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1
Clavreul, Mylène. "Le rôle de la Nation crie du Québec dans la gouvernance de la Baie James : dans quelle mesure?" Mémoire, Université de Sherbrooke, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/11143/6497.
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Ce mémoire présente l'analyse du rôle du leadership politique de la Nation crie du Québec au sein de la gouvernance dans la région de la Baie James. Cette analyse s'articule autour de la question suivante : est-ce que le cadre de gouvernance actuel dans la région de la Baie James répond adéquatement au pouvoir revendiqué par le leadership cri? Cette question s'érige à partir du constat selon lequel le leadership cri se dit toujours insatisfait de son rôle dans la gouvernance de la région alors qu'il est partie à un traité et à des ententes avec les gouvernements qui sont reconnus comme uniques en matière de gouvernance autochtone au Québec. Ainsi, on cherche à connaître en quoi ce cadre de gouvernance est en mesure ou non de satisfaire le rôle revendiqué par le leadership cri. En ce sens, après avoir délimité le débat théorique se rapportant à la coexistence d'entités politiques sur le territoire de la Baie James, ce mémoire élabore une analyse des structures clés du cadre de gouvernance impliquant notamment le leadership cri, Québec et Ottawa, puis une analyse des caractéristiques du pouvoir revendiqué par le leadership cri. Subséquemment, ce mémoire présente ce qui explique que le cadre de gouvernance tel qu'analysé via ses structures clés répond ou ne répond pas adéquatement aux caractériqtiques du pouvoir revendiqué par le leadership cri. Indubitablement, la conclusion surprend et confronte une partie importante du discours et de la littérature qui réfère de façon presqu'automatique au cadre pour traiter du problème quant au rôle de la Nation crie au sein de la gouvernance dans la région de la Baie James. En fait, si on conclut que le cadre de gouvernance actuel dans la région de la Baie James ne répond effectivement pas en tous points au pouvoir revendiqué par le leadership cri, ce sont dans les nuances expliquant cette "non réponse" que se trouve le sens novateur de la mise en cause du cadre dans le problème de gouvernance.
2
Dimassi, Jamel. "La crise du système des Nations-Unies." Montpellier 1, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988MON10025.
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Le système des Nations-Unies est malade de sa stratégie et de sa vocation à réunir des états très disparates. Il est malade de sa vocation à résoudre tous les problèmes qui préoccupent la société internationale, profondément changée depuis 1945. Une crise de confiance aiguë s'est répercutée sur ses structures et sur son fonctionnement. Cette maladie semble devenir de plus en plus irréversible et les multiples efforts entrepris jusqu'ici afin de le renflouer et de le redynamiser se sont avérés vains. Ni la coordination et la coopération inter organisations, ni la restructuration des secteurs clefs de la vie du système n'ont été suivis d'effets. La raison en est simple : les états ne semblent pas attacher un intérêt particulier quant au bon fonctionnement du système. La crise financière, et partant institutionnelle, est devenue l'arme à travers laquelle tous les états, et particulièrement les gros bailleurs de fonds, manifestent leur mécontentement à propos des orientations suivies par les organisations et leur hostilité au contenu des programmes adoptés au début de chaque exercice financier. Face à cette situation, le système des Nations-Unies est désarmé. Il ne peut que contribuer, tant bien que mal, à apaiser les tensions et donc à ramener la confiance des états autour de ce qui constituait en 1945 l' "idéal commun".
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Abouali, Said. "Les Nations Unies et la crise du Golfe." Toulouse 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994TOU10041.
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Une thèse traite le rôle de l’ONU et en particulier du conseil de sécurité dans la gestion de la crise. Elle est divisée en deux grandes parties et introduite par une partie préliminaire qui place la crise dans son contexte historique, politique et stratégique. Elle s’attarde particulièrement sur les origines de la crise et sur les raisons de l'échec d'une solution pacifique régionale. La première partie de cette recherche à l'évolution de la conduite de la crise dans la phase précédant le recours à la force. Elle est en deux titres : le premier est consacré à la position fondatrice du conseil en réponse à l'invasion du Koweït, et cela au double plan théorique (dispositions transitoires) et pratique (sanctions économiques). Le deuxième traite de la manière dont le conseil s'est comporté face à l'évaluation de la crise : l'annexion, les chanceliers étrangers, l'affaire des otages et les tentations de modification de la structure démographique du Koweït. La deuxième partie de la recherche est consacrée de la crise à la lumière de l'éventualité du recours à la force armée en deux titres : le premier montre comment la logique de guerre s'est imposée à la lumière des résolutions de conseil et les pressions qui ont été exercées pour faire échouer les incitatives de paix. Le deuxième traite la résolution qui autorise le recours à la force au plan politique et juridique : les préparatifs américains précédant l'adoption de résolution, les précédents historiques, le contenu de cette résolution, les fondements juridiques et les différents points de vueIts is a thesis which includes two main parts dealing with the role of UN and in particular, its security council, in accordance with occurrences, development and chronological order, reaching the point in which the security council concedes amandate to the international alliance forces leaded by the united states, to use tue force in order to oblige Irak to withdraw from edat. The introduction of this work deals with the crisis from the view of its political, historical and strategically framework : the reasons of the crisis and failure to reach a peaceful settlement. The first past includes the development of the administration of the crisis in the stage of the deliberations which not need use of military force: the temporal measures, the system of economic sanctions, the issue of annexation of Kuwait and the Iraqi practices against the citizens of third countries. The second includes the administration of the crisis the light of the possibility of using the force how the approach of using the force is prevailing since the beginning of administration of the crisis and the historical resolution which admits the use of force from two aspects : political and legal
4
Elecho, Kolawolé. "Biyi Bandele : crise sociale et contestation politique au Nigeria." Thesis, Cergy-Pontoise, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011CERG0537/document.
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Biyi Bandele est un écrivain d'origine nigériane dont l'œuvre novatrice et très riche reste encore peu connue du milieu universitaire en France. Aucune étude de grande ampleur n'a encore été consacrée à sa production et le présent travail essaie de combler ce grand vide. Cette étude qui s'appuie principalement sur les quatre romans de l'auteur a pour objectif de montrer que Biyi Bandele est un romancier carnavalesque et que tout son effort consiste à s'interroger sur les conditions de vie de ses concitoyens nigérians, la nature du pouvoir politique et ses modes d'exercice et les raisons pour lesquelles la construction d'une vraie nation semble impossible au Nigeria tant d'années après l'indépendance. A travers ces diverses interrogations, Biyi Bandele peint surtout un pays dont l'état de déconfiture et d'anomie est tel qu'il semble inconcevable d'en rendre compte avec les moyens traditionnels du roman réaliste européen. Mais grâce à son exceptionnel talent de conteur, Biyi Bandele réussit à nous faire prendre conscience de cette réalité grâce à une langue riche, et un nouvel art de conter inspiré des traditions yoruba et d'autres éléments de la culture populaire nigérianeBiyi Bandele is a Nigerian writer whose innovative and very rich writings are still little known by academics in France. No large-scale study has been devoted to his writings yet, and this work tries to make up for this gap. This study which is mainly based on the four novels written by Biyi Bandele aims at showing that he is a Carnivalesque novelist and that all of his effort consists in raising questions about the living conditions of his fellow countrymen, the nature of political power and its functioning, and the reasons why nation-building seems impossible in Nigeria so many years after independence . Through these different questions, Biyi Bandele mainly portrays a country in shambles, in such a state of anomy that one can no longer rely on the means of the Europen realist novel to render its situation. But thanks to his exceptional talent as a storyteller, Biyi Bandele manages to make us become aware of this reality by inventing a rich language and a new way of telling story inspired by yoruba traditions and other elements of Nigerian popular culture
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Álvarez, Falcón César Augusto. "Crise et décomposition de l'Etat-Nation dans les pays andins, le cas du Pérou, 1980-1993 : globalisation, pauvreté et crise de gouvernabilité." Paris 3, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998PA030146.
