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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Nasser'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 16 June 2025

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1

Mehrtash, Nasser [Verfasser]. "Accelerator für biologienahe neuronale Netze / Nasser Mehrtash." Aachen : Shaker, 2003. http://d-nb.info/1179036506/34.

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2

Jazdi, Nasser [Verfasser]. "Universelle Fernservice-Infrastruktur für eingebettete Systeme / Nasser Jazdi." Aachen : Shaker, 2003. http://d-nb.info/969068980/34.

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3

Danielson, Robert Eugene. "Nasser and Pan-Arabism explaining Egypt's rise in power." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Jun%5FDanielson.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2007.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Daniel J. Moran, James A. Russell. "June 2007." Description based on title screen as viewed on August 13, 2007. Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-71). Also available in print.

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4

Bani, Hassan Nasser [Verfasser]. "Numerical modeling of submarine hydrothermal fluid flow / Nasser Bani Hassan." Kiel : Universitätsbibliothek Kiel, 2012. http://d-nb.info/1026043018/34.

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5

Kaiser, Sven [Verfasser]. "Modellierung und Simulation von elektrostatischen Abscheidern nasser Bauart / Sven Kaiser." München : Verlag Dr. Hut, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1080754318/34.

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6

El-Arabawy, Mohsen Mohamed Mohamed. "Lake Nasser reservoir sedimentation estimates for various water resources planning alternatives." Thesis, University of Southampton, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.342801.

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7

Shahin, Ahmed Fahmy. "The quest for legitimacy : the Egyptian state from Nasser to Sisi." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/15580.

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Egypt could be described as a unique case in the region with regard to Arab Uprisings. Egypt appears to be the only country in the Arab Uprisings states that tread on a different path. It survived the revolutionary wave without neither collapse nor sustainably democratise. Hence was the idea of this research: how could one explain the Egyptian case? I attempt to analyse the Egyptian politics through the lenses of legitimacy. Thus, this thesis studies the legitimacy of the postcolonial Egyptian state. It aims to show that through studying legitimacy; the reasons and dynamics behind the regime change/stability and the underlying logic of political change in Egypt could be understood. To achieve this goal, this thesis analyses the concept of legitimacy and its application on Egypt's contemporary history. Three basic sources of legitimacy are identified as the most crucial in terms of their impact of political change in Egypt: eudaemonic, institutional, and ideological legitimacy. I argue that legitimacy is linked to state-formation: The relative weights of the abovementioned legitimacy components vary from one state-formation's phase to the other, as every phase structurally determines which component is more important than the other, or, in other words, the phase of state formation invites the relevant type of legitimacy component for the ruler to rely on. However each ruler indeed can choose the proper legitimacy type that fits the state-formation's phase the country is going through, or avoid it and use, to the detriment of his rule, other legitimacy types. In this regard, Nasser created benchmarks of legitimacy that his predecessors found themselves obliged to, at least, not to ignore, otherwise facing the wrath of the people. Sadat and Mubarak attempted to reply more on institutional legitimacy to make for their decreasing levels of eudaemonic and ideological legitimacy. Although democratic legitimacy (a branch of institutional legitimacy) gained primacy after the Arab uprising in Egypt and the collapse of the Mubarak regime, many factors with the limitations of democratic legitimacy on the top of them caused the collapse of the political sphere after the brief democratic opening. Without a wide consensus on the state identity and the limits of the use of power, electoral democracy helps only to embody the deep divisions in the nation especially on the identity lines. This thesis thus argues that legitimacy, with its three components, is a pre-requisite to full sustainable democratisation.

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8

Hassouna, Moustafa El Said. "Leadership efficiency and Weberian charisma : the case of Gamal Abdel Nasser (1952-1970)." Thesis, University of Kent, 1990. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.236707.

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9

Al-Shalabi, Jamal. "Mohamed H. Heikal entre le socialisme de Nasser et l'Infitah de Sadate : 1952-1981 /." Paris ; Montréal (Québec) ; Budapest [etc.] : l'Harmattan, 2001. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb38906518x.

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10

Al-Rawahi, Mohamed Nasser [Verfasser]. "Matter fluxes in mountain oases of Al Jabal Al Akhdar, Oman / Mohamed Nasser Al-Rawahi." Kassel : Universitätsbibliothek Kassel, 2012. http://d-nb.info/102246356X/34.

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11

Shalabieh, Mahmoud I. "A comparison of political persuasion on Radio Cairo in the eras of Nasser and Sadat /." The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487262513408362.

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12

Wassertheurer, Bernd [Verfasser], and F. [Akademischer Betreuer] Gauterin. "Reifenmodellierung für die Fahrdynamiksimulation auf Schnee, Eis und nasser Fahrbahn / Bernd Wassertheurer ; Betreuer: F. Gauterin." Karlsruhe : KIT Scientific Publishing, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1202112048/34.

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13

Melcangi, Alessia Giorgia. "La comunità copta nell'Egitto di Gamal 'Abd al-Nasser (1952-1970): tra politica e religione." Doctoral thesis, Università di Catania, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10761/926.

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Negli ultimi decenni del XX secolo molti stati arabi hanno dovuto fare i conti con l intensificarsi della coscienza etnica e religiosa, che ha generato spesso conflitti interni e instabilità politica e sociale. Tutte le società composte da diverse comunità hanno sperimentato, nel corso del tempo, tensioni e conflitti, sebbene le identità religiose ed etniche non siano sempre state esattamente fissate e delineate da contorni netti, diventando oggetto di rinegoziazione e ridefinizione ed assumendo un ruolo minoritario o maggioritario. In stati come l Egitto ove, accanto alla maggioranza musulmana, è presente una consistente comunità cristiana, la riflessione politica e sociale si è soffermata spesso su temi riguardanti la pubblica cittadinanza, la società civile e la partecipazione politica, al fine di comprendere quale sia il ruolo riservato alle comunità di religione non musulmana all interno della struttura sociale e del quadro politico statuale. Il lavoro qui presentato cerca di comprendere in quale misura i cambiamenti avvenuti nell Egitto contemporaneo abbiano influenzato il processo di definizione dell identità nazionale e i rapporti politici, sociali ed economici tra la comunità copta e la leadership al potere, con una riconsiderazione della posizione assunta dai copti all interno della società egiziana. L obiettivo che ci siamo proposti è quello di esaminare il ruolo svolto dalla comunità copta nell ambito politico e sociale e nelle relazioni con il governo all interno del quadro storico dell Egitto nasseriano; in quest analisi uno sguardo privilegiato assumono le dinamiche interne alla comunità copta che provocano l emergere di nuovi protagonisti, influenzandone le relazioni con il potere. Gamal Abd al-Nasser, leader del movimento e presidente della Repubblica egiziana dal 1956, si fece portavoce di un programma politico che segnò una definitiva cesura, non solo dal punto di vista istituzionale, con il regime liberale precedente. Mettendo al centro dell attenzione la problematica sociale e quella nazionale, il ra is cercò di ridurre i conflitti di natura confessionale. Nel quadro della nuova strutturazione dello stato e della società, la comunità copta fu integrata all interno di una nuova comunità, di cui l appello alla nazione divenne uno dei principali pilastri.

