Journal articles on the topic 'Nathan Hale'

Autobiographical accounts of historical violence and trauma in comics form have gained widespread recognition as valuable pedagogical tools, particularly in the wake of Art Spiegelman’s groundbreaking Maus (1980–91). These comics often draw from the conventions of text-based autobiographies to provide first-person, non-fiction narratives of historical events, contributing to their perceived legitimacy as ‘serious’ texts worthy of inclusion in the classroom. However, this narrow focus on autobiographical comics as authentic windows to history has led educators to largely overlook the unique pedagogical possibilities offered by historical fiction comics, which can use both their fictionality and the comics medium to teach young readers to critically engage with history in different and deeper ways than traditional history textbooks and single-narrator autobiographical comics. This article remedies this gap by analysing how Nathan Hale’s middle-grade historical fiction comic One Dead Spy enacts a critical pedagogy approach to teach children to challenge hegemonic historical discourses and ways of thinking. The comic centres on the Revolutionary spy Nathan Hale (no relation to the comics creator) as he attempts to delay his hanging by narrating the American Revolution to his executioners. Nathan’s purportedly true account hinders children’s critical engagement with history by perpetuating dominant historical discourses, providing readers with a whitewashed, male-centric narrative of the Revolution. By contrast, the backmatter complicates Nathan’s one-sided representation of history by featuring a mini-comic narrated by the former slave Crispus Attucks and by attributing the comic’s non-fiction bibliography to fictional Research Babies. This blending of academic citational practices with absurd metafiction, as well as the introduction of marginalized counter-narrators, teaches middle-grade readers to question the authority of history writers and destabilizes all historical narratives as artificial constructs. However, the paratext also reinforces racist and sexist paradigms by displacing black and female voices to the comic’s supplemental endpapers, underwriting the comic’s well-intentioned attempts to educate readers about important voices excluded from white-centric narratives. Thus, while One Dead Spy demonstrates how historical fiction comics can provoke much-needed discussions about the inherent biases and erasures of dominant historical discourses, it also reveals the dangers of relegating opportunities for children to learn about marginalized perspectives in history to the literal margins.

Autobiographical accounts of historical violence and trauma in comics form have gained widespread recognition as valuable pedagogical tools, particularly in the wake of Art Spiegelman’s groundbreaking Maus (1980‐91). These comics often draw from the conventions of text-based autobiographies to provide first-person, non-fiction narratives of historical events, contributing to their perceived legitimacy as ‘serious’ texts worthy of inclusion in the classroom. However, this narrow focus on autobiographical comics as authentic windows to history has led educators to largely overlook the unique pedagogical possibilities offered by historical fiction comics, which can use both their fictionality and the comics medium to teach young readers to critically engage with history in different and deeper ways than traditional history textbooks and single-narrator autobiographical comics. This article remedies this gap by analysing how Nathan Hale’s middle-grade historical fiction comic One Dead Spy enacts a critical pedagogy approach to teach children to challenge hegemonic historical discourses and ways of thinking. The comic centres on the Revolutionary spy Nathan Hale (no relation to the comics creator) as he attempts to delay his hanging by narrating the American Revolution to his executioners. Nathan’s purportedly true account hinders children’s critical engagement with history by perpetuating dominant historical discourses, providing readers with a whitewashed, male-centric narrative of the Revolution. By contrast, the backmatter complicates Nathan’s one-sided representation of history by featuring a mini-comic narrated by the former slave Crispus Attucks and by attributing the comic’s non-fiction bibliography to fictional Research Babies. This blending of academic citational practices with absurd metafiction, as well as the introduction of marginalized counter-narrators, teaches middle-grade readers to question the authority of history writers and destabilizes all historical narratives as artificial constructs. However, the paratext also reinforces racist and sexist paradigms by displacing black and female voices to the comic’s supplemental endpapers, underwriting the comic’s well-intentioned attempts to educate readers about important voices excluded from white-centric narratives. Thus, while One Dead Spy demonstrates how historical fiction comics can provoke much-needed discussions about the inherent biases and erasures of dominant historical discourses, it also reveals the dangers of relegating opportunities for children to learn about marginalized perspectives in history to the literal margins.

This article explores how a city remembered a national event that took place before its own existence. To this end, two public works of art in the city of Chicago that have American Revolutionary War participants as their subjects are examined. Particular attention is paid to the historical context surrounding Revolutionary War-themed public art in Chicago as well as to the two men who were responsible for erecting the sculptures – Robert R. McCormick and Barnet Hodes. McCormick, the publisher of the Chicago Daily Tribune, chose to immortalize the doomed Revolutionary spy, Nathan Hale, while Hodes, an attorney for the city of Chicago, centered his attention on a monument that included representations of General George Washington and immigrant financiers Robert Morris and Haym Salomon. By doing so, this article considers what motivated Chicagoans during the 1930s and 1940s to remember the American Revolutionary War. The general consensus that surrounded these acts of remembrance suggests the limitations of otherwise useful and important approaches that focus on conflict and healing in public memory formation.

The 1998 Navajo Local Governance Act (LGA) expands local control over local matters for the 110 community-governed chapters across the Navajo Nation. The expectation is that decentralized decision-making, planning, program implementation, and funds management may improve effectiveness and efficiency across all levels of Navajo government. This paper examines the viability of this approach to locally governed communities, describes obstacles experienced by aspirant LGA communities that struggle to meet Navajo Nation-established standards in financial management and administration, and argues for continued education and training to help realize local empowerment for the Navajo people.

In 1863, Sarah Josepha Hale rejoiced that after a decades-long campaign, Thanksgiving had become a national holiday. Hale was not alone in her desire to unite patriotism with spiritual devotion. In her personal correspondence with the president, Eliza Gurney also spoke of the blessings God had bestowed on the nation. Gurney, a devoted Quaker, had met with Lincoln in 1861 to give him spiritual comfort and had continued writing with him ever since. After his public proclamation of Thanksgiving, Gurney wrote to him to demonstrate her “cordial approval of thy late excellent proclamation appointing a day of thanksgiving” despite the fact that as a Quaker she did “not set apart especial seasons for returning thanks.” Gurney saw the holiday as an effective means of making less devout Americans conscious of their God-given blessings and thus supported the federal holiday even while she refused to celebrate it.

Uncle Tom's Cabin was one of the foremost texts of the American abolitionist movement, but its impact on politics was international. This article traces the reception of Stowe's novel in Spain, the last European empire with a slave economy, during the mid–nineteenth century. As an imperial power, Spain was the political and economic force behind the transatlantic slave trade; but as a nation of readers, it imported a narrative back across the Atlantic in order to fictionalize and contemplate the effects of its slave policies in the Caribbean. One such adaptation converted the novel into a play about a slave trader and recast Stowe's story of slavery in the Atlantic world in terms of Spain's role in the slave trade and in the imperial control of Cuba.

This paper explores the social reproduction of precarity among white South African migrants in Australia. Building on Griffiths and Prozesky’s elucidation of the white South African imaginary and its role in triggering emigration, we draw on ethnographic data on white South Africans living in Melbourne to argue that our informants reproduce what Hage terms a ‘white nation fantasy’. In documenting the ways our informants’ migration experiences can be read as a function of a threatened social imaginary, we suggest that their ‘successful’ resettlement in Australia points to the congruence of their ontological grounding with the white nation fantasy predominating in Australia. Ultimately, however, we argue that the sense of precarity our informants experience in Australia is intrinsically embedded in their reproduction of the white nation fantasy. Our case study therefore serves as a cautionary tale to inflexible constructions of whiteness globally.

The article discusses, on the one hand, three stages of developing views about race and superiority of European civilization reflected in the second half of the 19th century in aggressive social-Darwinism of positivists, and on the other it confronts racial generalizations with nation-centered thinking, which played an extremely important role in identity discourse of the Poles. On the example of China and the Siberian-Chinese borderland, it can be noticed that perception of geography and the ethnic diversity in the world through the prism of great historiosophical and racial constructions is manifested in quite widespread adaptation of orientalizing language of the hegemon speaking about backwardness, lack of maturity for modernization and definite supremacy of Europe, while resistance to the oppression of the partitioners, and more broadly to the colonial policy of the European powers allows in Poland, contemptuously called Halb-Asien, like in the case of Indians and Boers, creating a kind of auto-colonial identification with the seemingly “exotic” nation.

This is a tale in three parts. It begins with an exploration of the story of Princess Tsahai, daughter of Haile Selassie, and the highly successful British campaign led by suffragette E. Sylvia Pankhurst to bring British-style nursing and medicine to Ethiopia in the 1940s and 1950s. Second, it examines the role of foreign women, most notably Swedish missionary nurses, in building health services and nursing capacity in the country. Finally, it examines the way in which nursing brought together gendered notions of expertise and geopolitical pressures to redefine expectations for Ethiopian women as citizens of the new nation-state.