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La recherche de comprehension des problemes, nous amene a affirmer qu'au perou, pendant la periode 1980-1993, les problemes historiques structuraux n'ont fait que s'accumuler et ont fini par convertir le pays en une nation en formation, injuste, desequilibree et subordonnee (nefides). A ces caracteristiques il faut ajouter-a partir des annees quatre-vingts. La destrucration de l'etat en tant qu'institution. La recherche de reponses nous ameneront a trouver la logique d'un modele tragique d'accumulation et d'exclusion (motae) au sein de la societe peruvienne. La logique de ce modele est de donner la premiere priorite a la gestion (sans efficacite) de deux contraintes externes qui grevent en grande partie les ressources de l'etat. Ces contraintes sont de caractere geopolitique et economique. La geopolitique vient des revendications et des actions de l'etat qui se trouve a la frontiere nord du perou, l'equateur, et qui engendre dans les deux pays une course a l'armements permanent. Ces depenses militaires signifient pour l'etat peruvien de laisser de cote certains projets de production et d'interets sociaux. D'un autre cote, le probleme de la dette exterieure oblige les peruviens, pour ne pas etre mis a l'ecart du systeme economique international, a payer des interets et a accepter des conditions qui, d'une part, reduisent la disponibilite des ressources necessaires au developpement interieur et donc, compromettent l'avenir des futurs generations. La logique du modele devient tragique pour la nation quand au solde des ressources disponibles se produit une deuxieme priorite qui sert toujours a privilegier la capitale lima sur le reste du pays. Ces decisions aggravent le probleme de l'hyperconcentration de la capitale et contribuent a accentuer les desequilibres et les inegalites dans l'etat et la nationThe search for understanding brings us to maintain that in peru, during the period 1980-1993, the historical structural problems only accumulated and finished by changing the country into a nation that was disorganised, unjust, unbalanced and subordinate (nifius). One may add to these characteristics, starting in the 1980s, the destruction of the state as an institution. The search for answers leads us to discover the logic of a tragic model of accumulation and exclusion (detae) in the heart of peruvian society. The logic of this design is to give priority to the (inefficient) management of two external constraints which put a strain on a great part of the resources of the state. These constraints are of a geopolitical and economical character. The geopolitical concern comes from the claims and actions of the state which is situated to the north of peru, i. E. Ecuador, and which give rise in two countries to a permanent arms race. These military expenses mean that the peruvian state must leave aside some production projects and social interests. On the other hand, the problem of the external debt forces peruvians, so as not to be isolated from the international system, to pay interest and accept some conditions which reduce the availability of the resources necessary to interior development and so compromise the future of the coming generations. The logic of the design becomes tragic for the nation's available resources when added to this, the capital, lima, is privileged over the rest of the country. These decisions increase the problem of excessive concentration within the capital and contribute towards the imbalance and inequality in the state and the nation
6
Ahmet, Baringaye Akilou. "La crise des organisations internationales : le cas du système des Nations Unies." Poitiers, 1991. http://www.theses.fr/1991POIT3006.
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Depuis plus d'une decennie (ouverte par le premier choc petrolier et les revendications tiers-mondistes en vue d'un "nouvel ordre" mondial), les organisations internationales en general, celles du systeme des nations unies en particulier, traversent l'une des crises les plus spectaculaires de leur histoire. Tous les etats membres sont d'accord, a quelques nuances pres, sur l'existence de la crise du systeme des nations unies, son constat, son diagnostic meme s'ils divergent sur sa nature, ses causes sa gravite et ses remedes. Mais au-dela de la perception que les differents groupes d'etats ont du phenomene, la crise du systeme des nations unies resulte en fait de l'evolution naturelle du systeme depuis 1945 d'une part et de la conflictualisation exacerbee des enjeux de la cooperation multilaterale d'autre part. Elle s'est traduite par un dysfonctionnement du systeme que revelent sa "politisation" excessive, sa derive institutionnelle et bureaucratique et ses graves difficultes juridiques et financieres. Pour y remedier, plusieurs therapeutiques ont ete proposees plusieurs plans de reforme ont ete elabores. Quels sont la portee reelle, l'avenir, l'efficacite et les chances de succes de ces differents plans de reforme. .For more than a decade (starting with the first oil shook and the claiming of the third world in order to get a "new world order"), the international organizations in general, the one of the united nations in particular, are going through one of worst crisis in their history. All the member states agree, except for some details, on the existence of a crisis in the united nations system, its report, its diagnosis even if they differ on its nature, its causes, its seriouness and its cures. But beyond the perception that all the states representatives have of the phenomenon, the crisis of the united nations system actually results on the one hand, from the natural evolution of the system since 1945, and on the other hand, from the exacerbated conflictualisation of the stakes of multilateral cooperation. It has been conveyed by a disfunctioning of the system and has been revealed by its excessive "politicization", its institutionnal ans bureaucratic drifting and its bad legal and financial hardship. To find a cure, several treatments have been suggested,. .
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Martel, Érik. "L'espace mondial en renfort Transnationalisation des luttes autochtones: Les Cris du Québec et les Lubicons de l'Alberta." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/27885.
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Cette étude traite du phénomène de la transnationalisation des luttes autochtones et tout particulièrement des relations créées entre peuples autochtones et diverses organisations dans un contexte de lutte menée contre un État. L'intérêt central de cette recherche vise à participer aux réflexions concernant la création de relations transnationales et l'utilisation d'outils transnationaux permettant une modification des rapports de force entre peuples autochtones et États. L'étude expose principalement les récits analytiques de deux luttes autochtones, soit celles menées par les Cris du Québec contre l'érection d'un barrage hydroélectrique sur la rivière Grande-Baleine et par les Lubicons de l'Alberta pour obtenir la reconnaissance et le respect de leur territoire. Dans les deux cas, ces peuples autochtones ont su transposer leur lutte du territoire national à l'espace transnational, dans l'intention d'exercer une pression sur les gouvernements pour les contraindre à modifier leurs positions.
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Traoré, Yaya. "La problématique de la gouvernance politique en Afrique : sociogenèse et enjeux de la crise de l'Etat-Nation en Côte d'ivoire." Thesis, Paris 2, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA020093/document.