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14

In, Nam-sik. "Authoritarianism in Egypt and South Korea : praetorian regimes of Gamal Abdul Nasser and Chung Hee Park." Thesis, Durham University, 2003. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1065/.

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15

Ferrand, Antoinette. "Définir le juste milieu : histoire du concept de « classe moyenne » dans l'Égypte de Nasser (1952-1970)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024SORUL053.

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Lors de l'adoption de la Charte nationale qui définit les nouvelles orientations socialistes du régime en 1961, Ğamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣir explique : « C'est cela la classe moyenne (al-ṭabaqa al-ʿāmma) […]. Chacun perçoit un salaire, chacun participe à cette classe moyenne. On dit qu'il y a un syndicat des ouvriers et un syndicat des fonctionnaires. Bien, mais quelle est la différence entre les deux : l'ouvrier travaille et perçoit un salaire, le fonctionnaire travaille et perçoit un salaire. Les deux, sans autre revenu, ne peuvent pas se nourrir, c'est-à-dire que les deux sont égaux en toute chose » . Voici comment est envisagé le projet de refonte sociale porté par les Officiers Libres depuis leur coup d'Etat en juillet 1952 : rassembler les Egyptiens en une classe laborieuse mais digne, dans une acception plus large que celle du prolétariat marxiste. Devenu ra'īs unique en 1954 – et bientôt érigé en figure exemplaire de la jeune République arabe d'Egypte – Nasser enclenche ainsi un mouvement de réforme et de réorganisation sociale de l'Egypte. Cette dernière est accélérée par le départ des élites cosmopolites lors de la crise de Suez, de la République arabe unie (1958-1961) et de la série des nationalisations : Européens, Syriens et Grecs laissent vacante la place qu'ils tenaient depuis plusieurs décennies dans la hiérarchie sociale égyptienne. Celle-ci est réinvestie par un groupe social montant, alimenté par un vaste mouvement d'exode rural, d'alphabétisation et d'essor de l'instruction : entre les années 1950 et 1970, la capitale égyptienne passe de 2,5 millions à 5 millions d'habitants. Venus de la campagne, premiers de leur famille à accéder à un enseignement primaire voire secondaire, fonctionnaires, employés, petits entrepreneurs, artisans, instituteurs et commerçants fournissent le terreau d'une classe moyenne en pleine re-constitution : entre désir de modernité, encouragements étatiques et attachement aux structures traditionnelles, cette entité sociale aux contours fluctuants dans l'historiographie participe à la redéfinition d'une culture nationale, dans un contexte de massification de la production industrielle et culturelle. Malgré l'attention constante portée par les historiens à ces classes moyennes depuis leur émergence sous Muḥammad ʿAlī, l'historiographie peine à en définir précisément les caractéristiques sociales, économiques et culturelles . Pour faire face à l'impasse définitionnelle à laquelle se heurtent les chercheurs, Dror Wahrman propose de considérer l'effort fait pour appréhender cet espace social médian, plutôt que d'essayer d'en faire une classe sociale, au sens de rang hiérarchique économiquement défini : selon lui, la middle class naît surtout d'un projet politique affiché, d'une tentative d'explication socio-politique des phénomènes contemporains. De là, peu importe au fond la réalité de la classe moyenne ; la croyance en son existence et son invocation permanente suffisent à la rendre palpable dans le paysage politique d'une époque. C'est dans cette perspective que s'inscrivent mes recherches doctorales : je me propose de faire une socio-histoire de ces strates intermédiaires, en étudiant leurs représentations et évocations dans la presse grand-public (comme manière d'être « moderne »), dans les revues intellectuelles (comme clef de compréhension de la « nouvelle société » (al-muğtamaʿal-ğadīd) et de la spécificité du socialisme égyptien) et dans les statistiques officielles (comme indicateur de développement)<br>“That is the general class (al-ṭabaqa al-ʿāmma) […].Everyone receives a salary, everyone takes part to this general class. They say that there is a trade union for workers and a trade union for civil servants. Right. But, what is the difference between the two: the worker works and receives a salary; the civil servant works and receives a salary. Without salary, neither of the two can feed themselves that is to say that both are equal in everything” . Thus, Gamāl ʿAbd al-Nāṣir defines how he intends to revise the Egyptian society after the adoption of the National Charter (al-miṯāq al-waṭanī) in 1961, namely almost ten years after the Free Officers' coup d'État. He aims at gathering the Egyptian people in a vast class, a working and deserving one, beyond the Marxist proletariat. The middle class during the fifties and sixties resembles a melting pot of social strata from the descendants of the interwar effendiyya to the new-graduated legions of civil servants who invade the administrations and the public sector, by way of the urban petite bourgeoisie who gain access to education, after leaving its rural background. The departure of the cosmopolitan minorities after the Suez Crisis in 1956, the massive nationalisation leaded by the State, and the foundation of the United Arab Republic (1958-1961) accelerate the replacement of the former social strata by a new hierarchy more Egyptian and often less higher-educated: civil servants, employees, small business owners, artisans, teachers and sellers. They represent the main target population of social and economic reforms; torn between their desire for modernity, the encouragement of the State and their attachment to a traditional religious culture, these intermediate strata contribute to remodel the Egyptian national identity. Despite the sustained attention for this entity since its promotion by Muḥammad ʿAlī's reforms, the historiography finds difficult to define precisely its social, economic and cultural outlines . As Dror Wahrman explains it, the designation of “middle class” is more the result of a political project than a rank in social hierarchy: believing in its existence and alluding to it suffice to make it live in the imaginary of a society . That is why I choose to study the intermediate strata of Egyptian hierarchy during the Nasser years through its representation and evocation in the mainstream press (as a way of defining how to be modern), in intellectual magazines (as a key to understand the “new society” (al-muğtamaʿal-ğadīd) and the specificity of Egyptian socialism) and through the official statistics (as a development indicator)

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16

Junior, José Ailton Dutra. "O Líbano e o nacionalismo árabe (1952-1967): o nasserismo como projeto para o mundo árabe e o seu impacto no Líbano." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-03102014-164144/.