One can hope that the convening of the Tokyo Olympics will be a cause for global celebration. Tokyo could prove a focal point for international solidarity, a moment of relief and release after all of humanity faced down an insidious, invisible, and largely indiscriminate attacker. Unified as we otherwise may be, athletes will still come to the Games as representatives of nation-states. That may be an unavoidable organizing principle. Less justifiable will be the requirement that athletes be nationals of the states they play for. Under the Olympic Charter and the rules of particular sporting federations, athletes are subject to a non-state nationality regime that restricts the capacity of individuals to compete for countries for whose delegations they would otherwise qualify. This regime looks to maintain the putative integrity of Olympic competition by maintaining the unity of sporting and sociological national identity. But that legacy of the twentieth century no longer works in the twenty first. Nationality and associated criteria for participant eligibility undermine the autonomy of athletes and the quality of participation. The rules can no longer guarantee any affective tie between athlete and nation, instead arbitrarily enabling some, but not all, to compete on the basis of citizenship decoupled from identity. We don't require that athletes playing for our professional sports teams hale from the cities they represent. There's no reason why we need to require more of our Olympic athletes.

ABSTRACTInfections caused by multidrug-resistantAcinetobacter baumanniihave emerged as a serious global health problem. We have shown previously thatA. baumanniican become resistant to the last-line antibiotic colistin via the loss of lipopolysaccharide (LPS), including the lipid A anchor, from the outer membrane (J. H. Moffatt, M. Harper, P. Harrison, J. D. Hale, E. Vinogradov, T. Seemann, R. Henry, B. Crane, F. St. Michael, A. D. Cox, B. Adler, R. L. Nation, J. Li, and J. D. Boyce, Antimicrob. Agents Chemother.54:4971–4977, 2010). Here, we show how these LPS-deficient bacteria interact with components of the host innate immune system. LPS-deficientA. baumanniistimulated 2- to 4-fold lower levels of NF-κB activation and tumor necrosis factor alpha (TNF-α) secretion from immortalized murine macrophages, but it still elicited low levels of TNF-α secretion via a Toll-like receptor 2-dependent mechanism. Furthermore, we show that while LPS-deficientA. baumanniiwas not altered in its resistance to human serum, it showed increased susceptibility to the human antimicrobial peptide LL-37. Thus, LPS-deficient, colistin-resistantA. baumanniishows significantly altered activation of the host innate immune inflammatory response.

Ulus devletler birçok bakımdan bireyin aidiyetlerini kimlik politikaları çerçevesinde sınırlandırır. Günümüzde bireyler, ürünler ve fikirler ulus devletlerin geçirgen sınırlarını aşmakla birlikte hiç olmadığı ölçüde bir hareketlilik içerisindedir. Bu bakımdan gerek göç gerekse kimlik kavramları tartışılır ve yeniden tanımlanır hale gelmiştir. Göç çalışmaları içerisinde birçok çalışma hareketli bireylerin çoklu aidiyetlerini ulus devletlerin kimlik politikaları çerçevesinde ele almaktadır. Bu çalışmanın amacı bireylerin kimlik ve aidiyetlerini tanımlayabilmek araştırma alanı ve veri analizi sürecine perspektif sunabilecek için literatürde yer alan teori ve alan araştırmalara dayanan analitik bir çerçeve sunmaktadır. Bu çerçeveye göre hareketli bireylerin hareketlilik noktaları ile olan bağları göz önünde bulundurularak gündelik hayatları içerisinde yer alan gündelik rutinleri ve törensel edimlerinden (kutlamaları) hareketle, çeşitli seviyelerde aidiyetleri ve buna bağlı olarak sosyal kimlikleri analiz edilebilir. Bu bağlar, kültürel, ekonomik, dinsel, dilsel, siyasal, vatandaşlık ve duygusal niteliklidir. ABSTRACT IN ENGLISHAn Analytical Framework For Constructing Identity in MobilityNation states in many respects set boundaries to their citizens’ sense of belonging through their identity policies. Despite this fact, in today’s world – a world in which the boundaries of nation states are nothing but only transparent – individuals, goods and ideas have never been so mobile. In that sense, both immigration and identity issues have become to be discussed and redefined. Many studies among the ones on migration deal with the multiple belongings of individuals within the frame of identity policies of nation states. This study, on the other hand, offers an analytical frame through the findings of various theories and field researches so as to define individuals’ identity and sense of belonging. Accordingly, it presents mobile individuals’ sense of belongings at different levels and their social identities by keeping their daily routines and rituals in daily life in mind and by considering these individuals’ connections with their points of mobility. These ties can be cultural, economic, religious, linguistic, political, national and emotional in nature.

Abstract Koshe town is the administrative and commercial center of Mareko woreda.1 It is found in Gurage Zone Southern Nation Nationalities and Peoples Regional State. According to the tradition the origin of the name “Koshe” is originated from the plant which called by the name Koshe which abundantly grow in the area. The establishment of Koshe town is directly associated with the five years Italian occupation. Due to the expansion of patriotic movement in the area Italian officials of the area forced to establish additional camp in the area in a particular place Koshe. This paper explores the role of Fascist Italy for the establishment of Koshe town. The former weekly market shifted its location and established around the Italian camp. Following the evacuation of Fascist Italy the Ethiopian governments control the area. During the government of Emperor Haile Selassie Koshe town got some important developmental programs. The most important development was the opening of the first school by the effort of the Swedes.2 The Military regime (Derg)3 also provided important inputs for the urbanization of Koshe town. This research paper observes the development works that flourish in Koshe during the reign of Emperor Haile Selassie and the Military regime, and also asses the role of different organizations for the urbanization of Koshe town.

Ethiopia: From a Centralised Monarchy to a Federal Republic Although the Ethiopian state traces its roots back to the empire of Axum in the first centuries AD, the modern Ethiopian state took shape in the second half of the 19th century. During that period the territory of the Ethiopian empire expanded considerably. Several ethnic groups were incorporated into the empire and the foundations for a strong, centralised state were laid Centralisation of authority in the hands of the emperor and a strategy of nation building that denied the ethnic diversity of Ethiopian society characterised the rule of Emperor Haile Selassie. At the same time, these elements contributed to its decline. Haile Selassie was ultimately deposed by a military committee in 1974. This announced the end of the Ethiopian monarchy and the transformation of the Ethiopian state, following the Marxist model. In spite of Marxist-Leninist attention to the 'nationalities issue', Ethiopia remained a centralised state, dominated by one ethnic identity. This gave rise to increasing resistance from various regional and ethnic liberation movements. The combined effort of these movements caused the fall of military rule in May 1991. The new regime, which was dominated by ethnically organised parties, initiated a radical transformation of the Ethiopian state structure that leads to the establishment of a federation in 1995.

For those studying national belonging, elite athletes competing in international mega events offer particularly compelling case studies as they represent the nation during periods of sustained media attention and heightened emotional registers. But when compared with other types of representatives – such as heads of state, ambassadors, political leaders – they have received much less scholarly attention. This article analyses reporting of the ‘Plastic Brits’ debate, where elite athletes brought in to represent Britain at the Olympics were subject to ongoing scrutiny and critique. Developing an analytical framework that uses insights from Elias, Goffman and Hage, we focus on three key issues. First, how a taken-for-granted ‘logic of nationalism’ underlies discussions about which athletes should (not) represent Britain. Second, how the nation’s boundaries are discursively marked with reference to a range of everyday features. Third, the use of different ‘destigmatisation strategies’ by athletes caught up in the ‘Plastic Brits’ debate.

Das kollektive Identitätsgefühl in den USA basiert auf einem Heldenmythos, der seit dem 19. Jahrhundert die amerikanische Literatur durchzieht: der American Adam. Wie der biblische Adam vor dem Sündenfall nimmt er in paradiesischer Unschuld sein Schicksal in die Hand – in seinem Eden, der neuen Welt, die den Amerikanern von Gott gegeben wurde. Er ist ein naiver »Wilder«, der als Außenseiter und Einzelkämpfer ohne Rücksicht auf Regeln und Gesetze ein Leben in Ungebundenheit und Freiheit führt. Als bis heute wirkende psychische Repräsentanz ist der American Adam auch Leitbild der politischen Führungskultur in den USA. Die politischen Akteure haben den (unausgesprochenen) Auftrag, die Vorstellung eines paradiesischen Unschuldszustands aufrecht zu erhalten und die Nation vor einer Konfrontation mit den Sünden der Vergangenheit – wie der Vertreibung der Ureinwohner, Sklaverei und Vietnamkrieg – zu bewahren. Ein Verzicht auf diese Unschuldsfantasie wäre für die meisten Amerikaner unannehmbar, wie zeigt beispielhaft an der medialen Inszenierung der militärischen Biographie des Vietnamveteranen James Gordon »Bo« Gritz zeigen läßt. Insofern stellte die Wahl Donald J. Trumps zum US-Präsidenten auch eine Antwort des reaktionären Amerika auf seinen Vorgänger Barack Obama dar: Dieser brach ein Tabu, als er am 18. März 2008 von der »nie ausgeräumten Rassenfrage« sprach, die ihren Ursprung in der Sklaverei habe, »der Erbsünde der Nation«. Trump verkörpert die bitter ironische, clowneske Variante des Adam-Mythos, die der amerikanische Schriftsteller Herman Melville 1857 in seiner Satire »The Confidence-Man. His Masquerade« so brillant charakterisierte. Wie Melvilles schillernder Confidence Man, der die Schwächen seiner Mitmenschen kennt und gewissenlos ausnutzt, verführt heute Trump seine Wähler dazu, unerwünschte Aspekte der eigenen Geschichte zu verdrängen und ihm im Gegenzug blindes Vertrauen zu schenken.