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Cette thèse porte sur la crise ivoirienne dans ce qu’elle décline de pluralité étiologique, de complexité dimensionnelle mais également d’intérêt épistémologique et heuristique en raison des pistes analytiques qu’elle ouvre et permet. Elle enracine la crise dans le « sol des fondations » développementalistes et du diffusionnisme des modèles étatiques à l’épreuve de la donne endogène. L’Houphouëtisme, conception pragmatiste du pouvoir, structure en grande partie la trajectoire ivoirienne postcoloniale marquée par le double cycle de la stabilité et de l’implosion crisogène. La crise structurelle de l’État-nation ivoirien a un complexe étiologique pluriel (économique, social, foncier, migratoire, politique, biopolitique). La faillite du modèle agro-exportateur a servi de terreau fertile à la triple crise socio- économique, politique et militaire. La phénoménologie belligène puise, en réalité, dans des causes lointaines et structurelles. Manipulant l’autochtonie et la différence ethnique à des fins politiciennes, les entrepreneurs politiques ivoiriens semblent avoir choisi le pouvoir au détriment de la nation. L’ivoirité, en tant qu’idéologie d’exclusion, est, en réalité, un outil biopolitique au service de la préservation tant du pouvoir que de l’hégémonie politique. Elle symbolise autant la déhouphouëtisation que la rupture du consensus social. Autant l’ethnie n’est pas, selon nous, une momie autant l’ivoirité ne constitue point ici un disque dur étiologique. Plus profondes et structurelles, les causes de la crise ivoirienne s’enracinent tant dans la généalogie que dans la trajectoire de l’État-nation à la construction inachevée. Renversant le paradigme marxiste, nous donnons ici le primat au politique sur l’économique dans une réalité ivoirienne marquée par la double faiblesse du secteur privé et de la société civile, conférant à la sphère étatique et son immense manne une importance néopatrimoniale. La rébellion et le recours aux armes comme moyens concurrentiels dans la conquête du pouvoir et la partition consacrent la fracture de l’État-nation, aggravée par la crise post électorale de 2010/2011. La prégnance des enjeux politiques n’empêche point de recourir à l’interparadigmité ainsi qu’à la bénéfique connexion des sciences pour un éclairage politologique, et au-delà, une exploration de ce champ épistémique que constitue la Côte d’Ivoire « dans » et « avec » le MondeThis thesis focuses on the Ivorian crisis in what it holds in terms of etiological dimensional complexity but also of epistemological and heuristic interest because of the analytical ideas it opens and allows. It roots the crisis in the "rockbottom" of developmentalist theories and the diffusionism of state models resistant to endogenous data. Houphouëtism, a pragmatist conception of power, structures most of the Ivorian postcolonial trajectory marked by the dual cycle of stability and crisogenic implosion. A structural crisis of the Ivorian nation-state with a manifold etiologic complex (economic, social, land use, migration, politics, biopolitics). The failure of an agricultural export model fed the threefold crisis: socio-economic, political and military. The phenomenology generating war goes back, in fact, to structural and remote causes. Manipulating indigenism (autochthonous) and ethnic differences for political ends, Ivorian political “entrepreneurs” seem to have opted for power at the expense of the nation. Ivoreanity, as an ideology of exclusion, is in reality a biopolitical tool at the service of retaining power as well as political dominance. It symbolizes the dehouphouëtization as well as the break up of social consensus. Neither is ethnicity, in our opinion, a mummy, nor is Ivoreanity here an etiological hard drive. Deeper and more structural, the causes of the Ivorian crisis are rooted as much in the genealogy as in the trajectory of the nation-state whose construction is still unfinished. Reversing the Marxist paradigm, here we give primacy to the political over the economic in an Ivorian reality marked by a double weakness of private sector and civil society, giving the state sphere and its immense manna a neo-patrimonial importance. Rebellion and the use of weapons as a means to compete in the conquest of power and partition emphasize the collapse of the nation-state, aggravated by post-election crisis of 2010/2011. The salience of political issues does not prevent resorting to interparadigmity and the beneficial connection of science to political science insights, and Beyond, an exploration of this epistemic field that is Côte d'Ivoire "in" and "with" the World
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Corbellini, Mariana Dalalana. "Haiti : da crise à MINUSTAH." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/17674.
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O presente trabalho tem por objetivo apresentar as mudanças políticas, sociais e econômicas ocorridas no Haiti entre os anos de 2004 e 2008, desde o estabelecimento de uma operação de manutenção da paz da Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) no país. Para que os efeitos da Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas no Haiti (MINUSTAH), como é chamada tal operação, sejam conhecidos, uma análise bibliográfica é realizada. A ela, soma-se a análise de documentos e informações - estes, por sua vez, recolhidos através de trabalho de campo realizado durante viagem de estudos da pesquisadora ao Haiti. O trabalho apresenta, em um primeiro momento, um panorama da situação haitiana, com vistas à construção de um aporte teórico que possibilite o estudo do caso. Tendo a debilidade estatal como variável explicativa da crise social, econômica e política instaurada no Haiti no ano 2000 - crise esta que embasa a intervenção internacional - o processo de construção do Estado haitiano e a interação entre poder, autoritarismo e cultura da força são abordados. O intuito é demonstrar como essas variáveis se combinam, dando origem à crise e colocando-se como obstáculos à sua resolução. Em um segundo momento, são estudadas as operações de manutenção da paz da ONU como um todo. A ênfase é dada às operações ocorridas no período pós Guerra Fria, devido a seu caráter multidisciplinar, do qual a MINUSTAH é representante. Neste ponto, são analisados os desafios impostos pelas mudanças ocorridas no mecanismo, com vistas à sua equiparação posterior ao caso haitiano. Por fim, em um terceiro momento, a Missão de Estabilização das Nações Unidas é estudada em maior profundidade; determinando-se seus antecedentes e condicionantes, para que, em seguida, sua atuação durante os primeiros quatro anos seja analisada. Através deste trabalho, é possível perceber a importância da presença da MINUSTAH em território haitiano. A missão teve, de fato, papel relevante para o alcance e a manutenção de um ambiente estável e seguro no país, além de ter proporcionado oportunidades de diálogo político entre as partes conflitantes. No entanto, muitos ainda são os obstáculos que se impõem ao sucesso da missão, não apenas nos quesitos securitários e políticos, mas principalmente no que diz respeito aos desafios sociais e econômicos impostos ao Haiti.The present study seeks to present the political, social and economical changes in course in Haiti between the years 2004 and 2008, since the establishment of a United Nations (UN) peacekeeping operation in the country. In order to show the effects of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH), as the mission is called, a bibliographical analysis is carried out. To it, it is added an analysis of documents and information - these, in their turn, gathered through a work in the field carried out during a study trip of the researcher to Haiti. The study presents, at a first moment, a view of the Haitian situation, in order to construct a theoretical approach that makes the study of the case possible. Considering the state weakness as an explicative variable of the social, economical and political crisis set up in the country in the year 2000 - a crisis that serves as a basis to the international intervention - the process of construction of the Haitian state and the interaction between power, authoritarianism and culture of force are brought to study. The objective is to demonstrate how these variables go together, originating the crisis and becoming obstacles to its resolution. At a second moment, the UN peacekeeping operations are studied as a whole. The emphasis is given to the operations that are carried out during the post-Cold War period, due to its multidisciplinary character, of which MINUSTAH is representative. At this moment, the challenges imposed by the changes in the mechanism are studied, in order to subsequently equate them to the Haitian case. Finally, at a third moment, the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti is deeply analyzed; its records and restrictions are determined, so that its actions in the field during the first four years can be analyzed next. Through this study, it is possible to understand the importance of the presence of MINUSTAH in the Haitian territory. The mission had, in fact, a relevant role in reaching and maintaining a stable and secure environment in the country, besides having provided opportunities of political dialogue between the conflicting parts. However, there are still many obstacles to the success of the mission, not only to security and politics aspects, but specially to the social and economic challenges imposed to Haiti.
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Rengifo, Carpio David Carlos. "Le théâtre historique et la construction de la nation : essor, crise et résurgence : Lima 1848-1924." Thesis, Rennes 2, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018REN20057/document.
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Cette thèse analyse le rôle du théâtre historique dans le processus de construction de la nation au Pérou entre la moitié du XIXe siècle et le début du XXe siècle. Elle propose l’étude des dynamiques du théâtre historique, de son développement dans la société péruvienne comme expression du développement de ce processus de construction nationale. La période étudiée est d'une complexité particulière pour le Pérou et décisive pour comprendre les difficultés de la construction de la nation et de l'identité nationale. La thèse privilégie Lima, la capitale, et souhaite démontrer que les drames historiques de cette période- représentés ou non- révélaient une image du passé – imaginaire ou non - qui exprimait les aspirations nationales ou les idéaux des classes moyennes ou des élites du pays. Il s’agissait pour la plupart de libéraux, secteur auquel appartenait la majorité des dramaturges et du public. La thèse souhaite démontrer aussi que le théâtre historique n’a pu pleinement se développer que dans les jointures d'enthousiasme nationaliste et dans un contexte d’optimisme à l’égard du présent et de l’avenir du pays que pouvaient avoir les élites péruviennesThis doctoral dissertation explores the role that historical theatre played in the process of nation-building in Peru between the mid-nineteenth and the early twentieth centuries. Local theatre’s dynamics mirrored the development of nation-building in this country. The period under study is of particular complexity in Peruvian history, and it allows us to understand the difficulties arising between the construction of the nation and the development of a Peruvian national identity. This research focuses on Lima, Peru’s capital city. It demonstrates that the historical dramas written in this period, even when not all of them were set on stage, sometimes conveyed a realistic image of the past whereas other times that representation was fictitious. These plays expressed the middle and/or upper classes’ national aspirations and ideals. Most play writers and the audiences that attended the plays belonged to the middle and/or upper classes and considered themselves as liberals. This dissertation also argues that Peruvian historical theatre only evolved in circumstances in which the local elites were filled by nationalist enthusiasm and optimism about Peru’s contemporary present and future
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Berzin, Marion. "Bruxelles et la crise de l'État-nation belge : de la ville-capitale à la métropole en réseau." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BOR30010.