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O presente estudo tem por finalidade descrever a interação conflituosa entre o nacionalismo árabe e o Líbano entre 1952 e 1967. Nesses anos ocorreu a ascensão do nacionalismo árabe, que teve na figura do presidente egípcio Gamal Abdel Nasser a sua principal liderança. Seu objetivo era promover a luta dos povos de língua árabe contra a dependência tecnológica e dominação econômica e/ou política dos países capitalistas centrais, situados na Europa Ocidental e América do Norte. Bem como desenvolver suas sociedades e combater os setores conservadores internos, aliados dos poderes capitalistas ocidentais e pouco interessados em uma modernização mais profunda ou uma grande melhoria nos padrões de vida das classes populares. O objetivo último dos nacionalistas árabes era a unidade de todos os povos árabes em algum tipo de estrutura estatal. No Líbano a ideia da unidade árabe era mais difícil de realizar, pois uma parcela importante da sua população, os cristãos maronitas, não se viam como árabes e buscaram criar um estado separado para eles no começo do século XX, com apoio de uma potência colonial europeia com quem se identificavam e tinha laços históricos: a França. No entanto, para que o Líbano pudesse existir como estado independente viável economicamente, após a II Guerra Mundial, tiveram os cristão maronitas de entrar em acordo com a população muçulmana, particularmente os sunitas, e aceitar que o Líbano tinha uma face árabe. Esse acordo, conhecido como o Pacto Nacional, garantiu a existência do Líbano e permitiu que este se tornasse um entreposto comercial e financeiro no Oriente Médio, algo desejado tanto por suas elites cristãs (maronita e outras), como pelas muçulmanas. Mas, enquanto o Líbano experimentava um grande crescimento econômico na década de 1950, as suas regiões muçulmanas eram mantida em grande parte alheias a esse crescimento. O resultado foi o seguinte: as populações muçulmanas passaram a questionar a preponderância cristã e viram em Nasser e no nacionalismo árabe um meio para isso. Suas lideranças tiverem que segui-las, enquanto a população cristã, particularmente os maronitas, sentia-se ameaçada. Estas tensões, mescladas às ambições do presidente Camille Chamoun e ao cenário da Guerra Fria, conduziram a guerra civil de 1958. Posteriormente, entre 1959 e 1964, em um governo de unidade nacional, o Presidente Fuad Chehab tentou promover a unidade nacional, fazer investimentos do estado nas regiões muçulmanas, criar um esboço de segurança social e regular o liberalismo desenfreado do país. Seu fracasso parcial e o mau tratamento da população de refugiados palestinos por suas forças de segurança abriu caminho para a grande guerra civil de 1975-1990<br>The present study aims at describing the conflicting interaction between Arab nationalism and Lebanon between 1952 and 1967. Those years was the rise of Arab nationalism, which had the figure of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser your primary leadership. His goal was to promote the struggle of the Arabic speaking people against technological dependence and economic domination and / or policy of the central capitalist countries located in Western Europe and North America. As well as developing their societies and combat domestic conservative sectors, allies of Western capitalist powers and little interested in a deeper upgrade or a major improvement in living standards of the working classes. The ultimate aim of Arab nationalists was the unity of all Arab peoples in some kind of state structure. In Lebanon the idea of Arab unity was more difficult to accomplish, because a significant portion of its population, the Maronite Christians, do not see themselves as Arabs and sought to create a separate state for them in the early twentieth century, with the support of a colonial power European with whom identified themselves and had historical ties: France. However, that Lebanon could exist as economically viable independent state after World War II, Christian Maronites had to come to terms with the Muslim population, particularly the Sunnis, and accept that Lebanon was an Arab face. This agreement, known as the National Pact, ensured the existence of Lebanon and allowed it to become a commercial and financial entrepot in the Middle East, something desired by both her Christian elites (Maronite and other), and by Muslims. But while Lebanon was experiencing great economic growth in the 1950s, its Muslim regions were maintained in large part unrelated to this growth. The result was as follows: Muslim populations began to question the Christian dominance and saw in Nasser and Arab nationalism means for this. Their leaders have to follow them, while the Christian population, particularly the Maronites, felt threatened. These tensions, merged the ambitions of President Camille Chamoun and the scenario of the Cold War, led to civil war in 1958. Later, between 1959 and 1964 in a government of national unity, President Fuad Chehab tried to promote national unity, make investments state in Muslim regions, create an outline of social security and regular liberalism rampant in the country. Its partial failure and poor treatment of the population of Palestinian refugees by its security forces paved the way for the great Civil War 1975-1990

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17

Awad, Abdel Halem Mohamed Ahmed. "Environmental and socio-economic assessment of arid land farming a case from Lake Nasser Region in Egypt." Weikersheim Margraf, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2866184&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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18

Stagh, Marina. "The limits of freedom of speech : prose litterature and prose writers in Egypt under Nasser and Sadat /." Stockholm : Almqvist and Wiksell international, 1993. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37668613j.

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19

Stagh, Marina. "The limits of freedom of speech prose literature and prose writers in Egypt under Nasser and Sadat /." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : Almqvist & Wiksell International, 1993. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/30130617.html.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Stockholm University, 1993.<br>"Bibliography of writers arrested, detained or imprisoned in the period 1952-1981"--P. 321-360. Includes bibliographical references (p. [363]-374) and indexes.

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20

Halem, Mohamed Ahmed Awad Abdel. "Environmental and socio-economic assessment of arid land farming : a case from Lake Nasser region in Egypt /." Weikersheim : Margraf, 2006. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/76686116.html.

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21

MacFarlane, Emma H. "Egypt at a Crossroads: an Analysis of Morsi's Strategies of Military Control in the Post-Revolutionary State." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/497.

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Following Tunisia, Egypt was the second Arab nation to engage in the Arab Spring, as massive civil uprisings in protest of its former repressive dictator Hosni Mubarak succeeded in toppling his regime after thirty years of rule. After seventeen months of military rule in the period following Mubarak’s fall, Mohamed Morsi, a member of Egypt’s Muslim Brotherhood, was elected the fifth president of Egypt. Morsi is Egypt’s first civilian president. Ever since the Free Officers Revolution of 1952, Egypt has been ruled by a succession of military leaders, including Gamal Abdel Nasser, Anwar Sadat, and Hosni Mubarak. Consequently, political and economic authority has since rested in the hands of the military. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate the strategic approaches undertaken by Egypt’s former leaders in an overall attempt to provide a comprehensive answer to this central question: what are President Morsi’s strategies for controlling the military in post-revolutionary Egypt? I will argue that, while Morsi has demonstrated his desire to control the armed forces through various institutional changes, his efforts have fallen short of attacking the heart of the problem, which is the deeply-rooted militaristic culture that has come to be valued and accepted by Egyptian society throughout the course of the last sixty years.