AbstractThis article examines three occurrences of the sacrifice of Isaac in relatively recent cultural and political histories: the case of Godden versus Hales (England, 1686); Erich Auerbach's 'Odysseus' Scar' in Mimesis (Istanbul [Marburg], 1943-1945); and the use of the akedah as a political figure for the modern Israeli nation state. In these three very different cases the biblical narrative undergoes a theological-political translation and the God who issues the exceptional command to sacrifice becomes a figure for the sovereign and/or the state. Each political translation also calls forth critical responses in which the core question becomes the relationship of divine monarchy/state authority to freedom, or, to put it another way, of democracy or would-be 'democracy' to 'theocracy' and its various modern political correlates. By analysing these translations and responses, this essay explores how the questions as it were forced on us by Genesis 22 are not just religious, though they can be understood through the idioms of the religious. It concludes by asking whether such theological-political translations could be relevant to 'Biblical Studies Proper' as a more expansive discipline looks outwards to questions of religion, politics and ethics.

Desde la década de 1990, después de la adopción depolíticas “multiculturales’’ dirigidas específicamente a poblaciones indígenas y afrodescendientes por instituciones multilaterales y de gobernanza mundial, tales como agencias de las Naciones Unidas, de la Organización Mundial de la Salud, y otras, y también como resultado del activismo político de las comunidades indígenas y afrodescendientes, muchos estados-nación latinoamericanos revisaron o reemplazaron sus constituciones y en ocasiones aprobaron leyes especiales que expresan una preocupación por una mayor inclusión de esas poblaciones. La invisibilidad real de las poblaciones indígenas y afrodescendientes en los textos constitucionales anteriores en los cuales “las poblaciones nacionales” eran mencionadas como simplemente homogéneas sin distinciones étnicas o raciales, fue reemplazada por un reconocimiento inequívoco de las poblaciones nacionales étnicamente y racialmente plurales en “nuevas” constituciones a orientación multiculturalista. Es en ese contexto que surgió lo que Charles Hale llama el indio permitido (literalmente la “identidad india permitida”) y que las poblaciones afrodescendientes latinoamericanas ganaron una mayor visibilidad y margen de maniobra en comparación con su exclusión o construcción marcada como (últimos) otros durante el previo período de “mestizaje monocultural’’. En este ensayo, queremos evaluar de manera comparativa estas nuevas constituciones y leyes especiales, examinando cualitativamente las formas por las cuales estos textos se refieren a poblaciones afrodescendientes. Queremos descubrir y comparar—antes y más allá del hecho de que los Afrodescendientes son por ahora, finalmente, mencionados como parte integral de la población nacional—el tipo de derechos que se les da y el tipo de “sujetos” en que fueron construidos en los discursos sobre la nación que las constituciones y otros instrumentos jurídicos representan inevitablemente.Palabras-clave: Constituciones Nacionales, políticas multiculturales, afrodescendientes---Os afrodescendentes e à transição para o multiculturalismo nas "novas" constituições latino-americanas e outras leis especiais: peculiaridades da região andinaA partir da década de 90, em seguida a adoção de políticas “multiculturais”, dirigidas especificamente às populações indígenas e afrodescendentes, por instituições multilaterais e de governança mundial, tais como as Nações Unidas, a Organização Mundial da Saúde e outras, e também como resultado do ativismo político das comunidades indígenas e afrodescendentes, muitos estados-nações latinoamericanos revisaram ou substituíram suas constituições e/ou, em alguns casos, aprovaram leis especiais que expressam uma preocupação com uma maior inclusão dessas populações. A invisibilidade real das populações indígenas e afrodescendentes nos textos constitucionais anteriores, nos quais as “populações nacionais” eram mencionadas como simplesmente homogêneas, sem distinções étnicas ou raciais, foi substituída por um reconhecimento manifesto das populações nacionais étnica e racialmente plurais nas “novas constituições” à orientação multiculturalista. É nesse contexto que surgiu o que Charles Hale chamou de “índio permitido”, literalmente a “identidade índia permitida”, e que as populações afrodescendentes latino-americanas ganharam uma maior visibilidade e margem de manobra, em comparação com sua exclusão ou construção marcada como (últimos) “outros” durante o prévio período de “mestiçagem monocultural”. Nesse artigo, queremos avaliar de maneira comparativa essas novas constituições e leis especiais, examinando qualitativamente as formas pelas quais esses textos referem-se a populações afrodescendentes. Queremos descobrir e comparar – antes e além do fato de que os afrodescendentes são agora, finalmente, mencionados como parte integral da população nacional – o tipo de direitos que lhes é concedido e o tipo de “sujeitos” em que foram concebidos nos discursos sobre a nação que as constituições e outros instrumentos jurídicos inevitavelmente representam.Palavras chaves: Constituições Nacionais, políticas multiculturais, afrodescendentes---Afrodescents and the shift towards multiculturalism in the "new" Latin American constitutions and other special laws: peculiarities of the Andean region From the 90s, then the adoption of "multicultural" policies, specifically targeted at indigenous and Afro-descendant populations, by multilateral institutions of global governance such as the UN, the World Health Organization and others, as well as a result of the political activism of indigenous and Afro-descendant communities, many Latin American nation-states have revised or replaced their constitutions and/or, in some cases, passed special laws that express a concern for greater inclusion of these populations.A real invisibility of indigenous peoples and Afro-descendants in previous constitutions, in which "national populations" were mentioned as simply homogeneous, without ethnic or racial distinctions, was replaced by a manifesto of ethnically and racially plural recognition in national populations' "new constitution" to the multiculturalist orientation. Is in this context that emerged what Charles Hale called "Indians allowed", literally "Indian identity allowed" and that Latin American Afro-descendants have gained greater visibility and leeway compared to its exclusion or construction marked as (last) "other" during the preliminary period of "monocultural miscegenation." In this article, we review, comparatively, these new constitutions and special laws, qualitatively examining the ways in which these texts refer to Afro-descendant populations. We want to find and compare - before and beyond the fact that Afro-descendants are now finally mentioned as an integral part of the national population - the kind of rights granted to them and the kind of "subjects" that were designed in the discourses about nation that constitutions and other legal instruments inevitably represent.Keywords: National Constitutions, multicultural policies, African descent

Resumen. Este artículo presenta un estudio de las figuraciones del “homosexual” en América Latina. Se inspira en el trabajo de Cynthia Weber sobre teoría queer en Relaciones In­ternacionales y en el análisis latinoamericano queer de Carlos Figari. Se propone una manera plural de contestar a tres interrogantes: ¿quién es el “homosexual” en América Latina?, ¿qué es el Estado-nación moderno que se presupone “soberano”? y ¿cómo el “homosexual” participa en la construcción del Estado-nación “soberano”? Las dos primeras preguntas no se contestan, pero se explora su potencial para los estudios “queer” y de Relaciones Internacionales.Para contestar la tercera pregunta se introduce una figuración plural del “homosexual” que rompe con la dicotomía entre normal y perverso en el contexto latinoamericano: Juan­Ga/Aguilera. Se justifica por qué JuanGa/Aguilera crea un Estado-nación soberano plural que complica (quizá hasta hace imposibles) las nociones tradicionales dicotómicas de soberanía. Se utiliza este resultado para dar una serie de perspectivas de investigación que abre el en­tendimiento de las figuraciones plurales como hombre soberano, tanto en los estudios lati­noamericanos de teoría queer como en los de Relaciones Internacionales.Palabras clave: Queer, Relaciones Internacionales, sexualidad, homosexualidad, sober­anía, política internacional.Abstract. This article presents a study about Latin American figurations of the “homo­sexual”. It was inspired by the work of Cynthia Weber in Queer International Relations (Queer IR) and the Latin American Queer analysis of Carlos Figari. It proposes a new pluralistic way to answer to three interrogatives: who is the “homosexual” in Latin America?, what is the modern nation-state that is assumed to be “sovereign”? and, how does the “homosexual” participates in the construction of the “sovereign” nation-state? The first two questions are not answered, rather they are explored for their potential to produce new insights to Queer and IR theories.To answer the third question, it will be introduced a new plural figuration of the “homo­sexual” that breaks apart with the either normal or perverse dichotomy: JuanGa/Aguilera. It is justified why JuanGa/Aguilera creates a plural “sovereign” nation state that makes more difficult (even impossible) to sustain traditional binary understandings of sovereign. This last result will be used to give new research possibilities that can be achieved in Latin American Queer Studies and International Relations through the understanding of plural figurations of sovereign man.Keywords: queer, International Relations, sexuality, homosexuality, sovereignty, inter­national politics.