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Les ressorts d’une crise de l’État-nation belge sont avant tout analysés comme la montée croissante des mouvements nationalistes, régionalistes flamands et wallons (Witte, 2011 ; Bitsch, 2004) Ici, la crise s’inscrit prioritairement dans une logique de fragmentation territoriale. D’un État-nation unitaire, centralisé et francophone, la Belgique est devenue officiellement au cours du XX e siècle un État fédéral, composé de trois Régions (Wallonie, Flandre, Bruxelles-Capitale) et de trois Communautés (Française, Flamande et Germanophone). Cette progressive fragmentation de l’État-nation territorial belge s’est doublée d’une logique de confrontation entre deux groupes politiques et identitaires : les Flamands (néerlandophones) et les Wallons (francophones). Dans cette logique de confrontation, c’est la capitale belge, Bruxelles, qui apparaît comme le terrain de jeu conflictuel et l’enjeu territorial entre Flamands et Francophones. Appréhender la crise de l’État-nation belge au prisme de l’enjeu territorial bruxellois nourrit la démarche d’ensemble de cette thèse. L’origine grecque du concept de crise, krisis, fournit des éléments d’analyse essentiels afin de dépasser une approche de l’ébranlement de l’État-nation centrée sur les effets et les situations de blocage. Le concept de crise met en œuvre le couple conceptuel de aporie/poros/kairos. Le poros signifie le passage, l’issue, le chemin. A contrario, l’aporie désigne des situations de blocage et l’absence d’issue. L’aporie, les situations de blocages de l’État-nation belge se matérialisant à Bruxelles, révèlent le paradoxe sur lequel se sont construits les États-nations territoriaux. Dans ce contexte, l’introduction du kairos – l’opportunité - dans cette situation d’aporie se réfère à l’émergence d’un paradigme concurrent au nationalisme méthodologique : le cosmopolitisme méthodologique. Celui-ci se nourrit de l’affirmation et de la reconnaissance de différents mécanismes globaux et urbains, distillant de la diversité au sein des sociétés, se jouant ainsi des paradigmes et des constructions nationales reconnues ou en devenir. Dans cette perspective, cette thèse étudie l’émergence de mouvements urbains comme porteurs de ce cosmopolitisme méthodologique dans un ensemble de pratiques politiques, sociales et spatiales. Plus spécifiquement, cette recherche porte sur le mouvement bruxellois, regroupant aujourd’hui une partie de la société civile et des partis politiques à Bruxelles, et dont l’objectif est de proposer une alternative à la montée croissante des nationalismes en Belgique, mis en concurrence au sein de l’espace bruxelloisThis work analyzes the patterns of the crisis of the Belgian Nation-state and its territorial fragmentation in the light of the rise of nationalist movements (Witte, 2011 ; Bitsch, 2004). From a centralized, French-speaking and unitary Nation-State, Belgium became, during the 20th century, a federal state. The Belgian federal state gathers three Regions (Wallonia, Flanders, Brussels Capital-Region) and three Communities (French-speaking, Flemish and German-Speaking). This progressive territorial fragmentation was coupled with a confrontation between political groups with strong identity claims: the Flemish (Dutch speaking) and Walloon (French speaking). Amidst this confrontation Brussels appears as a conflicting territorial issue between the Flemish and the French-Speaking Community. This work aims precisely to understand the crisis of the Belgian Nation-State through the role of and issues at stake with Brussels. The Greek origin of the concept of crisis, krisis, provides cornerstone elements to overcome an approach centered on the nation-state ‘blocking effects’. The relations among aporia/kairos/poros structure the concept of krisis. The poros means the outcome, the way out. In contrast, aporia reflects a deadlock situation and the lack of solutions. In the context of our study, the introduction of kairos – i.e. opportunity – refers to the emergence of a methodological cosmopolitan paradigm (Beck, 2003). It refers to the affirmation and recognition of urban and global mechanisms, distilling diversity within societies. In this perspective, this thesis focuses on the emergence of urban movements who are supporting methodological cosmopolitanism in a set of political, social and spatial practices. More specifically, it researches how the Brussels’ urban movement brings together the civil society and political parties to offer an alternative to the increasing rise of nationalism in Belgium
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Quattrocchi-Woisson, Diana. "La querelle historiographique en Argentine, quête d'identité pour une nation en crise : histoire et politique, 1916-1955." Paris 7, 1989. http://www.theses.fr/1989PA070089.
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Histoire d'un debat qui traverse le vingtieme siecle argentin et qui concerne la figure et le gouvernement de juan manuel de rosas (1793-1877). Role central de l'histoire dans la constitution de l'identite nationale argentine et du peronisme. Etude et analyse de la naissance et de l'evolution d'un mouvement de contre-histoire militante connu en argentine sous le nom de "revisionnisme historique. Entre la memoire et l'historiographie, entre l'histoire et la politique, l'objet-rosas offre un miroir ou vont se refleter les contradictions les plus flagrantes de la societe argentine. Premiere partie : une double naissance, 1916-1930 : a partir de l'instauration du suffrage universel et de la nouvelle legitimite politique yrigoyeniste, le debat sur rosas quitte le cabinet de l'historien pour se situer sur la place publique. Des le depart deux sources d'inspiration alimentent la revendication de la figure de rosas, l'une de caractere populaire, l'autre de caractere elitiste. La double inspiration droite gauche ne quittera jamais le phenomene revisionniste et sera a la base de sa grande vitalite. Deuxieme partie : du divorce a la repudiation, 1934-1943. Le revisionnisme se constitue en mouvement d'opposition farouche a l'histoire officielle. Un groupe tres particulier d'intellectuels nationalistes s'empare de l'objet rosas pour creer une contre-academie d'histoire : l'"institut de recherches historiques juan manuel de rosas". Troisieme partie : un mariage de raison, 1943-1955. .History of a debate going through the twentieth century which concern the person and the government of juan manuel de rosas. The history plays a prominent part in the formation of the national argentinian identity and peronist identity. Study and analysis of the birth and evolution of a movement of the militant counter-history, known in argentine under the name of historical revisionism. Beetwen the memory and the historiographic, between the history and politics, rosas's problem offers a mirror where the most flagrant contradictions of argentinian society reflects. First part : a double birth, 1916-1930 : whit the establishement of the universal suffrage and the new political legitimacy (the yrigoyenism) the discussion about rosas leaves the historien's room to be placed on the public place. A the very beginning two inspiration's sources feed the claims of rosas figure, one of the popular character and the other elitiste. Second part : from divorce to repudiation, 1934-1943 : the revisionism builds up in the fierce opposition movement to the official history. A very particular group of the nationalist intelectuals uses rosas historical figure to create a counter-academic of history : the "institut of historical researches juan manuel de rosas". The revisionist mouvement was a meeting place for both left and right young anti-liberals. Fighting "english imperialism" was their leitmotiv. .
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Cowing, Jessica. "Settler States Of Ability: Assimilation, Incarceration, And Native Women's Crip Interventions." W&M ScholarWorks, 2020. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1616444427.
