of MRI-investigation of the sound a (it being the most frequently used in the Turkic languages) in related though quite distant languages: Baraba-Tatar, Altai (Ust-Khan subdialect) and Bashkir (Eastern dialect). Thus, the purpose of our study is to distinguish the articulatory traits of the a-type sound in the Barabian, Altai and Bashkir languages under different positional and combinatory conditions as a result of somatic experimental-phonetic research. Magnetic-resonance imaging (MRI) of the vocal tunings was done from the native speakers of the three languages: Baraba-Tatar, Altai, and Bashkir. The static MRI images comprising a-type articulations were selected from the obtained database. The somatic analysis of the linguistic material was conducted in accordance with the technique practiced in the V. M. Nadelyayev’s Laboratory of Experimental-Phonetic Researches (IP SB RAS). Sound tomograms have been analyzed and interpreted, tomoschemes are presented for the visualization purpose. In total, 17 tomograms have been described. The authors have processed the linguistic and experimental material on three Turkic idioms and made a number of important conclusions. 1. A-type sound is realized in the back row words in the languages under consideration, which coincides with the supposition about Turkic vowel harmony suggested earlier. 2. In all languages under investigation the general tuning of the sound a is similar: it is central-back. But what makes it unique for every language is its additional characteristics. For example, in Barabian the phoneme /ʌ̇˘/ can be realized in pharyngealized, nasalized and labialized variants, while the Ust-Khan phoneme /ʌ̇/ is the most unified one (nonnasalized, rarely labialized and pharyngealized). The Eastern Bashkirian phoneme /ɤ̇/ resembles the Baraba-Tatar phoneme in many aspects. 3. The statement (based on the perceptive analysis) about the use of more open and in some senses more backward, laryngeal and even pharyngealized sound a in some sub-dialects of the Eastern dialect of Bashkir did not turn out to be correct. According to the experimental data, all eastern Bashkir tunings appear to be central-back strongly shifted forward, i.e. the tongue does not move backward too much. Regarding the mouth openness, all variants of the Eastern Bashkirian sound a are half narrow (the third level of openness), and in some cases they can even be said to be narrow (the second level). 4. Despite the territorial closeness of Altai (Ust-Khan sub-dialect) and Baraba-Tatar, the comparative analysis of the articulatory peculiarities of the vocal tunings under discussion revealed close correlation between Barabian and Eastern Bashkirian realizations of sound a. It might be accounted for by similar ways of their development (both of historical and immanent character) as well as by the literary Tatar language and its dialects influence on Baraba-Tatar (an intensive wave of immigrants from the Volga-Ural region into Baraba Steppe where Baraba-Tartars had been historically living was recorded in the beginning of the 20th century). To sum up, the further investigation of all vocal system units is necessary to make final conclusions about typological likelihood or diversity of the languages under consideration.
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Bongiovanni, Silvina. "Acoustic investigation of anticipatory vowel nasalization in a Caribbean and a non-Caribbean dialect of Spanish." Linguistics Vanguard 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lingvan-2020-0008.
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Abstract Spanish dialectology observes that dialects with a preference for velarized variants of /n/ (e.g. Caribbean dialects) include nasalized vocalic allophones in their inventory. Instrumental cross-dialectal comparisons of Spanish anticipatory nasalization, however, remain surprisingly rare. To this end, I compare the time-course of nasality in pre-nasal vowels in Argentine and Dominican Spanish, as well as across a number of linguistic variables described in the phonetic, sociolinguistic and historical literature. Twenty-eight speakers from Santo Domingo and twenty-six from Buenos Aires were recorded with a nasometer, an ideal instrument for data collection in the field. Measurements of nasal energy were extracted to acoustically characterize the time-course of nasality. Results indicate that Dominican speakers present more extensive anticipatory vowel nasalization than Argentine speakers. These findings are consistent with observations of allophonic nasalization (i.e. phonologized) in the Caribbean dialect under study, Dominican Spanish. Regarding the linguistic variables, stressed pre-nasal vowels showed earlier onset of nasalization, particularly among the Caribbean speakers, which further provides support for the phonological differences in vowel nasality.
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Lin, Yu-Leng. "What Matters in Artificial Learning, Sonority Hierarchy or Natural Classes?" Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology 3 (June 21, 2016). http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/amp.v3i0.3674.
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My research examines one proposed universal, the implicational nasal hierarchy scale, testing whether this scale is found with speakers of a language with no clear evidence for a nasal hierarchy.Walker (2011) proposes a universal implicational nasalized segment scale based on evidence from typological frequency, Vowels > Glides > Liquids > Fricatives > Stops. She argues that if a more marked blocker class blocks harmony (vowels are least marked targets, so least likely to be blockers, and most likely to be targets), so do the less marked blocker classes (stops are most marked targets, so most likely to be blockers, and least likely to be targets). I address whether a pattern that is predicted by this implicational universal is easier to learn than one that is not. In particular, I investigate if it is easier to make a generalization when a more marked blocker (vowel)/target (stop) is presented during training and a less marked blocker (stop)/target (vowel) in testing rather than vice versa. In sum, individual and grouped results show evidence that both natural classes and a hierarchy play an important role in phonological artificial grammar learning.