Esta investigación aborda la importancia de incorporar elementos culturales en el proyecto de Rediseño Curricular de la Carrera de Mercadotecnia de la Universidad Laica Eloy Alfaro de Manabí. El análisis de la literatura y el diagnóstico de campo constataron las falencias existentes en cuanto a las relaciones profesionales resultantes de incomprensiones culturales y aceptación de la diversidad los cuales son temas actuales a tono con el desarrollo de las ciencias sociales. Un enfoque desde una perspectiva intercultural y multicultural presente en la nación ecuatoriana y en calidad de rasgo significativo de las relaciones económicas y de mercado a nivel mundial por ende necesario propicia un nivel adecuado de competencia de los estudiantes de Mercadotecnia. Se hace énfasis en el desempeño profesional en la esfera de la mercadotecnia que está vinculada a una concepción multicultural, intercultural y transcultural. PALABRAS CLAVE: Intercultural; Multicultural; Diseño Curricular; Mercadotecnia. CURRICULAR REDESIGN OF THE MERCADOTECNIA CAREER FROM AN INTERCULTURAL PERSPECTIVE: SOME NOTES ABSTRACT This paper addresses the important issue of multiculturalism from the Curriculum Redesign Project of the School of Marketing, exposing the huge value to the professional education of marketing, in keeping with the current development of social sciences. It is an approach from a scientific perspective of multiculturalism present in the Ecuadorian nation and as a significant feature of economic relations and market world wide. Professional competence in the field of marketing is closely linked with a multicultural, intercultural and cross- cultural understanding. KEYWORDS: Intercultural; Multicultural; Curricular design; Marketing.

Resumen: En el s. XIX España necesitaba consolidar su identidad nacional y para ello era necesario fijar los rasgos que definían el carácter y temperamento de la raza española. En este contexto, personajes y gestas del pasado remoto de España eran los que mejor podían reflejar la idiosincrasia de la emergente nación. Una de esas gestas fue la que protagonizaron los habitantes de Sagunto y de Numancia, dos ciudades que simbolizaban la lucha heroica de todo un pueblo por su libertad e independencia. En este artículo se analiza el uso que se hace de Sagunto y Numancia en los discursos que se pronunciaron en el Congreso de los Diputados desde la Revolución de 1868 hasta el 2 de febrero de 1939, última reunión de las Cortes en territorio español.Palabras clave: Sagunto, Numancia, Oratoria política, Exempla históricos.Abstract: In the 19th century, Spain sought to consolidate its national identity. To bear this out, it had to fix the traits that defined the character and temperament of the Spanish people. In this context, what best reflected the idiosyncrasy of the emerging nation were the personalities and the heroic feats of the remote past of Spain. Such was the case of the deeds carried out by the inhabitants of Sagun tum and Numantia, two cities which symbolized the heroic struggle of a people for their freedom and independence. This paper analyses the use of Saguntum and Numantia as historic exempla in the speeches delivered to the Congress of Deputies between the Glorious Revolution of 1868 and 2 February 1939, the day the courts met in Spanish territory for the last time.Key words: Saguntum, Numantia, Political oratory, Historic exempla.

La historiografía de América Latina está cada vez más consciente del hecho de que el desarrollo de las lenguas indígenas después de la conquista no se puede entender como un proceso lineal de declive, y que en ellas existen fuentes valiosas provenientes de lugares y épocas imprevistas. Hace bastante tiempo que una parte importante de la historiografía del México colonial ha hecho un fuerte uso de las fuentes en lenguas indígenas, y estas han comenzado a tener presencia en la historiografía de otras regiones. Este artículo analiza el tratamiento de las lenguas indígenas y sus fuentes en las historiografías de México, Perú y Paraguay. Sostiene que las nuevas tendencias más prometedoras en este ámbito prestan una mayor atención a la historia social del lenguaje, al uso de las lenguas indígenas por personas no indígenas, y a su utilización en los procesos de construcción nacional. Abstract The historiography on Latin America is increasingly cognizant of the fact that the post-conquest development of indigenous languages cannot be understood in terms of a linear process of decline, and that there are valuable sources in these languages from unexpected times and places. An important segment of the historiography on colonial Mexico has long made intensive use of indigenous-language sources, and indigenous languages are beginning to appear on the historiographical radar elsewhere. This article surveys the treatment of indigenous languages and indigenous-language sources in the historiographies on Mexico, Peru, and Paraguay. It argues that the most promising new trends in the field include greater attention to the social history of language, to the use of indigenous languages by non-Indians, and to their use in nation-building processes.

Desde hace más de dos décadas, la política venezolana ha estado marcada por la presencia del chavismo como orientación revolucionaria del país. Independientemente de que hoy en día esa política es reconocida como una política fracasada que ha provocado el éxodo de millones de venezolanos, esa política estuvo dirigida en sus primeros a la transformación política, social y económica de la nación en pos del llamado socialismo del siglo XXI. Precisamente es en este primer período en el que nos vamos a concentrar. Si definimos el populismo en sentido estricto como esa forma de política de masas que parte de la idea de la existencia de una voluntad popular y la existencia de un modo carismático de dominación basado en la vinculación directa del líder con las masas, el chavismo fue un fenómeno populista. En el presente artículo muestro, basándome en escritos biográficos, entrevistas y discursos, la adecuación del caso venezolano a la definición propuesta y los fundamentos religiosos e históricos del mismo. For more than two decades, Venezuelan politics has been marked by the presence of Chavismo as the country's revolutionary orientation. Regardless of the fact that nowadays this policy is recognized as a failed policy that has caused the exodus of millions of Venezuelans, this policy was aimed in its first at the political, social and economic transformation of the nation in pursuit of the so-called socialism of the 21st century. It is precisely in this first period that we are going to concentrate. If we define populism in the strict sense as that form of mass politics that starts from the idea of the existence of a popular will and the existence of a charismatic mode of domination based on the direct link between the leader and the masses, Chavismo was a populist phenomenon. In this article I show, based on biographical writings, interviews and speeches, the adequacy of the Venezuelan case to the proposed definition and its religious and historical foundations.

In this paper the author makes a preliminary assessment of the course so far taken by the so called Arab Spring and the many obstacles and challenges it has faced. Despite the high expectations that these social protest movements have generated, especially for their transformative potential, she argues that real or meaningful reforms have not been achieved so far, despite the fall of several dictators and the persistent social protests. The author stresses in particular the conditions in each of the countries in this region and the increasing external interference in the affairs of this region that allow foreign powers to exploit domestic situations to their advantage, a phenomenon not new, dating from the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and the formation of modern nation-states in the Arab world. She proposes to analyze these movements in the light of a broader historical perspective to help us understand the full extent and complexity of the processes that are taking place in this strategic region, as these social protest movements have been present throughout the years, with periods of progress and setbacks, within a complex and long process marked by internal quarrels, regional rivalries, and strong external interference.Spanish En este trabajo, la autora hace un balance preliminar sobre el curso que hasta ahora ha tomado la llamada “primavera árabe“ y los múltiples obstáculos y desafíos que ésta ya está enfrentando. Sostiene que, a pesar de las grandes expectativas que estos movimientos de protesta social han generado, sobre todo por su potencial transformador, no se han logrado hasta ahora reformas reales o significativas, a pesar de la caída de varios dictadores y la persistencia de las protestas sociales. Destaca en particular las condiciones existentes en cada uno de los países de la región y la creciente interferencia externa en los asuntos de la región que permite a las potencias extranjeras aprovechar las situaciones internas en su propio beneficio, un fenómeno nada nuevo, que data de la desintegración del Imperio Otomano y la conformación de los modernos Estados nacionales del mundo árabe. Propone, asimismo, analizar dichos movimientos a la luz de una perspectiva histórica más amplia, que nos ayude a comprender en toda su magnitud y complejidad los procesos que se están desarrollando en esta estratégica región, ya que estos movimientos de protesta social no son del todo nuevos. Han estado presentes a todo lo largo de estos años, con períodos de avances y retrocesos, dentro de un proceso complejo y prolongado, marcado por luchas internas, rivalidades regionales y una fuerte interferencia externa.French Dans cet essai, l'auteur fait un compte rendu préliminaire sur le chemin pris par ce qui a été nommé « Le printemps arabe », ainsi que les multiples obstacles et défis auxquels ce phénomène à été confronté. Il met particulièrement en relief, les conditions dans lesquelles ce phénomène est survenu dans chaque pays de la région, ainsi que l'ingérence croissante des puissances étrangères dans les affaires internes des pays concernés et dont les agissements lors de la crise feront d'eux les principaux bénéficiaires. Un phénomène qui n'est pas nouveau et qui date de la chute de l'Empire ottoman et de la naissance des États-nation du monde arabe. En même temps, cet article se propose d'analyser ces mouvements sous l'angle d'une perspective historique plus étendue a fin d'offrir une meilleure compréhension de la magnitude et de la complexité des processus qui se développent dans ce e région stratégique, puisque tous ces mouvements de protestation sociale ne sont pas nouveaux. Ces mouvements ont été présents tout au long de ces années où il y a eu des périodes positives et aussi négatives dans le cadre d'un processus complexe et d'une longue durée, marqué par des lu es internes, des rivalités régionales et une forte intervention externe.