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Titled Settler States of Ability: Assimilation, Incarceration, and Native Women’s Crip Interventions, my dissertation examines narratives of Native women and youth incarcerated in federal institutions such as boarding schools and psychiatric facilities in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Native women and youth have been subject to forms of assimilation that assert gender conformity and ablebodiedness/ablemindedness as qualifications for inclusion in U.S. national life. Nevertheless, they were and have remained key narrators of Native/Indigenous cultural histories and the long-term effects of historic and ongoing colonization and incarceration. Each chapter focuses on a particular historical moment in which narratives—memoir, literature, congressional testimony, and archival records—critique settler techniques of gender assimilation that have historically relied on ableism, a system of oppression that targets disabled people. For example, Native women and youth have long been at the forefront of health and environmental activism. Throughout 2016 Native women and youth led the opposition to the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL). Considering the centrality of their activism, this project examines how the federal government has long recognized Native women and youths’ political power. The Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) targeted them as the primary subjects of assimilation projects intended to mold ablebodied/ableminded, healthy, productive, and gender conforming subjects beginning with sites of homemaking and domesticity. In other words, understanding the significance of Native/Indigenous health and environmental activism requires uncovering the ways in which the settler state has historically undermined Native/Indigenous political agency. My dissertation traces how this biopolitical management of Native/Indigenous life, or what I call processes of settler ableism, targets Native women and youth in different ways and in multiple time periods. To tell the story of Native women and youths’ rhetorical resistance to ableist gender assimilation methods, I analyze and do close readings of nineteenth-century American literature, Native/Indigenous memoir, congressional testimony, and archival records. I foreground this study of assimilation tactics with Native/Indigenous scholarship on settler colonialism, a framework for recognizing that Indigenous tribal nations predate the formation of the United States. Additionally, I draw on critical disability theory to examine state institutions as spaces and contexts for enforcing Native/Indigenous assimilation as an embodied process, and settler cultures and political forms, such as heteronormative nuclear family structures. I argue that Native narratives of colonization and incarceration critique federal modes of assimilation such as the boarding school system and contest historical arguments that Native women and youth required rigorous training in order to embody industrious forms of settler domesticity.
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Pozzo, Di Borgo Frédéric. "L'instrumentalisation de l'ONU par les Etats-Unis lors de la crise Iraquienne." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LYO30038/document.
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Le 12 septembre 2002, George Bush profitait d'un discours devant l'Assemblée Générale de l'ONU pour saisir le Conseil de Sécurité et exposer à la communauté internationale ses griefs à l'encontre de Saddam Hussein et de ses armes de destruction massive. Dictée par des impératifs électoraux, cette saisine de l'ONU s'était imposée à la Maison Blanche en raison de l'échec de la propagande néo-conservatrice à convaincre l'opinion publique de la nécessité d'une guerre en Iraq. Celle-ci devant donner corps au concept de « guerre contre le terrorisme » de la future campagne présidentielle, la Maison Blanche avait décidé de s'appuyer sur la crédibilité et la légitimité de l'ONU, pour relancer la propagande et travestir une guerre illégale en un acte de légitime défense, en tenant secret la décision de la guerre.La communauté internationale ne fut ni dupe ni complice de cette supercherie, mais le poids de la relation transatlantique interdit au Royaume-Uni de se désolidariser de l'Amérique et à la France d'user de son droit de veto contre ses alliés. Ces contradictions expliqueront la crise du Conseil de Sécurité de 2003, où, en désaccord, les gouvernants du bloc occidental s’affrontèrent sur la nécessité d’une seconde résolution autorisant la guerre. Cette crise ne fut sans conséquence, ni pour l'administration Bush, ni pour la communauté internationale, et encore moins pour l'ONU, puisqu'une fois enlisés en Iraq, les États-Unis obtiendront du Conseil de Sécurité plusieurs résolutions, sans reconsidérer leur unilatéralisme. Mise en porte à faux, l'Organisation internationale sera prise pour cible et son quartier général en Iraq détruit. Le chaos succédant à la guerre, l'administration néo-conservatrice sera finalement contrainte, sous la pression électorale, d'abandonner son unilatéralisme et de céder à l'ONU la résolution politique du conflitOn September 12, 2002, George Bush during a speech at the United Nations General Assembly seized the opportunity to submit the Security Council and expose to the International Community his worries concerning Saddam Hussein and his weapons of mass destruction. Dictated by election requirements, referring to the United Nations was imposed on the White House because of failing neo-conservative propaganda convincing the public opinion of need for war in Iraq. This was supposed to give body to the upcoming presidential campaign’s concept of “war against terrorism”, the White House had decided to lean on the United Nations credibility and legitimacy to re-launch propaganda and disguise an illegal war into an act of self defence, by keeping the decision of war secret.The International Community was not fooled by or accomplice of this trick, but the weight of the trans-Atlantic relationship forbade the United Kingdom to set itself apart from the United States and for France to use its right to veto against its allies. These contradictions explain the 2003 Security Council crisis, where, by disagreeing the western governments faced one another on the necessity of a second resolution authorizing war.This crisis was not without consequences, for Bush’s administration or for the International Community and even so for the United Nations, since being stuck in Iraq, the United States obtained several resolutions from the Security Council without questioning their unilateralism. Being in an awkward position, the International Organisation was targeted and its headquarters in Iraq destroyed. In the chaos in the aftermath of the war, the neo-conservative administration was obliged, under electoral pressure, to give up its unilateral attitude, and let the Unieted Nations politically resolve the conflict
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Damacena, Carlos Luiz. "O ESTADO-NAÇÃO E A CRISE DA UNIÃO EUROPEIA." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Goiás, 2014. http://localhost:8080/tede/handle/tede/2703.
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Previous issue date: 2014-10-02This dissertation analyses the mismaches of the European Integration process, after the rejection of the first Constitucional Treaty in 2009 by the French and Dutch electorates, interrupting a constitutional process of political union, which was happenning then. We base on the theoretical approach of Postfuncionalism, which considers classical schools, as Neofunctionalism and Liberal Intergovernamentalism, unable to respond to the new facts that are happening in the European Union, as well as their questionings. The subject leads to a discussion about the deepening of the economic block in the direction of a political union, which has been led by elections and referendums,besides the mobilization of public opinion and political parties, showing that the crisis in the regional integration is caused not only by economic problems, but also by political ones, caused by the absence of an European identity. In this debate, the elaboration of an European demos, in confrontation with national identities, constitutes a critical contestatory ingredient in Europe.
Esta dissertação analisa os descompassos ocorridos no processo de integração europeia, após a rejeição do Primeiro Tratado Constitucional em 2005 pelos eleitores da França e da Holanda, interrompendo o processo constitucional para uma União Política então em curso. Tem-se como embasamento a abordagem teórica do pós-funcionalismo, que considera escolas clássicas, como o Neofuncionalismo e o Intergovernamentalismo Liberal, incapazes de responder aos questionamentos dos novos fatos que têm ocorrido na União Europeia. O tema leva à discussão a respeito do aprofundamento do bloco econômico em direção a uma união política que tem sido conduzida por eleições e referendos, além da mobilização da opinião pública e dos partidos políticos, apontando que a crise na integração regional é provocada não somente por problemas econômicos, mas também políticos, devido à ausência de uma identidade europeia. Nesse debate, a elaboração de um demos europeu, em confronto com a identidade nacional, manifesta-se como crítico ingrediente contestatório na Europa.
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De, Souza Jakeline. "Yepá bahuari Mahsô cria o mundo e a antropologia." Florianópolis, SC, 2011. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/95195.
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Tese (doutotado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-Graduação em Antropologia Social, Florianópolis, 2011Made available in DSpace on 2012-10-25T22:01:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 294215.pdf: 18491182 bytes, checksum: a7a489d69233a0fb74b8fdb9dc9f1ad0 (MD5)
Esta é uma etnografia das negociações entre uma antropóloga e nativos para a realização de uma pesquisa. Apresento, portanto, a interdependência entre produção de conhecimento e relações sociais a partir da análise nativa das estratégias antropológicas para a produção de conhecimento enquanto produção de relações sociais, em suas dimensões locais e internacionais. Para conduzir a antropóloga a esta análise, os nativos apresentam suas cosmologias e práticas de pajés e do Candomblé Cruzado com Umbanda; apresentam também relatos do processo migratório Tukanoan do Alto Rio Negro à Manaus, processo esse que se entrelaça às trajetórias dos afro-religiosos, indígenas e nãoindígenas. Essas cosmologias, práticas de Pajés e do Candomblé, somadas a suas trajetórias, orientam as negociações em pesquisa e apresentam os interesses nativos para as relações entre pesquisados e pesquisadora. Esses interesses indicam pressupostos constitutivos de uma socialidade nativa atualizada aos, também novos, contextos sociais e antropológicos implicados em estratégias para a produção de um conhecimento que mude o mundo da antropologia, ou seja, as relações entre sujeito e objeto de conhecimento, enquanto categorias que reificam espaços sociais para nativos e antropólogas/os. As mulheres aparecem como elo de ligação entre identidades exogâmicas, como a criadora primordial, YePá Bahuari-Mahsõ, numa posição central para a criação do mundo. E o mundo a ser criado deve ter homens nascidos em corpos de mulheres e mulheres nascidas em corpos de homens. Das transformações históricas e sociais que definem os rumos da propriedade e autoridade para os conhecimentos tradicionais, conforme prescrito pela Legislação Brasileira, somadas aos também novos contextos reflexivos emergentes no debate antropológico, rui o muro entre sujeito e objeto do conhecimento como relação social assimétrica historicamente enraizada; e do campo etnográfico emerge uma proposta para as relações produtoras de conhecimento em antropologia. Objetivamente falando, os nativos exigem a mudança nas regras do jogo antropológico.