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22

Nasser, Ivana Costa. "Criterios para determinação de suprimentos de potencia entre empresas concessionarias de energia eletrica." [s.n.], 1991. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/259881.

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Orientadores: Sergio Henrique Ferreira da Cunha, Ariovaldo Garcia<br>Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Engenharia Eletrica<br>Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-14T01:40:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Nasser_IvanaCosta_M.pdf: 4463066 bytes, checksum: 3d3b52301fca2abd3f707ec9abacdcd4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1991<br>Resumo: A operação de um sistema elétrico interligado, composto por diversas empresas concessionárias, prevê, como um de seus objetivos, o estabelecimento de trocas de energia e potência entre as empresas, de forma a obter uma utilização mais racional dos recursos. É possível, dessa maneira, garantir uma maior confiabilidade ao consumidor a custos mais baixos. Os intercâmbios se processam com base em critérios que determinam as responsabilidades de suprimento entre as empresas e se constituem de contratos firmes ou acordos temporários. Este trabalho tem por objetivo propor um critério para determinação de suprimentos de potência entre empresas concessionárias organizadas em pool, a partir da formulação e análise de sete métodos alternativos. Em termos metodológicos, seis desses critérios caracterizam-se por apresentar um enfoque clássico do problema, baseado na alocação de responsabilidades de geração de ponta. O sétimo método, denominado "determinação direta de contratos¿, apresenta uma nova abordagem que formula o problema como um problema de programação linear estocástica, resolvido com o auxílio das técnicas de Simulação Monte-Carlo e Decomposição de Benders. Os resultados finais são discutidos a partir de uma aplicação dos critérios para o sistema Sul/Sudeste,em sua configuração prevista para dezembro de 1994<br>Abstract: One of objectives of the operation of an interconnected power system, composed of several utilities, is to determine energy and peak exchanges, in order to optimize the use of energy resources. ln this way, it's possible to provide a higher reliability to customers with lower costs. These exchanges are based on criteria which define the supply responsibility among the pooled participants. The supply responsibilities can be settled as firm contracts or temporary agreements. This work proposes a new criterion for peak supply in a power pool. The proposed criterion is selected from seven alternative methods. ln terms of methodology, six of the proposed criteria present a classical approach to the question, that is allocation of supply responsibilities. The seventh one, called "direct determination of contracts", presents a different approach, characterizing the problem as a stochastic linear programming problem, solved by Monte Carlo Simulations and Benders Decomposition techniques. The results of an application are discussed. The case study considers the South/Southeast interconnected power system in Brazil, in its predicted configuration for December 1994<br>Mestrado<br>Mestre em Engenharia Elétrica

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23

Albadri, Nasser Mohammed. "The influence of societal and organizational culture on employment equity : the case of the public sector in the Sultanate of Oman." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/the-influence-of-societal-and-organizational-culture-on-employment-equity-the-case-of-the-public-sector-in-the-sultanate-of-oman(3d6a3a51-5f86-40fe-ac54-d23366a67839).html.

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This study aims to examine the degree of influence that societal and organizational cultures, as specified by the GLOBE project, have on employment equity in the Omani public sector. Therefore, a theoretical framework has been built and developed in two main areas, which are culture and employment equity. In addition, the methodology of the study has been designed to use both quantitative and qualitative research approaches for triangulation. Quantitative data was collected from a sample of 290 Omani civil servants representing several public organizations, while qualitative data was collected in a single case study of Oman’s Royal Court Affairs (RCA) organization, 12 general managers from which were interviewed. The independent variables were dimensions of societal and organizational culture, and the dependent variables were employment equity in general, which includes seven critical success factors behind employment equity. The analysis for the quantitative data was carried out using SPSS software, while interviews were analysed manually due to the small number of participants. The results of the study confirm that societal and organizational cultures have significant influence on employment equity (EE). However, not all cultural dimensions have the same direction or degree of influence on employment equity. In fact, some of these dimensions have no significant correlation with EE. Also, the study found that there were no differences between managers’ and employees’ responses with regard to 34 cultural dimensions out of 36. The two dimensions in which the results differed between these groups were Human Orientation and Future Orientation for organizational culture value. Additionally, the results show that participants believe that there is a real need for higher EE in the Omani public sector as there were clear differences between current practices of EE and how it should be. Moreover, there were significant positive correlations between all seven critical success factors behind effective EE. This result indicates that these factors are interacting between each other in a positive way. Also, a suggested framework was developed to show how government and other organizations could positively use and benefit from the influences of cultural dimensions to enhance EE among employees. Researchers also could benefit from such a framework as well as the overall findings of this thesis by using them as a starting point for further research to fill the observed knowledge gap in this area.

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Mohamed, Nasser Hassan [Verfasser], Jochen Stefan [Akademischer Betreuer] Gutmann, and Mathias [Akademischer Betreuer] Ulbricht. "Surface Modification of Synthetic Fibers for Antibacterial Applications / Nasser Hassan Mohamed. Gutachter: Mathias Ulbricht. Betreuer: Jochen Stefan Gutmann." Duisburg, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1030475466/34.

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Guimaraes, Mariana Costa. "A problemática da visita íntima no cárcere feminino: um estudo de caso sobre a penitenciária feminina Consuelo Nasser." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2015. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/4868.