Las diferenciaciones religiosas aceleradas que experimentan las comunidades indígenas del estado de Chiapas (México) son el fruto de la violencia intraétnica. En este movimiento de cambio de las afiliaciones religiosas, se definen nuevos lenguajes religiosos y modos de comunicación de las identidades individuales y colectivas que pasan por la elaboración de nuevas formas de secuencias rituales estructuradas en gran parte por el pentecostalismo. Debido a la adopción de estas nuevas creencias y prácticas religiosas flexibles se está redefiniendo el lazo con las tradiciones religiosas ancestrales y se construye una modernidad indígena fundada en el derecho al pluralismo ideológico. Esto se produce sin destruir la diferencia étnica y recomponiendo sus elementos de aquella en el sentido de una modernidad endógena relativamente autónoma. El pluralismo religioso otorga la oportunidad de construir una definición religiosa de lo político en continuidad con el imaginario maya de la realeza sagrada y lo hace escapar a las regulaciones exógenas de lo político oficial impuesto por el estado nacional, sin prescindir del derecho constitucional a la libertad religiosa. La adopción de nuevas expresiones religiosas no católicas sigue reforzando la diferencia étnica y permite encontrar mediaciones para combatir las desigualdades sociales en el seno mismo de las sociedades étnicas e intentar modificar las relaciones de subordinación de la etnia a la nación.Abstract: Intra-ethnic violence is bringing a rapid religious differentiation in the state of Chiapas (Mexico). Conversions and changes in religious affiliation produce new religious codes and modes of communicating individual and collective identities heavily influenced by ritual sequences borrowed from the Pentecostal tradition. At stake in the implementation of these new beliefs and practices is the reaffirmation of ancestral religious traditions and the possibility of shaping a Mayan modernity that recognizes ideological pluralism. Rather than denying the ethnic specificity of Mayan society, this process adapts elements of ethnic identity to meet the needs of a relatively autonomous and endogenous modernity. Religious pluralism provides the Maya people with the possibility of defining politics in a religious way, allowing them to assert their independence from the central government and its exogenous political regulation while appealing to the legal principles of religious freedom. Not only does the adoption of new, non-Catholic expressions of religiosity underline the distinctiveness of the Mayan civilization within Mexican society, it opens up new perspectives in the struggle against endogenous social inequalities and in the fight against the nation-state domination.Résumé : La différenciation religieuse accélérée que vivent les communautés indiennes dans l’état du Chiapas, au Mexique, est le fruit de la violence intra-ethnique. Dans ce mouvement de changement des appartenances religieuses, se définissent de nouveaux langages religieux et de nouveaux modes de communication des identités individuelles et collectives qui passent par la mise en forme de séquences rituelles structurées en grande partie par le pentecôtisme. Au travers de l’adoption de ces nouvelles croyances et pratiques religieuses flexibles se joue à la fois l’ancrage dans les traditions religieuses ancestrales et la construction d’une modernité indienne fondée sur le droit et la reconnaissance du pluralisme idéologique. Ceci s’opère sans détruire la différence ethnique mais plutôt en recomposant ses éléments dans le sens d’une modernité endogène relativement autonome. La pluralisation religieuse donne l’opportunité de construire une définition religieuse du politique en continuité avec l’imaginaire maya de la « royauté sacrée ». Il échappe ainsi aux régulations exogènes du politique légitime imposées par l’État tout en s’appuyant sur les principes juridiques de la liberté de culte. L’adoption de nouvelles expressions religieuses non-catholiques continue de souligner la différence avec le reste de la société mexicaine et permet de chercher les moyens de combattre les inégalités sociales au sein des sociétés ethniques tout autant que le rapport de subordination de l’ethnie à la nation.

La investigación propone que las prácticas de tráfico ilegal de ganado y cautivos se intensificaron en la segunda mitad del siglo xix e incidieron en la creciente violencia de las incursiones realizadas por apaches y comanches sobre el noroeste de México. Se apunta que el tráfico y comercio de semovientes que estas naciones indias llevaron a cabo en Estados Unidos se tradujo en la superioridad de sus armas, las cuales emplearon contra los fronterizos mexicanos. Hasta aquí, el texto coincide con el trabajo de Brian DeLay. La novedad radica en que se ocupa de un periodo no abordado por este autor. Así, el estudio hace énfasis en que el robo de reses y caballada unió en una “cooperación delictiva” a indios, mexicanos y estadounidenses. Este aspecto discrepa de la historiografía mexicana y aún de la estadounidense, que suelen responsabilizar sólo a los indios libres y a los vecinos del abigeato. Se sostiene además que las distintas nociones de territorio y soberanía distinguieron no sólo a indios de euroamericanos y mexicanos, sino a indios y fronterizos de los dos países respecto de las élites de la ciudad de México y Washington. A su vez, se muestra la incapacidad de los dos Estados nacionales para ejercer un control efectivo sobre sus respectivas regiones fronterizas y evidencia el escaso impacto de la asimetría entre las dos naciones ante el “problema indio”. This research suggests that the illegal traffic of livestock and captives intensified in the second half of the nineteenth century and had a bearing on the increasing violence of the raids carried out by Apaches and Comanches into northwest Mexico. The study indicates how the traffic and trade of livestock that these Indian nations carried out in the United States resulted in them having more powerful weapons, which they used against Mexicans living in the border region. Thus far, the discussion corresponds to the work of Brian DeLay. The originality is to be found in the fact that this study deals with a period not addressed by DeLay. Thus, the study places emphasis on the fact that the theft of cattle and horses linked Indians, Mexicans and United States residents in a “criminal cooperation.” This characteristic counters Mexican and even US historiography, which tends to place responsibility for the cattle rustling only on free Indians and the neighbors. This study also argues that different notions of territory and sovereignty of the elites in Mexico City and Washington not only distinguished Indians from Euro-Americans and Mexicans, but also Indians and border inhabitants of both countries. In turn, it shows the inability of the two nation states to exercise effective control over their respective border regions and demonstrates the minimal impact that the asymmetry between the two nations had to face the “Indian problem.”

Resumo Este artigo visa reunir argumentos para construção de uma abordagem comparativa e compreensiva aos movimentos indígenas na América Latina como movimentos sociais anticolonialistas. Os argumentos serão apresentados em duas partes consecutivas. A primeira trata da permanência da colonialidade do poder na economia política dos Estados nacionais na América Latina, articulada que está ao padrão de poder vigente no sistema mundial. A segunda enfatiza os modos diversos como os movimentos indígenas vinculam suas reivindicações por terras e cidadania em lutas por autodeterminação e autonomia segundo uma lógica anticolonialista. Conclui-se que a operacionalização dos direitos indígenas na região está atrelada à superação do padrão de poder capitalista mantido e estimulado pelos Estados nacionais com vistas a assegurar a expansão territorial do capitalismo como condição sine qua non para sua própria perpetuação. Palavras-chave Movimentos indígenas; dependência; desenvolvimentismo; multiculturalismo; América Latina ***Resumen Este artículo tiene como objetivo reunir argumentos para la construcción de un enfoque comparativo y comprensivo de los movimientos indígenas en América Latina como movimientos anticoloniales. Los argumentos se presentan en dos partes consecutivas. La primera trata de la permanencia de la colonialidad del poder en la economía política de los Estados nacionales en América Latina, que se articula con el patrón de poder del sistema mundial. La segunda hace hincapié en las distintas formas en las que los movimientos indígenas unen sus reclamos por la autodeterminación y la autonomía a sus reclamos por la tierra y la ciudadanía a raíz de una lógica anticolonialista. El artículo concluye que la eficacia de los derechos indígenas se adjunta a la superación del patrón de poder capitalista mantenido y estimulado por los Estados Nación, que tiene por objeto prever la expansión territorial del capitalismo como condición sine qua non para su propia perpetuación. Palabras clave Movimientos indígenas; capitalismo dependiente; desarrollismo; multiculturalismo; Latinoamérica***Abstract This article aims to bring together arguments for building a comparative and comprehensive approach to indigenous movements in Latin America as anticolonial movements. The arguments are presented in two consecutive parts. The first deals with the permanence of the coloniality of power in the political economy of national states in Latin America, which is hinged to the power pattern of the world system. The second emphasizes the different ways in which the indigenous movements attach their claims for self-determination and autonomy to their claims for land and citizenship following an anticolonialist logic. The article concludes that the effectiveness of indigenous rights is attached to the overcoming of the capitalist power pattern maintained and stimulated by the Nation States, which seeks to provide for the territorial expansion of capitalism as condition sine qua non for its own perpetuation. Keywords Indigenous movements; dependence; developmentalism; multiculturalismo; Latin America