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Pivnička, Martin. "Uživatelské měřicí moduly pro platformu cRIO." Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Fakulta elektrotechniky a komunikačních technologií, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-221294.
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This thesis describes design and manufacture of measuring and communication modules for CompactRIO platform. In the first section is described platform from National Instrument suitable for measurement and control technology. There is written more fact about CompactRIO. The second part is focused on description of the hardware requirements needed to construct the module, communication and working modes. The third part describes information about support programs. At the end of third part is describes practical application of input digital card. Next section consists of practical proposal modules (input / output analog module, GPS modulu) and achievements.
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Justafort, Jean-Claude. "La crise d'Haïti de 1991 à 1994 : De la crise de la démocratie à la menace contre la paix et la sécurité régionales de la Caraïbe." Strasbourg, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011STRA4038.
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Cette thèse montre comment la transition démocratique souhaitée par le peuple haïtien après le 7 février 1986 a échoué, tandis qu'à la même époque, tous les pays latino-américains qui se sont engagés sur le chemin du processus de démocratisation ont réussi. Elle montre également comment le coup d'Etat du 30 septembre 1991, qualifié de «crise de la démocratie et des droits de l'Homme en Haïti » a fait l'objet d'un traitement particulier de la part de l'OEA et de l'ONU. En effet, les deux Organisations internationales ont accepté de coopérer en vue de résoudre la crise interne de démocratisation de manière pacifique, après une gestion autonome peu fructueuse de l’OEA. Il s'agit de montrer enfin, comment cette crise de politique intérieure, par la situation qu'elle a engendrée, s'est transformée en un enjeu stratégique et du même coup, est requalifiée en menace contre la paix et la sécurité internationales de la Caraïbe par le Conseil de sécurité. C'est ainsi que l'afflux de réfugiés haïtiens vers les Etats voisins, et la violation de l'Accord de Governors Island sont considérés comme une menace à la paix et à la sécurité de la région des Caraïbes. En réponse à cette situation, le Conseil de sécurité a autorisé une force multilatérale à mener une action coercitive en vue de restaurer l'ordre constitutionnel et de rétablir un climat de sécurité et de stabilité. Aujourd'hui encore, Haïti est toujours sous la supervision sécuritaire la Mission des Nations Unies pour la Stabilisation en Haïti (MINUSTAH)This thesis shows how the democratic transition sought by the Haitian people after 7 February 1986 failed, while all the Latin American countries that committed themselves to the path to democratisation in the same period succeeded. It also shows how the coup d’état of 30 September 1991, seen as a “crisis of democracy and human rights in Haiti”, was the subject of particular treatment by the OAS and the UN. The two international organisations agreed to co-operate with a view to resolving the internal crisis of democratisation in a peaceful way, following autonomous management by the OAS that had yielded scarce results. The final aim is to show how this internal political crisis transformed itself, through the situation that it engendered, into a strategic issue, and at the same time how the Security Council came to see it as a threat to international peace and security in the Caribbean. Thus was it that the flood of Haitian refugees towards neighbouring states and the violation of the Governors Island Agreement were considered a threat to the peace and security of the Caribbean region. In response to this situation, the Security Council authorised a multilateral force to undertake coercive action with a view to restoring constitutional order and re-establishing a climate of security and stability. Today, Haiti is still under the security supervision of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH)
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Vilela, Carolina Antunes Barata Pires. "A gestão de crises no quadro da NATO." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/6569.
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Tese de Mestrado em EstratégiaO trabalho de investigação que aqui se apresenta, procura analisar a evolução do conceito de Gestão de Crises no seio da NATO. Para fazer face às alterações securitárias, a NATO teve que se transformar, substituindo percepções securitárias por conceitos mais abrangentes de segurança. A Aliança Atlântica redefiniu-se, recolocando prioridades mas reafirmando as suas tarefas e valores. Fruto da redefinição do quadro securitário no pós-Guerra Fria e consequência de crises iniciadas junto à fronteira dos Aliados, a gestão de crises foi ganhando crescente importância no seio da Aliança. A adaptação desta aos novos desafios levou a uma série de transformações que foram sendo cristalizadas nos Conceitos Estratégicos adoptados. Neste contexto, procura-se analisar a evolução do domínio da gestão de crises no quadro NATO e a sua crescente centralidade, bem como procurar compreender a sua influência nas esferas interna e externa no quadro quer do policy-making quer do policy-taking. Para atingir tal desiderato, é analisada a contextualização de cada um dos documentos (nomeadamente os que contêm os Conceitos Estratégicos da NATO), com vista à compreensão das motivações e consequências das alterações no ambiente securitário. Neste sentido, procura-se traçar uma linha de evolução da importância da Gestão de Crises no seio da Aliança, desde a sua introdução no Conceito Estratégico de 1991, até à sua consagração com o estatuto de tarefa fundamental da Aliança, juntamente com o anúncio da criação de uma capacidade civil de gestão de crises, no Conceito Estratégico de 2010. É neste âmbito que se insere a introdução da gestão de crises nos Conceitos Estratégicos da NATO, sendo que nesta dissertação se procura salientar a sua relevância (num sentido amplo) e realçar (justificando) o facto de a gestão de crises ser uma das chaves principais de reinvenção da Aliança no século XXI.
The aim of this thesis is to analyze the evolution of the crisis management concept within NATO. To cope with the security changes, this thesis will emphasize how NATO transformed itself, replacing perceptions by broader concepts of security. Moreover this thesis will emphasize how the Atlantic Alliance redefined itself by placing priorities but reaffirming its values and tasks. Result of the redefinition of the security-framework in the post-Cold War and consequence of the triggered crisis by the border of the Allies, the thesis then identifies that crisis management has been gaining increasing importance within the Alliance. The adaptation of the Alliance to these challenges led to a series of transformations that were formalized in the Strategic Concepts. In this context, the thesis intends to analyze the evolution of the crisis management concept within NATO and its centrality, looking for the internal and external influence on the policy-making and policy-taking framework. To achieve this goal, the different Strategic Concepts contexts analyze were in order to understand the motivations and the consequences of some security changes. In this sense, this thesis intends to draw an evolution line of the crisis management importance within the Alliance since its introduction in the 1991 Strategic Concept, until its assumption as a fundamental task of the Alliance, along with the announcement of the creation of a civilian capacity for crisis management in the Strategic Concept of 2010. Lastly, this thesis intends to emphasize its relevance and highlight the idea that crisis management is a major key to the Alliance reinvention on the 21st Century.
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Hafiz, Maan. "La crise et la guerre du Golfe : questions soulevées par le droit international public." Tours, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1997TOUR1004.