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Submitted by Cássia Santos (cassia.bcufg@gmail.com) on 2015-11-11T14:43:27Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Mariana Costa Guimaraes - 2015.pdf: 615661 bytes, checksum: 397662fdb8f468546a22b382c9f02d56 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Luciana Ferreira (lucgeral@gmail.com) on 2015-11-12T09:19:31Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Mariana Costa Guimaraes - 2015.pdf: 615661 bytes, checksum: 397662fdb8f468546a22b382c9f02d56 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2015-11-12T09:19:31Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Mariana Costa Guimaraes - 2015.pdf: 615661 bytes, checksum: 397662fdb8f468546a22b382c9f02d56 (MD5) license_rdf: 23148 bytes, checksum: 9da0b6dfac957114c6a7714714b86306 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-07-08<br>This work is the result of a research developed, under the master degree, in the women penitentiary Consuelo Nasser in order to determine whether, in this prison, the exercise of sexuality, through conjugal visits of spouses and partners, is assured. If so, I would inquire the specifics of granting private visit in the female prison (general purpose). The specific purposes were: identify the legal, bureaucratic and socio-cultural barriers that hinder, impede or distort the private visit in this prison; reveal what do women in jail think about their sexuality, how are their experiences, what are their wishes and worries; point (possible) individual and social benefits achieved with the full exercise of sexuality in prison. Therefore, I performed a possible observation of the field, followed by in-depth interviews, from a semi- structured script, to research gender relations, sexuality and human rights in that women's prison. This research advances toward interdisciplinarity, dialoguing with Law, but not limited to the study of legislation nor to the verification of the implementation of the right to equality in women's prison. We start from the dialectical conception proposed by Roberto Lyra Filho (1982), according to which the law is liberation/emancipation ("found in the street"), and move forward on issues related to gender relations, identity, social representations, body control and crime, that requires a deconstruction of disciplinary walls allowing the intersection and the dialogue between Law and Anthropology, Sociology, Criminology and Human Rights in addressing the proposed issue, which would not be possible for a fragmented science. After the field observation, we concluded that granting conjugal visits in that prison does not result from the understanding that it is a right. Regardless the official speech, prison’s administration, under the argument of ensuring private visit in Consuelo Nasser, uses it as a bargaining object, violating women’s dignity. There, as indeed in other women's prisons in the country, women, mostly black and mostly poor, are (will be) exposed to the same social abandonment they were on the street. Prison, now of their own, once again, will establish their family relationships. How to socially reintegrate women who have never entered? How to protect them if their bodies are known to be used by the state to ensure peace in the male prison? How to value them, if they are not recognized as rights holders? When women under the guard and state protection, are taken - in its possible connotations - to exchange sex for money, to keep the drug addiction or to buy food, they are not free in the exercise of their sexuality. There, the right to sexuality is not emancipatory. Because of precariousness and abandonment (social and family), observed in a prison for women, conjugal visits turned into an instrument of oppression and subjugation, impairing the democratic right to sexuality and especially against human dignity.<br>O presente trabalho é resultado de pesquisa realizada, no mestrado, na penitenciária feminina Consuelo Nasser, com o objetivo de verificar se nesse estabelecimento prisional o exercício da sexualidade, por meio da visita íntima de cônjuges e companheiros/as, é assegurado. Em caso positivo, perquiriria as especificidades da concessão da visita privada no cárcere feminino (objetivo geral). Em seguida, busquei identificar os entraves legais, burocráticos e socioculturais que dificultam, impedem ou desvirtuam a visita privada; revelar o que pensam as mulheres em situação de cárcere sobre a sua sexualidade, como são suas experiências, quais são seus desejos e suas preocupações; e apontar os (possíveis) benefícios individuais e sociais alcançados com o pleno exercício da sexualidade no cárcere. Para tanto, foi realizada uma observação possível do campo, seguida de entrevistas em profundidade, a partir de um roteiro semiestruturado, para pesquisar as relações de gênero, sexualidade e Direitos Humanos no cárcere feminino. A presente pesquisa avança em direção à interdisciplinaridade, dialogando com o Direito, mas não se limitando ao estudo da legislação que trata da visita íntima, tampouco à verificação da implementação do direito à igualdade no cárcere feminino. Partimos da concepção dialética de Roberto Lyra Filho (1982), segundo a qual o Direito é libertação/emancipação (“achado na rua”), e avançamos sobre questões relativas ao gênero, identidade, representações sociais, controle corporal e criminalidade, o que exige uma desconstrução dos muros disciplinares, permitindo o cruzamento e o diálogo do Direito com a Antropologia, a Sociologia, a Criminologia e com os Direitos Humanos no enfrentamento da problemática estabelecida, o que não seria possível a uma ciência fragmentada. Da observação em campo concluímos que a concessão da visita íntima, no estabelecimento prisional pesquisado, não decorre da compreensão de que se trata de direito da/o presa/o. Embora o discurso oficial seja diferente, a administração penitenciária, sob o pretexto de assegurar a visita privada na Penitenciária Feminina Consuelo Nasser, a utiliza como objeto de troca, violando a dignidade da mulher presa. Lá, como certamente em outras unidades prisionais femininas no país, mulheres, quase sempre negras, e quase sempre pobres, são (serão) novamente submetidas ao abandono social que conheceram na rua. O cárcere, agora o delas, mais uma vez pautará suas relações familiares. Como reinserir socialmente mulheres que nunca estiveram inseridas? Como protegê-las, se seus corpos são sabidamente utilizados pelo Estado para conter ânimos no presídio masculino? Como valorizá-las, se sequer são reconhecidas (se reconhecem) como titulares de direitos? Quando mulheres, sob a guarda e a proteção estatal, são levadas  em suas possíveis conotações  a trocar sexo por dinheiro, para manter o vício em drogas ou para comprar comida, não são livres no exercício de sua sexualidade. Lá, o direito à sexualidade não é emancipatório. Em razão da precariedade e do abandono (social e familiar) que marcam o cárcere feminino, a visita íntima se transformou em um instrumento de opressão e subjugo, atentando contra o direito democrático à sexualidade e, principalmente, contra a dignidade humana.

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Shalabi, Jamal Al. "Mohamad Hassanine Heikal entre la politique socialiste de Nasser et la politique de l'Infitah de Sadate : (1952-1981)." Paris 2, 1995. http://www.theses.fr/1995PA020028.

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Heikal est une journaliste egyptien qui a commence sa carriere dans les annees 40 dans de grands journaux du caire, de tendances politiques differentes. Cette activite lui a rapidement permis de penetrer les cercles de pouvoirs politiques egyptiens et, avec l'arrivee de nasser en 1952, de participer activement au regime revolutionnaire. Cette eriode lui a permis en tant que redacteur en chef du journal al ahram d'etre le porte-parole semi officiel du regime de nasser. Sa fidelite a nasser reste intacte jusqu'a la mort de ce dernier en 1970 avec sadate, heikal a dirige la campagne electorale du futur president. Mais, avec l'expulsion des experts sovietiques en 1972, et surtout les options de sadate sur le probleme de la paix avec israel depuis la guerre de 1973, en passant par la visite de sadate a jerusalem en 1977, leurs relations se deteriorent definitivement. Heikal devient tres critique a l'egard de sadate et de sa politique. Ces differentes positions fit d'heikal un homme controverse. Il a ete accuse a la fois d'etre un agent de la cia, et un agent des sovietiques. Notre objectif a ete dans ce travail de montrer si heikal a ete fidele a nasser en tant que chef d'etat, ou fidele a une idee, un ideal supreme, celui de "socialisme arabe".

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27

Nimis, Sara Rose. "Mythologies of a developmental state ambition and action in Nasser's Egypt /." Connect to this document online, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1126661827.

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Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of Political Science, 2005.<br>Title from first page of PDF document. Document formatted into pages; contains [1], ii, 71 p. Includes bibliographical references (p. 66-71).