مُلخص البحث: يسعى الباحث من خلال اتباع المنهجين: الوصفيّ والتحليليّ، إلى دراسة موضوع عبدالله الطيّب شاعر التّراث: مكانته الأدبيّة وظواهر لُغويّة في ديوانه (بانات رامة)؛ حيث يبرز البحث مكانة عبد الله الطيّب الأدبيّة، مبيّناً اهتمامه بالتّراث الشّعريّ العربيّ والاقتداء به في أشعاره، كما يتناول الظّواهر اللُّغويّة التي تميّز بها هذا الديوان، ويهدف هذا البحث إلى إظهار مكانة عبد الله الطّيّب الأدبيّة، وإبراز الظّواهر اللُّغويّة في ديوانه بانات رامة. توصلت الدراسة إلى أن شعر عبدالله الطيّب يزخر بكثيرٍ من الظواهر اللُّغويّة الفنّيّة، ومنها استعمال الشاعر للرموز المختلفة؛ حيث يرمز بها للوطن؛ بينما رمز للغربة بالصحراء الجرداء، واستمدّ الطيّب معجمه اللُّغويّ في أشعاره مما كان يجري على ألسنة الشّعراء العرب القدامى لفظًا ومعنًى، وأبرز البحث اقتراب عبد الله الطيّب من النصوص الشعرية العربية القديمة في عصر ندر فيه اقتراب أحد من هذا الشعر، فكان استمداده لبعض مطالع، ومقاطع قصائده من الشّعر العربيّ القديم، مميّزًا لإنتاجاته الشعرية الواردة في الديوان. الكلمات المفتاحيّة: الظّواهر اللّغويّة -بانات رامة -الاتجاه الكلاسيكيّ -التّراث الشّعريّ -عمود الشّعر. Abstract This study, by making use of the descriptive and analytical methods, aims to explore the literary position of the ‘Abdullah al-Ṭayyib as a traditional poet and his language characteristics in his anthology “Banāt Ramah”. His literary position is pointed out through his interest in the Arabic poetic tradition and his commitment to it in his poems as well as the language characteristics which distinguish him in his anthology. The study concludes among others: that the poems of ‘Abdullah al-Ṭayyib are abundantly infused with aesthetical features of language, among them is the use of different symbols; some represent the nation while others represent the barren deserts. He made use of the style of the earlier Arabic traditional poets both in words and senses. His inclination to the traditional elements is rare in the time when contemporary poets mostly would turn away from it. Hence, he made use of some of the traditional openings and some phrases in the ancient traditional poems, thus earning himself a special characteristic as found in the anthology. Keyword: Language features – Banāt Ramah – classical direction – poetical heritage – the traditional poem Abstrak Kajian ini, dengan menggunakan metod deskriptif dan analitikal, bertujuan untuk menyingkap kedudukan kesusasteraan ‘Abdullah al-Tayyib sebagai seorang penyair tradisional dan ciri-ciri bahasa beliau dalam antologinya “Banāt Ramah”. Kedudukan kesusasteraan beliau dapat dilihat daripada minat beliau terhadap puisi Arab tradisional dan komitmen beliau dalam berpegang kepada ciri-cirinya dalam karya beliau serta ciri-ciri bahasa yang membezakan di antara beliau dengan penyair yang lain. Kajian ini merumuskan, antara lain: syair-syair ‘Abdullah al-Tayyib banyak dipengaruhi dengan aspek astetika bahasa seperti penggunaan simbol; ada yang mewakili negara dan ada yang berkenaan degan padang pasir kontang. Dia menggunakan stail para penyair silam dari aspek perkataan dan makna. Kecenderungan beliau kepada unsur-unsur tradisi adalah nadir di waktu para penyair kontemporari tidak menghiraukannya. Beliau turut menggunakan pembukaan syair dengan tema silam dan juga beberapa frasa yang diambil daripada beberapa syair tradisional; satu pendekatan yang membuatkan beliau layak dilihat sebagai berbeza daripada yang lain seperti yang dapat disimpulkan daripada antologi beliau. Kata kunci: Ciri-ciri bahasa - Banāt Ramah – hala tuju klasik – warisan syair – syair tradisional.

En este artículo se analizan las recientes reformas legislativas de Letonia en relación con la adquisición de la nacionalidad, el uso del letón como lengua oficial, la situación legal de la minoría rusa nacida en Letonia y su estatus de «no ciudadano». Se estudia la evolución legal desde 1991 hasta 2016. Se observa que las sucesivas normas se basan en un modelo etnicista de nación, recrudeciéndose por un lado esta actitud en las recientes reformas que favorecen el acceso a la nacionalidad letona a los descendientes de letones de sangre, exigiendo a los demás un test de conocimiento del letón y de la Constitución. Pero como contraste, por otro lado, se ha facilitado el acceso a la nacionalidad a los menores de 15 años nacidos en suelo letón de padres «no ciudadanos», de manera que la siguiente generación de la minoría rusa podrán ser ciudadanos de pleno derecho. Se utilizan los informes realizados por la ECRI, Comisión contra el racismo y la intolerancia del Consejo de Europa y fuentes estadísticas oficiales proporcionadas por el Gobierno letón. Como conclusión se sugieren algunas reformas legislativas de lege ferenda. Artikulu honetan, Letonian duela gutxi egindako legegintzako erreformak aztertzen dira: nazionalitatea eskuratzea, letoniera hizkuntza ofizial gisa erabiltzea, Letonian jaiotako gutxiengo errusiarraren lege-egoera eta haien «ez-herritar» estatusa. 1991tik 2016ra arte arazoak lege arloan izan duen bilakaera aztertzen da. Ikusten denez, ondoz ondoren egindako arauek nazioaren eredu etnizista hartzen dute oinarri. Alde batetik, jarrera hor larriagotu egin da duela gutxiko erreformetan, erreforma horiek letoniar nazionalitatea odolez letoniar direnen ondorengoei ematearen aldekoak baitira; gainerako pertsonei, letonieraren eta Konstituzioaren ezagutzari buruzko testa exijitzen zaie. Baina beste alde batetik, erraztasunak eman dira «herritar ez diren» gurasoengandik Letoniako lurzoruan jaio diren 15 urtetik beherakoek nazionalitatea lor dezaten; hala, gutxiengo errusiarraren hurrengo belaunaldikoak eskubide osoko herritar izan ahalko dira. Arrazakeriaren eta Intolerantziaren aurkako Europako Batzordeak (ECRI) eta Letoniako Gobernuak emandako estatistika-iturri ofizialak erabiltzen dira. Ondorio gisa, de lege ferenda legegintzako erreforma batzuk iradokitzen dira. In this article the recent legislative reforms in Latvia in connection with the acquisition of nationality, the use of Latvian as the official language, the legal status of the Russian minority in Latvia born and status of «non-citizen» are analyzed. The legal evolution is studied from 1991 to 2016. It is noted that the successive rules are based on an ethnocentric model nation, on the one hand getting worse this attitude in recent reforms that promote access to Latvian citizenship to the descendants of Latvian blood, requiring the others a test of proficiency in Latvian and the Constitution. In turn, by contrast, it has been facilitated access to citizenship to children under 15 years born in Latvian soil from parents «non-citizens», so that the next generation of the Russian minority could be full citizens. Reports by the ECRI, Commission against Racism and Intolerance of the Council of Europe and official statistical sources provided by the Latvian government are used. In conclusion some legislative reforms are suggested as lege ferenda.