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L'affaire du Golfe a posé beaucoup de questions d'ordre juridique touchant à la plupart des grands chapitres du Droit International Public (DIP). Les principaux concepts du DIP en matière du Droit des traités, de frontières et du règlement pacifique des différends sont abordés lors de l'analyse des origines de la Crise. Suite à l'invasion irakienne du Koweït, la règle de non recours à la force et ses exceptions, le resurgissement de la traditionnelle question de sécurite collective et l'imposition des sanctions par le Conseil de sécurité sont ainsi traités. Par la commission des actes attentatoires aux missions diplomatiques ainsi qu'aux habitants du Koweït par l'Irak, le droit diplomatique et le droit international humanitaire ont été abordés. Au-delà de l'usage de tous les moyens nécessaires, y compris la force, pour libérer le Koweit, autorisé par le Conseil de sécurité dans sa résolution 678 (1990), se sont posées de nombreuses questions relatives au droit des conflits armés, y compris le non-respect des règles de l'environnement. Avec la fin de la guerre, le Conseil de sécurité, dans sa résolution 687 (1991), s'est arrogé le droit de régler le problème des frontières, imputer la responsabilité de la guerre à l’Irak, imposer à celui-ci différents dédommagements ainsi que le soumettre à un régime de sanction en vue de le désarmer. Tous ces points soulèvent des questions d'importance de premier ordre en DI. Parmi lesquelles vient en premier lieu celle de non-ingérence dans les affaires intérieures des EtatsSeveral important points of the International Law (I. L. ) have been breached referring to the Gulf Crisis and War. The border disagreement between the tow countries and economic problems were the main reasons for the Iraqi invasion into Kuwait. By this invasion, Iraq had violated the rule which states that force is not allowed to be used to settle any disagreement between states. Iraq had breached diplomatic and humane law during his occupation of Kuwait. There was an immediate worldwide reaction to this invasion especially by the Security Council (S. C. ) of UN how had ordered economic sanctions against Iraq. After the authorization by the Security Council to use "all necessary means to uphold and implement" the Council's resolutions, the Allied Forces succeeded to free Kuwait after a technological war during wich both sides had violated many rules of the law of war. After the cease-fire, the Security Council decided the demarcation of the Kuwaiti-Iraqi boundray and named Iraq responsible for war losses in addition to paying them back. Also the economic sanctions continue in order to destroy all the destructive weapons of Iraq. Meanwhile, the new world order was only enforced by the USA to facilitate its mission
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Evandri, Giovanni. "Realizzazione di una piattaforma di test per ruota di momento su architettura NI cRIO." Master's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2014. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/7643/.
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Scalettaris, Giulia. "La fabrique du gouvernement international des réfugiés : bureaugraphie du HCR dans la crise afghane." Paris, EHESS, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013EHES0539.
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Ce travail analyse l'intervention du Haut Commissariat des nations Unies pour les Réfugiés dans le cadre de la crise afghane, afin d'interroger la manière dont cet organisme exerce son autorité et la portée de son action. La thèse s'appuie sur une enquête menée dans l'organisation, dans les bureaux de Genève et kaboul, entre 2006 et 2008. Le HCR est obordé en tant qu'instance politique à travers une approche à la fois empirique et englobante du pouvoir. L'analyse se déploie en partnat d'un projet novateur qui tâche de valoriser la mobilité comme ressource, remettant ainsi en cause l'"ordre national". Le suivi de ce projet permet d'appréhender le déploiement du HCR et de disséquer son fonctionnement interne, ses agents, les relations mises en place avec ses multiples interlocuteurs; ainsi que les procédés technocratiques d'intervention. Le HCR apparaît comme un dispositifbureaucratique éclaté et polymorphe, traversé par de nombreuses tensions, et enchâssé dans une topographie de rapports de pouvoir qui le façonnent, tout en contraignant son spectre de possibles. La posture étato-centrée et nationaliste de ce dispositif le conduit à participer à un mécanisme d'emplacement et d'illégalisation des migrants. Paradoxalement, le HCR oeuvre à instaurer l'ordre même qui, sédentaire et centré sur l'Etat-nation, est à l'origine du "problème" que l'agence a pour mission de résoudre, et duquel découlent son existence et sa légitimité. La source principale dans laquelle le HCR puise son autorité est l'expertise, qui consigne dans la maîtrise de procédés juridico-administratifs et dans la production de savoirs en matière de migrationsThis work analyses the intervention of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees in the Afghan crisis and examines the scope of its action and the way this body exerts authority. The thesis is based on a fieldwork of observing participation carried out within the UNHCR's offices in Geneva and Kabul between 2006 and 2008. The agency is comprehended as a political body through an empirical and encompassing approach o power drawn on Foucault's theory. The analysis follows an innovative project that considers mobility as a resource, thereby questioning the "national order" underpinning the traditional solutions to the "refugee problem". By examining the unfolding of this project we are allowed to look at the UNHCR's deployment and to dissest its internal functioning, the relations fostered with its interlocutors, as well as its technologies of action. The UNHCR appears as a bureaucratic apparatus dispersed across the world, polymorphous, traversed by many tensions and embedded within a wider topography of power relations that shapes it, constraining its range of possibilities?. The state-centred and nationalist worldview of this apparatus leads it to participate in a mechanism devoted to emplace and illegalise the Afghan migrants. Paradoxically, the UNHCR strives to establish the same order, sedentary and centred around the nation-state, that sparks off the "problem" the agency is mandated to solve - it is this order itself which at the same time underpin its existence and legitimacy. The main source of authority for the UNHCR is expertise, i. E. The command of legal and administrative procedures and the production of authoritative data and analysis on migration
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Dinguenza, Nzietsi Conchita. "L'ONU face à la crise rwandaise de 1990 à 1996." Thesis, Université de Lorraine, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012LORR0037/document.
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Devant le déclenchement des hostilités entre le FPR et les FAR en 1990, l'organisation des Nations Unies à la demande des deux parties, choisit de s'impliquer directement. Mais l'intervention de l'ONU et l'envoi des casques bleus qui survient après la signature des Accords d'Arusha de 1993 afin d'accompagner lesdits accords, n'arrête cependant pas la montée des violences et de l'extrémisme Hutu. Les différentes résolutions du Conseil de sécurité, loin d'accorder plus de pouvoir aux casques bleus, créent au contraire une situation d'immobilisme général, favorisant au printemps 1994 la reprise des combats et le génocide des Tutsi et des Hutu modérés. Le drame humanitaire que connaît le Rwanda pendant et après les affrontements et les massacres, nous interpelle sur le véritable rôle des Nations Unies dans la gestion de ce conflit, et plus généralement dans le monde de l'après guerre froideBefore the outbreak of hostilities between the RPF and the FAR in 1990, the United Nations became directly involved after both parties asked it to arbitrate the conflict. But the intervention of the UN and the deployment of peacekeepers that came after the agreement of Arusha in 1993 in order to accompany the agreements did not stop violence and the rise of Hutu extremism yet. The various resolutions of the UN Security Council, far from granting more power to peacekeepers, instead created a situation of stagnation favoring the resumption of fights in 1994 and the genocide of Tutsi and moderate Hutu. The humanitarian tragedy facing Rwanda during and after the clashes and massacres appeals us on the proper role of the United Nations in the management of this conflict in particular, and in the post-cold war world in general
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Gratadour, Audrey. "L'apport de la théorie des systèmes dynamiques complexes à l'ontologie du droit international dans la crise : Analyse de l'action normative du Conseil de sécurité." Thesis, Lille 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015LIL20010/document.