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Nimis, Sara Rose. "MYTHOLOGIES OF A DEVELOPMENTAL STATE: AMBITION AND ACTION IN NASSER’S EGYPT." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2005. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1126661827.

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Frey, Michael [Verfasser]. "WSE-Sensor zur Erkennung feuchter, nasser, schnee- und eisbedeckter Fahrbahnoberflächen : Beitrag zum Dynamischen Fahrbahn Informations System DFIS / Michael Frey." Aachen : Shaker, 2005. http://d-nb.info/1181621186/34.

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Soares, Luiz Gustavo da Cunha. "Se tivéssemos armas: duas estratégias narrativas diante da libertação nacional no Egito." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8159/tde-11042016-134005/.

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Este trabalho enfoca dois romances egípcios traduzidos para o inglês: City of Love and Ashes, de Yusuf Idris, escrito em 1955 e publicado em 1956, e War in the Land of Egypt, de Yusuf al-Qa\'id, escrito em 1975 e publicado em Beirute em 1978. Ao tematizar a libertação nacional no centro da ação do enredo, ambos veicularam críticas ao regime militar instalado após o golpe de junho de 1952, mas por caminhos distintos. Enquanto a obra de Idris apresenta um enredo otimista que dispensa o exército e assim constitui uma espécie de história alternativa, o texto de al-Qa\'id levanta um ataque frontal às instituições estatais do país, mas termina por reforçar sua presença e mandato. A comparação dos dois romances expõe a complexidade política crescente que a existência prolongada do exército no poder representou para a intelectual crítica egípcia.<br>This work focuses on two Egyptian novels translated to English: City of Love and Ashes, by author Yusuf Idris, written in 1955 and published in 1956, and War in the Land of Egypt, by Yusuf al-Qa\'id, written in 1975 and published in Beirut in 1978. By framing national liberation at the core of the plot\'s action, both have aired criticisms of the military regime implemented by the coup of June 1952, but through distinct paths. While Idris\' work present an optimistic plot that foregoes the army and thus constitutes a sort of alternative history, al-Qa\'id\'s text deploys a frontal attack on the state institutions of the country, but ends up reinforcing its presence and mandate. The comparison of these two novels exposes the growing political complexity that the prolonged existence of the army in power represented to the Egyptian critical intelligentsia.

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Nasser, Mourad Verfasser], Carsten [Akademischer Betreuer] [Könke, Frank [Akademischer Betreuer] Wuttke, and George D. [Akademischer Betreuer] Manolis. "Quality Assessment of Dynamic Soil-Structure Interaction Models Using Energy Measures / Mourad Nasser ; Carsten Könke, Frank Wuttke, George D. Manolis." Weimar : Professur Baumechanik, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1115807390/34.

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Yousef, Nasser [Verfasser], and Christian [Akademischer Betreuer] Betzel. "Structure function analysis of thioredoxin from Wuchereria bancrofti, a drug target for human lymphatic filariasis / Nasser Yousef. Betreuer: Christian Betzel." Hamburg : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2014. http://d-nb.info/1059237768/34.

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Pendegraft, Gregory. "Third World Decolonization: The Pan Africanist Movement in the Age of Nasserism." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2017. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc984267/.

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In the mid-twentieth century Egyptian President Gamal Abdel-Nasser, along with President Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana rose to international prominence as leaders and visionaries who were able to achieve political independence in their respective home countries while attempting to shape a destiny for Africa that did not involve Western imperialism. For Nasser's part, he first secured independence for Egypt, then turned his attention to the Middle East, but soon became as active in the politics of Sub Saharan Africa, also known as black Africa, as he was in the Arab world. This thesis explores Nasser's forays into Sub Saharan Africa during the period of decolonization on the continent and how his aspirations for Africa were equally a part of his political agenda that came to be known as Nasserism. Considering Nasser was the leader of the Third bloc, Egypt's fate was tied to Africa just as much as it was to the Middle East. Beyond the aspects of Nasser's involvement in Africa, this work also explores the active role Africans played in their quest for independence from European colonizers. Many African leaders during this time were as prominent and as shrewd as Nasser and were committed to establishing an anti-imperialist continent while developing modern African states based on the principles of Pan Africanism. While this occurred, new countries began to enter Africa and it became up to the African heads of state to determine how much involvement they wanted from these outsiders and at what cost. As these many dynamics played out in Africa, Pan Africanism was simultaneously occurring in the United States that linked black America's fate with Africa in movements that emphasized black nationalism and Third World political ideology.

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Gamal, Abdel-Latif Hemdan Nasser [Verfasser], and Michael [Akademischer Betreuer] Kurrat. "Analysis and Optimization of medium Voltage Distribution Networks with Integration of Decentralized Generation / Nasser Gamal Abdel-Latif Hemdan ; Betreuer: Michael Kurrat." Braunschweig : Technische Universität Braunschweig, 2011. http://d-nb.info/1175825816/34.

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Frankl, P. J. L. "Issa Nasser Issa AI-Ismaily. 1999. Zanzibar: Kinyang`anyiro na utumwa [Slavery and the Scramble for Zanzibar]. Ruwi (Oman). xlii + kurasa 285." Universitätsbibliothek Leipzig, 2012. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:15-qucosa-97732.

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Winter, Thomas C. "Idealism and Pragmatism in U.S. Foreign Policy: The 1950s and the Unraveling of a Paradigm." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/542.

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The foreign policy of the United States in the Middle East has taken many twists and turns since the first American citizens were taken captive by North African pirates in 1784. These foreign lands are a constant presence for contemporary Americans. Since the terrorist attacks of September 11th, the United States has been continuously at war. “Tellingly, the Asian greens that once camouflaged the fatigues of U.S. troops have burnished to Arabian browns and yellows, and Arabic has supplanted Russian as the lingua sancta of the intelligence services.”Unfortunately, constantly shifting motivations for US foreign policy in the Middle East has led to a situation that emboldens our enemies, weakens our allies trust, and makes us an unpredictable player in the Middle East. This thesis will examine the conflict between idealism and pragmatism in American relations with the Middle East, specifically during the 1950s under the Truman and Eisenhower administrations. Before launching into this task, it is essential to answer basic questions that will guide the reader through this thesis: How has the ‘Middle East’ been defined as a geographic area and a zone of contention? Why does this thesis identify the 1950s as thecrucial period for exploring the tenets of US Foreign Policy in relation to this zone? And how does the conflict between idealism and pragmatism emerge as the key tension in US rhetoric and action related to the Middle East?