Language skills are essential for early childhood, being able to speak clearly and process speech sounds, understand others, express ideas, and interact with others are the building blocks for a child's development. Therefore, this study will examine the effect of the Inside Outside Circle (IOC) instructional strategies with media images on children's language skills. This research is a quasi-experimental design with a posttest only and using a control group. The sample in this study were children in two kindergartens in the village of Banjar Tegal. Data analysis in this study was carried out by quantitative descriptive methods using t-test analysis techniques. The results of this study in kindergarten students in Banjar Tegal Village show that there is an influence of the IOC learning model with picture media on children's language skills (tcount = 6.28> ttable = 2.00). This shows that language skills achieved by groups of children participating in learning with the IOC model with drawing media are better than groups of children who attend learning without the IOC model. The implication is that further research is expected to develop other aspects of child devel- opment through the IOC model. Keywords: Children Language skills, Image media, Inside-Outside Circle Instructional Strategies Reference: Afrida, Ni., & Mahriza, R. (2019). Visual and Cognitive Media : The Language Acquisition of Children With Dyslexia in Aceh. IJLRES - International Journal on Language , Research and Education Studies, 3(1), 112–126. https://doi.org/10.30575/2017/IJLRES-2019010409 Al Otaiba, S., & Fuchs, D. (2006). Who are the young children for whom best practices in reading are ineffective? An experimental and longitudinal study. Journal of Learning Disabilities, 39(5), 414–431. https://doi.org/10.1177/00222194060390050401 Asrifan, A. (2015). 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The pandemic of COVID-19 has afflicted every individual and has initiated a cascade of directly or indirectly involved events in precipitating mental health issues. The human species is a wanderer and hunter-gatherer by nature, and physical social distancing and nationwide lockdown have confined an individual to physical isolation. The present review article was conceived to address psychosocial and other issues and their aetiology related to the current pandemic of COVID-19. The elderly age group has most suffered the wrath of SARS-CoV-2, and social isolation as a preventive measure may further induce mental health issues. Animal model studies have demonstrated an inappropriate interacting endogenous neurotransmitter milieu of dopamine, serotonin, glutamate, and opioids, induced by social isolation that could probably lead to observable phenomena of deviant psychosocial behavior. Conflicting and manipulated information related to COVID-19 on social media has also been recognized as a global threat. Psychological stress during the current pandemic in frontline health care workers, migrant workers, children, and adolescents is also a serious concern. Mental health issues in the current situation could also be induced by being quarantined, uncertainty in business, jobs, economy, hampered academic activities, increased screen time on social media, and domestic violence incidences. The gravity of mental health issues associated with the pandemic of COVID-19 should be identified at the earliest. Mental health organization dedicated to current and future pandemics should be established along with Government policies addressing psychological issues to prevent and treat mental health issues need to be developed. References World Health Organization (WHO) Coronavirus Disease (COVID-19) Dashboard. 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ZusammenfassungIm vorliegenden Aufsatz werden die Entstehungsbedingungen des Nationenbegriffs in Japan und Deutschland vergleichend untersucht. Bisher gelten Frankreich und Deutschland als die archetypischen Gegensätze der Nationalstaatenbildung. In Frankreich, wo der Staat die Nation geschaffen habe, habe sich ein ausgeprägt politisches Nationenverständnis entwickelt. Das ethnisch-kulturelle Nationenverständnis Deutschlands hingegen habe sich daraus ergeben, daß dort umgekehrt die Nation den Staat geschaffen habe. Anhand eines Vergleichs zwischen Japan und Deutschland wird hier demgegenüber die These vertreten, daß in beiden Ländern die politischen Besonderheiten des Modernisierungsprozesses eine ausschlaggebende Rolle bei der Herausbildung eines überwiegend ethnisch-kulturellen Nationenbegriffs gespielt haben. Die subjektiv empfundene ethnisch-kulturelle Homogenität stellte zwar von Anfang an einen wichtigen Bestandteil der nationalen Identitäten der beiden Länder dar; daß dieser Bestandteil derart ausschließlich an Gewicht gewann, war jedoch erst das Ergebnis der politischen Weichenstellungen in den Jahrzehnten um die Jahrhundertwende.

Abstract Background Brazil is the world’s fifth most populous nation, and is currently experimenting a fast demographic aging process in a context of scarce resources and social inequalities. To understand the health profile of older adults in Brazil is fundamental for planning public policies. Methods The estimates were derived from data obtained through the collaboration between the Brazilian Ministry of Health and the Institute of Health Metrics and Evaluation of the University of Washington. The Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics provided the population estimates. Data on causes of death came from the Mortality Information System. To calculate morbidity, population-based studies on the prevalence of diseases in Brazil were comprehensively searched, in addition to information obtained from national databases such as the Hospital Information System, the Outpatient Information System, and the Injury Information System. We presented the Global Burden of Disease (GBD) 2017 estimates among Brazilian older adults (60+ years old) for life expectancy at birth (LE), healthy life expectancy (HALE), cause-specific mortality, years of life lost (YLLs), years lived with disability (YLDs), and disability-adjusted life years (DALYs), from 2000 to 2017. Results LE at birth significantly increased from 71.3 years (95% UI to 70.9-71.8) to 75.2 years (95% UI 74.7-75.7). There was a trend of increasing HALE, from 62.2 years (95% UI 59.54-64.5) to 65.5 years (95% UI 62.6-68.0). The proportion of DALYs among older adults increased from 7.3 to 10.3%. Chronic noncommunicable diseases are the leading cause of death among middle aged and older adults, while Alzheimer’s disease is a leading cause only among older adults. Mood disorders, musculoskeletal pain, and hearing or vision losses are among the leading causes of disability. Conclusions The increase in LE and the decrease of the DALYs rates are probably results of the improvement of social conditions and health policies. However, the smaller increase of HALE than LE means that despite living more, people spend a substantial time of their old age with disability and illness. Preventable or potentially controllable diseases are responsible for most of the burden of disease among Brazilian older adults. Health investments are necessary to obtain longevity with quality of life in Brazil.

Although the Ethiopian state traces its roots back to the empire of Axum in the first centuries AD, the modern Ethiopian state took shape in the second half of the 19th century. During that period the territory of the Ethiopian empire expanded considerably. Several ethnic groups were incorporated into the empire and the foundations for a strong, centralised state were laid. Centralisation of authority in the hands of the emperor and a strategy of nation building that denied the ethnic diversity of Ethiopian society characterised the rule of Emperor Haile Selassie. At the same time, these elements contributed to its decline. Haile Selassie was ultimately deposed by a military committee in 1974. This announced the end of the Ethiopian monarchy and the transformation of the Ethiopian state, following the Marxist model. In spite of Marxist-Leninist attention to the 'nationalities issue', Ethiopia remained a centralised state, dominated by one ethnic identity. This gave rise to increasing resistance from various regional and ethnic liberation movements. The combined effort of these movements caused the fall of military rule in May 1991. The new regime, which was dominated by ethnically organised parties, initiated a radical transformation of the Ethiopian state structure that leads to the establishment of a federation in 1995.Key Words: Ethiopia, Political Development, Constitutional Development, State Structure

RESUMENEl objetivo es analizar la génesis y la relación teórica Herder-Kant en la Metacrítica que insiste en la existencia concreta de los propios pensamientos, ideas y sistemas filosóficos cuyo verdadero a priori sería el lenguaje utilizado por los hombres que piensan; pero estos hombres no son universales abstractos, sino singulares concretos que dependen de una lengua, de una nación, en fin, de unas costumbres y formas de ser determinadas que los hace estar unidos íntimamente a su suelo-raíz. De esta manera, Herder abre el horizonte de la hermenéutica y del multiculturalismo.PALABRAS CLAVELENGUAJE, PENSAMIENTO, FILOSOFÍA CRÍTICA ABSTRACTThe article intends to analyze the genesis of Herder-Kant theoretical relation in Methacritic, that insists on the concrete existence of thoughts, ideas and philosophical systems which a priori would be the language used by the thinking men. But these men are not universal abstracts, but concrete singulars, who depend on a nation, a language, habits and determined ways of being, that make them be strongly linked to their root-ground. In that way, Herder opens the horizon of hermeneutics and multiculturalism.KEYWORDSLANGUAGE, THOUGHT, CRITICAL PHILOSOPHY