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Wang, Sheng-Fu. "A Dispersion-Theoretic Account of Taiwanese CV phonotactics." Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology 4 (May 9, 2017). http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/amp.v4i0.3982.
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In Taiwanese, oral voice consonants and nasal stops are in complementary distribution in the onset position: oral voiced consonants only precede phonemically oral vowels, and nasal stops only precede nasal vowels. Similar restriction in the distribution of these segments is not found in other languages with phonemic nasal vowels, such as French and Portuguese. Following studies showing that Taiwanese nasal vowels are fully nasalized, while French and Portuguese ones have delay in nasality (Chang et al., 2011; Delvaux et al., 2008; Parkinson, 1983), this study proposes a Dispersion-Theoretic account to connect phonetic observation about vocalic nasality to the phonotactic restrictions on voicing and nasality. Using a three-stage analysis (Flemming 2006, 2008), where Phonetic Realization is a distinct component of the grammar, the analysis is show how a cross-linguistic different in phonetic implementation of nasality is able to derive differences in surface phonotactics. The analysis also makes explicitly testable predictions about the perception and the typology of the distributions of voiced and nasal segments.
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Garellek, Marc, and Christina M. Esposito. "Phonetics of White Hmong vowel and tonal contrasts." Journal of the International Phonetic Association, June 22, 2021, 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100321000104.
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Hmong languages, particularly White Hmong, are well studied for their complex tone systems that incorporate pitch, phonation, and duration differences. Still, prior work has made use mostly of tones elicited in their citation forms in carrier phrases. In this paper, we provide a detailed description of both the vowel and tone systems of White Hmong from recordings of read speech. We confirm several features of the language, including the presence of nasal vowels (rather than derived nasalized vowels through coarticulation with a coda [ŋ]), the description of certain tone contours, and the systematic presence of breathy and creaky voice on two of the tones. We also find little evidence of additional intonational f0 targets. However, we show that some tones vary greatly by their position in utterance, and propose novel descriptions for several of them. Finally, we show that $\textrm{H}1^{\!*}$ –H2*, a widely used measure of voice quality and phonation in Hmong and across languages, does not adequately distinguish modal from non-modal phonation in this data set, and argue that noise measures like Cepstral Peak Prominence (CPP) are more robust to phonation differences in corpora with more variability.
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Desmeules-Trudel, Félix, and Tania S. Zamuner. "Spoken word recognition in a second language: The importance of phonetic details." Second Language Research, July 13, 2021, 026765832110306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02676583211030604.
Full textAbstract:
Spoken word recognition depends on variations in fine-grained phonetics as listeners decode speech. However, many models of second language (L2) speech perception focus on units such as isolated syllables, and not on words. In two eye-tracking experiments, we investigated how fine-grained phonetic details (i.e. duration of nasalization on contrastive and coarticulatory nasalized vowels in Canadian French) influenced spoken word recognition in an L2, as compared to a group of native (L1) listeners. Results from L2 listeners (English-native speakers) indicated that fine-grained phonetics impacted the recognition of words, i.e. they were able to use nasalization duration variability in a way similar to L1-French listeners, providing evidence that lexical representations can be highly specified in an L2. Specifically, L2 listeners were able to distinguish minimal word pairs (differentiated by the presence of phonological vowel nasalization in French) and were able to use variability in a way approximating L1-French listeners. Furthermore, the robustness of the French “nasal vowel” category in L2 listeners depended on age of exposure. Early bilinguals displayed greater sensitivity to some ambiguity in the stimuli than late bilinguals, suggesting that early bilinguals had greater sensitivity to small variations in the signal and thus better knowledge of the phonetic cue associated with phonological vowel nasalization in French, similarly to L1 listeners.
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Warner, Natasha, Daniel Brenner, Jessamyn Schertz, Andrew Carnie, Muriel Fisher, and Michael Hammond. "The aerodynamic puzzle of nasalized fricatives: Aerodynamic and perceptual evidence from Scottish Gaelic." Laboratory Phonology 6, no. 2 (January 1, 2015). http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lp-2015-0007.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractScottish Gaelic is sometimes described as having nasalized fricatives (/ṽ/ distinctively, and [f̃, x̃, h̃], etc. through assimilation). However, there are claims that it is not aerodynamically possible to open the velum for nasalization while maintaining frication noise. We present aerodynamic data from 14 native Scottish Gaelic speakers to determine how the posited nasalized fricatives in this language are realized. Most tokens demonstrate loss of nasalization, but nasalization does occur in some contexts without aerodynamic conflict, e.g., nasalization with the consonant realized as an approximant, nasalization of [h̃], nasalization on the preceding vowel, or sequential frication and nasalization. Furthermore, a very few tokens do contain simultaneous nasalization and frication with a trade-off in airflow. We also present perceptual evidence showing that Gaelic listeners can hear this distinction slightly better than chance. Thus, instrumental data from one of the few languages in the world described as having nasalized fricatives confirms that the claimed sounds are not made by producing strong nasalization concurrently with clear frication noise. Furthermore, although speakers most often neutralize the nasalization, when they maintain it, they do so through a variety of phonetic mechanisms, even within a single language.