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Badawi, Nasser [Verfasser], Sibylle [Akademischer Betreuer] Dieckerhoff, Sibylle [Gutachter] Dieckerhoff, Andreas [Gutachter] Lindemann, and Nando [Gutachter] Kaminski. "Experimental investigation of GaN power devices : dynamic performance, robustness and degradation / Nasser Badawi ; Gutachter: Sibylle Dieckerhoff, Andreas Lindemann, Nando Kaminski ; Betreuer: Sibylle Dieckerhoff." Berlin : Technische Universität Berlin, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1174990295/34.

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Elshemy, Mohamed Mustafa [Verfasser], and G. [Akademischer Betreuer] Meon. "Water quality modeling of large reservoirs in semi-arid regions under climate change – Example Lake Nasser (Egypt) / Mohamed Mustafa Elshemy ; Betreuer: G. Meon." Braunschweig : Technische Universität Braunschweig, 2010. http://d-nb.info/1175826715/34.

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Gaber, Abdo Nasser Ali Verfasser], Abbas S. [Akademischer Betreuer] Omar, and Christian [Akademischer Betreuer] [Diedrich. "Wireless indoor positioning based on TDOA and DOA estimation techniques using IEEE 802.11 standards / Abdo Nasser Ali Gaber. Betreuer: Abbas S. Omar ; Christian Diedrich." Magdeburg : Universitätsbibliothek, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1072146673/34.

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Geary, Brent M. "A Foundation of Sand: US Public Diplomacy, Egypt, and Arab Nationalism, 1953-1960." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2007. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1193151306.

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41

Qoaider, Louy. "Development of sustainable energy and water supply systems for off-grid remote communities in arid regions : case study: New Kalabsha Village in Lake Nasser Region, Egypt /." Aachen : Shaker, 2009. http://d-nb.info/997778075/04.

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Eldeniz, Selin. "The Relationship Between The Egyptian State And The Muslim Brotherhood From 1952 To 1970." Master's thesis, METU, 2012. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12615101/index.pdf.

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This thesis aims to analyze the relationship between two main inspiration sources of the Arab world, both emerged in Egypt: Gamal Abdel Nasser and the Muslim Brotherhood. The focus is defined as the relationship between the Egyptian state of Nasser&rsquo<br>s era and the Muslim Brotherhood<br>hence the time period is determined to be between 1952 and 1970. The reason why I have chosen this subject is that for the Middle East in general, and Egypt in particular, both actors have played a significant role in the path of deposing Western colonialism and engaging with modernism. On the other hand as both sides could provide alternative theories and means of governance against each other, the relationship seems more than interesting<br>especially regarding region&rsquo<br>s endeavor of providing a strong response and local alternatives to dominant Western values of modernism, it seems more than worthy to focus on these two main players and their interactions with each other.

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Qoaider, Louy [Verfasser]. "Development of Sustainable Energy and Water Supply Systems for Off-Grid Remote Communities in Arid Regions : Case Study: New Kalabsha Village in Lake Nasser Region, Egypt / Louy Qoaider." Aachen : Shaker, 2009. http://d-nb.info/1159836590/34.

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44

Musluk, Coskun. "The Relation Between Nationalism And Development: The Case Of The Yon-devrim Movement In 1960." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612681/index.pdf.

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Nationalism has long been a subject of discussion in the literature on development. It has been discussed whether nationalism is indispensable or not on the way to modernity and development. Third World nationalism and revolution from above emerged as key concepts within these discussions. Nationalism was brought forth in many Third World countries as an understanding, which is thought to facilitate paving the way for development, as it imagines a nation based on integrity. The stance that Y&ouml<br>n (1961-1967) and Devrim (1969-1971) journal movements had can be thought within this framework. In this study, it will be explored whether we can think of the Y&ouml<br>n-Devrim movement by rethinking the link between development and nationalism, especially Third World nationalism. While doing this, comparisons between Y&ouml<br>n-Devrim Movement and the Nasserist movement, which had similar political and intellectual tendencies in the same period, will be used.

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Saber, Dima. "De Nasser à Nasrallah : l’identité arabe à l’épreuve de ses récits médiatiques. Une analyse sémio-pragmatique de l’émergence de deux symboles de la nation. Nationalismes et propagandes, 1948-2006." Thesis, Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020055/document.

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Notre récit commence dans l’Egypte nationaliste des années 1950. Le coup d’Etat mené par Gamal Abdel Nasser et le “Mouvement des Officiers Libres” ouvre la voie à une révolution politique, économique, et socioculturelle, au Caire et dans l’ensemble du monde arabe. Il met alors en place un puissant dispositif médiatique : il fonde la radio la Voix des Arabes, publie La Philosophie de la révolution, et fera très rapidement du journal Al-Ahram la langue de sa révolution. De la guerre de Suez en 1956, à l’union avec la Syrie en 1958, l’Egypte soutiendra alors tous les mouvements de libération nationale jusqu’à la “catastrophe” de 1967, qui signe l’arrêt de mort du nationalisme nassérien. Lorsque le nationalisme laïc n’a pas réussi à restituer la Palestine et la dignité arabe perdues, certains ont cru que c’est la religion qui le fera. Deux modèles antagonistes secouent alors le consensus des années 1960 : au “pétro-islam” saoudien s’oppose désormais un islam chiite inspiré par la Révolution islamique en Iran et prôné par le Hezbollah et son Secrétaire général Hassan Nasrallah. Les années 1980-1990 correspondent aussi à l’introduction des chaînes satellites dans le monde arabe ; au pouvoir mobilisateur de la radio des années 1950, se substitue la force de l’image de chaînes comme Al-Jazeera et Al-Manar. Ainsi, trois décennies après la dernière guerre israélo-arabe, la question de l’identité est exportée sur le front libanais : Nasrallah dit mener, en 2006, “la guerre de la nation contre l’ennemi sioniste”. Comment, à travers leur couverture de la révolution, de la guerre, de la défaite et de la victoire, les médias arabes ont-ils dit l’identité tout au long des soixante dernières années d’histoire ? Comment la radio, la presse écrite, la télévision satellitaire, mais aussi la chanson, les clips et les jeux vidéo ont-ils dit l’arabité? Qu’est-ce que “être arabe” dans le discours médiatique d’aujourd’hui et de quelles manières l’islam politique prôné par les médias contemporains reprend-t-il les anciennes thématiques du nationalisme nassérien ?<br>Our story starts in the nationalist Egypt of the 1950s. The military coup undertaken by Gamal Abdel Nasser and the “Free Officers Movement” paved the way for a political, economic and socio-cultural revolution in Egypt and the entire Arab world. Soon after, Nasser established a powerful multifaceted media apparatus: he founded The Voices of the Arabs radio station, published The Philosophy of the Revolution, while Al-Ahram was slowly becoming the “tongue” of his revolution. From the Suez crisis in 1956, until the union with Syria in 1958, Nasser’s Egypt supported all anti-colonial liberation movements in the Arab world, until the 1967 defeat that signed the death sentence of pan-Arab nationalism. When secular nationalism couldn’t resuscitate Palestine and the tarnished Arab dignity, some thought that religion could. Two antagonistic models shook the fragile consensus of the 1960s: a Saudi “petro-Islam”, and the more recently emerging Shiite Islam, inspired by the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and mainly promoted by Hezbollah and its Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. The 1980s also correspond to the introduction of the first satellite channels in the Arab world: the power of images on channels like Al-Jazeera and Al-Manar began to substitute radio’s mobilizing discourse of the 1950s. Three decades after the last Arab-Israeli war, the question of Arab identity is exported to the Lebanese front: Hassan Nasrallah says he is leading, in 2006, “the nation’s war against the Zionist enemy”. How did Arab media, through their coverage of revolutions, wars, defeats and victories, take part in the mechanisms of construction of post-colonial identities? How did the radio, the print and the satellite media, the songs, the music clips and the video games all define what is being “an Arab” today? And in which ways, does today’s political Islam, promoted by contemporary media narratives, reclaim the old pan-Arab and nationalist themes?