Whilst urban growth is generally accepted as a global phenomenon, this has numerous and ambivalent implications for Australia and its identity-work. Suburbia the site where the majority of Australians live, located somewhere between the privileged spaces of the city and the bush comes into focus as the emblematic topos through which the representational work of nation is articulated. Here, space becomes imbued with much current Australian political import. This article puts the discursive representation of Australian suburbia into juncture with hegemonic formations of nationness, and posits potential critical refigurations of these formations by mobilising a spatialised politics of cultural difference. Suburbia has come to represent a site of egalitarianism, signifying a truly Australian way of life. The masculinist and colonialist Australian myth of egalitarianism is constituted through a practice of carving up the land into equal portions, such that each man could have his stake in the country (Chambers 87). In this schema, the ownership of a detached house on a plot of land ensures proper and viable national subjects, since what is known as the suburban good life is nestled in a conception of house as home, where home is that which is familiar and secure. Consider John Howard's nationalist rhetoric: I believe that the concept of home is a compelling notion in our psyche…The loss of security challenges traditional notions of home and people feel the need to react to alienation…he or she must embrace what is secure, what people see as 'home.' (qtd. in Burke 8) It comes as no surprise, then, that Howard has initiated a scheme that grants $7000 to young couples toward establishing their first home. Home is not only a metaphor for nation; home is constituted in a material way through the house. The secure, housed, nation is most effectively enacted through the house and its ideal subjects: the white model of the heterosexual nuclear family. If European nostalgia is under threat, Howard's response is to maintain attempts to recover a unified national home. Ghassan Hage writes that the homely nation is itself an aspiration that guides the national subject's practices (68-9, my emphasis). Howard's anxiety is displayed in his response to the recent Tampa crisis, and it has become overwhelmingly evident who or what is not figured in his homely imaginary. Textuality becomes an effective means by which to negotiate and contest these dominant discourses of nation-space, and their prescribed modes of subjectivity. Suneeta Peres da Costa's recent novel Homework provides one such exigent re-mapping of nation-informed discourses of suburbia. Peres da Costa's text enacts a strategic invocation of cultural difference. Here, difference is not meant to connote inclusion or assimilation; difference must be seen as a dynamic constitutive mode of oppositionality, a provisional but insurrectionary and necessarily strategic other to dominant formations of nationness. As the novel's title itself suggests, home is work the work of being between spaces. Working from within the interstices of locatedness and worldliness allows the text to challenge embedded hegemonic inscriptions of nation-space. Whilst the novel was written and set in Australia, its packaging and subsequent reception also evokes the current trend of diasporic cosmopolitanism, signaling a world supposedly exempt from national belonging (Brennan qtd. in Kaplan 123). The novel was published simultaneously in the UK, the US, and Australia by Bloomsbury in 1999. The construction of this worldliness is here constituted in the politics of publishing, but this (dis)juncture between national and international, or the local and global, continues in the narrative itself. The narrative traverses both Australian domestic spaces and (imagined) international spaces. The fictive autobiography details Mina Pereira's late-childhood years as she lives with her family in suburban Rain Hill, Sydney. Whilst Mina and her sisters have grown up in Australia, their parents originate from Portuguese Goa, and Bombay, India. The narrative produces a tension between a global dislocation, where both Mr and Mrs Pereira's different and contradictory forms of homesickness are articulated, and the situatedness of Australia, where colonialism continues to construct hegemonic narratives of nationness. It is at this (dis)juncture that the narrative re-writes suburban space. Integrated into the suburban landscape and, in particular, the house itself, is the psychic space of memory. In the Pereira's house involuntary memories of former spaces and incidents in both Australia and India are evoked. A prolonged melancholia infiltrates the psychic and actual suburban spaces of the text, and in particular, the Federation house that the family lives in. If the Federation house signifies national unification, then this text enacts a kind of dis-unification of nation. With, in Gaston Bachelard's words, the past com[ing] to dwell in the new house (5), the seamless coherence of the suburban house is ruptured. As Homi Bhabha writes, [t]he recesses of the domestic space become sites for history's most intricate invasions. In that displacement, borders between home and world become confused; and, uncannily, the private and the public become part of each other, forcing upon us a vision that is as divided as it is disorienting. (9) In Homework, memory stretches beyond the limits of the nation such that nostalgia, as a politicised construction of the present, productively challenges the nation's boundaries. As Ien Ang writes, diasporas have the potential to unsettle static, essentialist and totalitarian conceptions of 'national culture' or 'national identity' with origins firmly rooted in fixed geography and common history (7). In this sense, the text interrogates the representational work of nation that attempts to maintain integrity and unity through incessant policing and securing of its borders. In Homework, the suburban house becomes unhomely, or unheimlich, in the haunting of subjects' memories that inhabit it, such that the house becomes not a tool for inculcating Australian nationness, but a zone of intermediacy between home and world. From this border space, that Homi Bhabha calls international (38) for the space of translation, negotiation, and hybridity, Australian space is unbounded and defamiliarised. Homework effectively dislodges the nation's homely imaginary by pointing to the excesses of belonging. Here home, as a mode of security and belonging, becomes detached from house. Aamir Mufti and Ella Shohat write that belonging cannot be housed simply within the material space of walls and roofs, of fenced topographies and well-drawn maps (1). This re-writing of hegemonic spatiality is concomitant with the re-constitution of prescribed modes of subjectivity. A politics of difference becomes a tool of creativity to question multiple forms of repression and dominance (Trinh 73). Cultural difference must be seen as disordering, as opening up new spaces for critical exchange (Soja and Hooper 193), and as positing new ways of critically writing and occupying spaces. By spatialising this politics of difference, the supposedly coherent spatiality of suburbia is ruptured and shown to be vulnerable. Re-narrating suburban spaces according to a politics of difference has the potential to dislodge hegemonic narratives that have become naturalised as they are mapped onto, or materialised in, real spaces. At the conclusion of Homework, the Pereira's house is enflamed. In this spectacular climax, part oneiric and fantastical, the house on fire becomes, in its pyrotechnical wizardry (255), a final recalcitrant figure to Australian suburban space. Merging with, and working against, that other sanctioned element of official multiculturalism, food, the fire sends out a toxic vapour to the hegemonic suburb: The pungent perfume that hung in a thick vapour above us was that of a vast spice warehouse burning to the ground. I could smell vast vats of mango and lime pickle; the bittersweet of cardamom spores that, with the intensity of the heat must have burst from their pods; peppercorns and paprika; turmeric, tamarind, and bay leaf; all these now lingered and mingled in a masala of mixed messages with the certain scents of dried cloves and the singular aroma of coriander. (256-7) The Federation house, with its symbolic encodings of nationness, is not only under de(con)struction here, but this image of a monstrous other further insults the suburban landscape's very senses. At the very heart of Australian suburbia is a stirring of the unhomely that is bound to repeat its disturbance to the mappings of nation. References Ang, Ien. Migrations of Chineseness. SPAN 34 (1993) : 9 pp. <http://wwwmcc.murdoch.edu.au/ReadingRoom...> Bachelard, Gaston. The Poetics of Space. 1958. Boston: Beacon, 1994. Bhabha, Homi K. The Location of Culture. London: Routledge, 1994. Burke, Anthony. Australia's Asian Crisis. Australian Humanities Review June (2001) : 9 pp. 27 August 2001 <http://www.lib.latrobe.edu/AHR/archive/I...> Chambers, Deborah. A Stake in the Country: Women's Experiences of Suburban Development. Visions of Suburbia. Ed. Roger Silverstone. London: Routledge, 1997. 86-107. Hage, Ghassan. White Nation: Fantasies of White Supremacy in a Multicultural Society. Leichhardt: Pluto Press, 1998. Kaplan, Caren. Questions of Travel: Postmodern Discourses of Displacement. Durham: Duke UP, 1996. Peres da Costa, Suneeta. Homework. London: Bloomsbury, 1999. Soja, Edward, and Barbara Hooper. The Spaces that Difference Makes: Some Notes on the Geographical Margins of the New Cultural Politics. Place and the Politics of Identity. Ed. Michael Keith and Steve Pile. London: Routledge, 1993. 183-205. Trinh, T. Minh-ha. Not You/Like You: Post-Colonial Women and the Interlocking Questions of Identity and Difference. Inscriptions 3-4 (1988) : 71-7. Links http://wwwmcc.murdoch.edu.au/ReadingRoom/litserv/SPAN/34/Ang.html http://www.lib.latrobe.edu/AHR/archive/Issue-June-2001/burke.html Citation reference for this article MLA Style Bullock, Emily. "Re-Writing Suburbia" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.2 (2002). [your date of access] < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/suburbia.php>. Chicago Style Bullock, Emily, "Re-Writing Suburbia" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5, no. 2 (2002), < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/suburbia.php> ([your date of access]). APA Style Bullock, Emily. (2002) Re-Writing Suburbia. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5(2). < http://www.media-culture.org.au/0205/suburbia.php> ([your date of access]).

We have received your counsell's letter, and the counsell heare are very sensible of your condition and will not want desires and endevors to get you monyes. The assignments allready orderd you will, I presume, not make your arreare so great as a 100,000. We shall compare your account sent to collonel Jones with what the treasurers heare comput it at, and if you are not equally concerned and provided for with any of the other forces we shall soone remidy that difficulty, though the complaints from Scotland and the army in England are much to the same purpose, and really our case is so sadde that which way we shall be able to turn ourselves from the difficultyes we are under I know not; but I shall no more at presant trouble you and shall by the next have an exact account, and in the meane time we shall charge the 20,000 formerly assigned out of delinquents' lands upon the new buildings.1 Our fleet and armyes are in a sadde condition. This army never hade such an occation to be tempted as they have now, yet are, and I trust will be, in a very stauch2 and quiet condition. The Lord direct and manage the hearts of the parliment to such a consideration of the case of this nation that the issue may be for further settlement of thes poore nations, upon true and lasting foundations in preserving the libertyes of the people of God, and the civill libertyes allso, both of which we ought to have a due regard unto, though the 1st to have the preference. I think ther is much in the present goverment which conserves both, which that it may be most upon our hearts is the desire of,