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Ali, Sulieman Hammad Nasser Verfasser], Yakov [Akademischer Betreuer] [Kuzyakov, Rainer Georg [Akademischer Betreuer] Jörgensen, and Norbert [Akademischer Betreuer] Claassen. "Effect of Composted and Vermicomposted Cotton Residues on Nutrient Contents, Ryegrass Growth and Bacterial Blight Mitigation / Sulieman Hammad Nasser Ali. Gutachter: Rainer Georg Jörgensen ; Norbert Claassen. Betreuer: Yakov Kuzyakov." Göttingen : Niedersächsische Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Göttingen, 2013. http://d-nb.info/1044249978/34.

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47

Al-shehabi, Hussein [Verfasser]. "The role of human SAMHD1 in restricting porcine endogenous retroviruses (PERVs) and the innate immune response to PERV infection in human primary immune cells / Hussein Ali Nasser Al-shehabi." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1215099088/34.

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Al-shehabi, Hussein Ali Nasser [Verfasser]. "The role of human SAMHD1 in restricting porcine endogenous retroviruses (PERVs) and the innate immune response to PERV infection in human primary immune cells / Hussein Ali Nasser Al-shehabi." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1215099088/34.

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49

Saber, Dima. "De Nasser à Nasrallah : l’identité arabe à l’épreuve de ses récits médiatiques. Une analyse sémio-pragmatique de l’émergence de deux symboles de la nation. Nationalismes et propagandes, 1948-2006." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Paris 2, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011PA020055.

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Abstract:

Notre récit commence dans l’Egypte nationaliste des années 1950. Le coup d’Etat mené par Gamal Abdel Nasser et le “Mouvement des Officiers Libres” ouvre la voie à une révolution politique, économique, et socioculturelle, au Caire et dans l’ensemble du monde arabe. Il met alors en place un puissant dispositif médiatique : il fonde la radio la Voix des Arabes, publie La Philosophie de la révolution, et fera très rapidement du journal Al-Ahram la langue de sa révolution. De la guerre de Suez en 1956, à l’union avec la Syrie en 1958, l’Egypte soutiendra alors tous les mouvements de libération nationale jusqu’à la “catastrophe” de 1967, qui signe l’arrêt de mort du nationalisme nassérien. Lorsque le nationalisme laïc n’a pas réussi à restituer la Palestine et la dignité arabe perdues, certains ont cru que c’est la religion qui le fera. Deux modèles antagonistes secouent alors le consensus des années 1960 : au “pétro-islam” saoudien s’oppose désormais un islam chiite inspiré par la Révolution islamique en Iran et prôné par le Hezbollah et son Secrétaire général Hassan Nasrallah. Les années 1980-1990 correspondent aussi à l’introduction des chaînes satellites dans le monde arabe ; au pouvoir mobilisateur de la radio des années 1950, se substitue la force de l’image de chaînes comme Al-Jazeera et Al-Manar. Ainsi, trois décennies après la dernière guerre israélo-arabe, la question de l’identité est exportée sur le front libanais : Nasrallah dit mener, en 2006, “la guerre de la nation contre l’ennemi sioniste”. Comment, à travers leur couverture de la révolution, de la guerre, de la défaite et de la victoire, les médias arabes ont-ils dit l’identité tout au long des soixante dernières années d’histoire ? Comment la radio, la presse écrite, la télévision satellitaire, mais aussi la chanson, les clips et les jeux vidéo ont-ils dit l’arabité? Qu’est-ce que “être arabe” dans le discours médiatique d’aujourd’hui et de quelles manières l’islam politique prôné par les médias contemporains reprend-t-il les anciennes thématiques du nationalisme nassérien ?<br>Our story starts in the nationalist Egypt of the 1950s. The military coup undertaken by Gamal Abdel Nasser and the “Free Officers Movement” paved the way for a political, economic and socio-cultural revolution in Egypt and the entire Arab world. Soon after, Nasser established a powerful multifaceted media apparatus: he founded The Voices of the Arabs radio station, published The Philosophy of the Revolution, while Al-Ahram was slowly becoming the “tongue” of his revolution. From the Suez crisis in 1956, until the union with Syria in 1958, Nasser’s Egypt supported all anti-colonial liberation movements in the Arab world, until the 1967 defeat that signed the death sentence of pan-Arab nationalism. When secular nationalism couldn’t resuscitate Palestine and the tarnished Arab dignity, some thought that religion could. Two antagonistic models shook the fragile consensus of the 1960s: a Saudi “petro-Islam”, and the more recently emerging Shiite Islam, inspired by the Islamic Revolution in Iran, and mainly promoted by Hezbollah and its Secretary General Hassan Nasrallah. The 1980s also correspond to the introduction of the first satellite channels in the Arab world: the power of images on channels like Al-Jazeera and Al-Manar began to substitute radio’s mobilizing discourse of the 1950s. Three decades after the last Arab-Israeli war, the question of Arab identity is exported to the Lebanese front: Hassan Nasrallah says he is leading, in 2006, “the nation’s war against the Zionist enemy”. How did Arab media, through their coverage of revolutions, wars, defeats and victories, take part in the mechanisms of construction of post-colonial identities? How did the radio, the print and the satellite media, the songs, the music clips and the video games all define what is being “an Arab” today? And in which ways, does today’s political Islam, promoted by contemporary media narratives, reclaim the old pan-Arab and nationalist themes?

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Ide, Derek Alan. "Socialism without Socialists: Egyptian Marxists and the Nasserist State, 1952-65." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1430392180.

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