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Cette thèse est une réflexion originale sur le droit international dans la crise, car elle aborde le droit international grâce à une théorie peu connue en droit, celle des systèmes dynamiques complexes. L’étude du cas particulier de la gestion normative de la crise par le Conseil de sécurité illustre les intérêts de l’utilisation d’une théorie novatrice en droit. La théorie des systèmes dynamiques complexes offre les outils d’une réflexion sur le droit, fondée sur les interactions du droit avec le contexte particulier dans lequel il intervient, la crise, et ses acteurs. La mise en lumière de ces interactions favorise une lecture critique du droit international dans la crise et permet de renouveler l’ontologie de ce droit. Les dynamiques complexes appréhendées et définies par cette théorie sont utiles lorsqu’il s’agit d’expliquer les atouts et les limites de l’action normative du Conseil. Par ailleurs en renouvelant l’ontologie du droit, la théoriedes systèmes dynamiques complexes facilite une lecture prospective de l’action normative du Conseil et insiste sur le rôle institutionnel du droitThis thesis is an original reflection on international law in time of crisis, as it addresses international law through a little-known theory in law, that of complex dynamic systems. The study of the specific case of the normative management of the crisis by the Security Council illustrates the interest of the use of an innovative theory in law.The theory of complex dynamic systems provides the tools to think differently the law, based on the interaction of law with the particular context in which it operates, the crisis, and its actors. The highlighting of these interactions favors a critical reading of international law in time of crisis and helps to renew the ontology of law. The complex dynamic understood and defined by this theory are useful when explaining the strengths and limitations of the Council’s action in time of crisis. In addition to renewing the ontology of law, complex dynamic systems theory facilitates a prospective reading of the normative action of the Council and stresses the institutional role of law
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Guilhot, Laëtitia. "L'intégration économique régionale de l'ASEAN+3 : la crise de 1997 à l'origine d'un régime régional." Grenoble 2, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008GRE21026.
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"Ce travail a pour objectif d'analyser la réalité institutionnelle et économique de l'ASEAN+3, afin de qualifier le processus régional en cours et de déterminer s'il peut être considéré comme le regroupement référent de l'intégration régionale en Asie Orientale sur la période 1997-2007. La démarche adoptée est celle de la "complémentarité" entre l'EPI et l'Economie Internationale. La crise asiatique est, dès lors, interprétée comme le révélateur d'un besoin de production d'un bien public régional : la stabilité monétaire et financière dans la zone. La faillite du système international à satisfaire ce besoin pousse les pays de l’ASEAN+3 à en organiser la production sur une base régionale et sous la forme d'un régime régional. Se pose alors immanquablement la question de la distribution du pouvoir au sein de ce régime. Le concept de leader ainsi que les critères d'évaluation de ce statut montrent que ce régime repose sur un leadership bicéphale constitué de la Chine et du Japon. Les outils statistiques et économétriques de l'Economie Internationale (part du commerce intrarégional, indices d’intensité relative, taux de croissance et modèle de gravité) mettent en évidence la validité analytique de l'ASEAN+3 comme périmètre de régionalisation en Asie Orientale. Ces outils révèlent ainsi que la réalité institutionnelle en cours au sein de l'ASEAN+3 repose bien sur un processus de régionalisation. Ce travail permet donc de conclure que l’ASEAN+3 est désormais sur la voie d'une intégration régionale en profondeur. Il est donc le périmètre régional à retenir en Asie Orientale, sur la période 1997-2007. "The research aims to analyse institutional and economic reality of ASEAN+3. It qualifies so the regional process and determines the referent grouping of regional integration in East Asia, over 1997-2007. The adopted approach is to seek a "complementarity" between IPE and International Economics. Asian crisis can be, consequently, interpreted as the revealing of a need to produce a regional public good, monetary and financial stability in the zone. The failure of the international system to satisfy this need leads the countries of ASEAN+3 to produce this good on a regional basis and, in other words, to implement a regional regime. The question of power of this regime arises then. The concept of leadership and the criteria of estimate of this status show that it relies on a two-headed leadership constituted by China and by Japan. The statistical and econometric tools from International Economics (intra-regional trade, relative intensity, growth rate and gravity model) shed on the lights the ASEAN+3's institutional reality is built on a process of regionalisation. This research concludes so that the ASEAN+3 is on the way to a deep regional integration. It is the referent regional perimeter in East Asia over 1997-2007
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Koffi, Kouadio Bla Anne-Marie. "La Côte d'Ivoire en crise face au droit international (institutionnel, normatif, onusien) : essai d'un bilan." Paris 1, 2012. http://harmatheque.pontil.rennes.iep.fr/ebook/la-cote-d-ivoire-en-crise-face-au-droit-international-41094.
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L'État ivoirien a longtemps bénéficié d'une stabilité relative au point d'être considéré comme «un havre» de paix. L'idée même de la survenance d'un conflit armé semblait alors purement illusoire. Lorsque se déclenche la crise du 19 septembre 2002, ce sont toutes les institutions du pays qui sont ébranlées. Préoccupée par la crise que traverse la Côte d'Ivoire, la CEDEAO, l'UA, tout comme l'ONU se mobilisent pour venir à son chevet. Pour ce faire, la communauté internationale multiplie rencontres et tables rondes pour amener les belligérants à trouver une solution à la situation. De tous ces sommets, rencontres et tables rondes on retiendra pour l'essentiel, une véritable implication du droit international dans la résolution de la crise. Le droit international est donc resté fortement présent dans l'enchainement des faits et actions formant la trame du conflit ivoirien. Bien que la constante sollicitation du droit international ait contribué à la résolution du conflit, elle a aussi été à l'origine de situations inédites et d'un certain nombre de paradoxes dont il est bon de faire part.
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Caria, Alcir de Souza. "Projeto político-pedagógico: importância histórica de uma prática em crise." Universidade de São Paulo, 2010. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/48/48134/tde-26012011-135146/.
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Esta dissertação reflete sobre as possibilidades da escola no cumprimento das determinações da atual Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação Nacional (LDB) nº 9394/96, que a reconhece como núcleo gestor responsável pelo seu próprio projeto político-pedagógico. Problematiza em que medida essa prática escolar tem influenciado os resultados obtidos pelas escolas públicas e viabilizado, localmente, a implementação das políticas educacionais desenvolvidas no âmbito dos sistemas de ensino. Caracteriza as concepções estruturantes sobre projeto político-pedagógico por meio de uma análise bibliográfica, discutindo o alcance que tais teorizações têm alcançado no cotidiano escolar. Apresenta os resultados de uma pesquisa, realizada junto a uma rede pública de ensino, apontando potenciais evidências da crise de sentido e de método que tal prática revela. Recupera ainda o processo histórico que marcou a tramitação da atual LDB, demonstrando que a referida crise deve ser entendida primeiro como crise congênita, herdada da própria lei que a concebeu. No contexto do sistema educacional, essa crise também é caracterizada ao reunir elementoschaves presentes no pensamento pedagógico contemporâneo, que exploram o conceito de sistema e a sua relação com a unidade escolar. Finaliza a pesquisa problematizando princípios fundamentais para se pensar o projeto políticopedagógico na perspectiva do movimento da educação cidadã, com vista à superação da crise de sentido e de método que essa prática escolar tem demonstrado.This paper reflects on the possibilities of the school in compliance of the determinations of the current Law of Directives and Bases of National Education (LDB) nº 9394/96, which recognizes it as the core manager responsible for its own political and pedagogical project. It questions the extent to which this educational practice has influenced the results obtained by the public schools and facilitated, locally, the implementation of educational policies developed within the education systems. It characterizes the structural concepts of political and pedagogical project through a literature review, discussing the scope that these theories have reached in the school day. Presents the results of a survey, carried out with a public school system, pointing out potential evidences of the crisis of meaning and method that this practice reveals. Recovers even the historical process that marked the course of the current LDB, demonstrating that the crisis must be understood first as a crisis congenital, inherited from the law that has conceived it. In the context of the educational system, this crisis is also characterized by bringing together key elements present in contemporary pedagogical thinking, exploring the system concept and its relationship with the school unit. Ends the research questioning the fundamental principles for thinking about the political and pedagogical project in view of the civil and educational movement, with a view to overcoming the crisis of meaning and method of the educational practice has shown.
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Khoury, Claude. "Ichtyofaune des herbiers de posidonies du parc national de Port-Cros composition, éthologie alimentaire et rôle dans le réseau trophique /." Grenoble 2 : ANRT, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37606598r.
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Khoury, Claude. "Ichtyofaune des herbiers de posidonies du parc National de Port-Cros : composition, éthologie alimentaire et role dans le réseau trophique." Aix-Marseille 2, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987AIX22046.
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Sioui, Cassandre. "De l'enchevêtrement des frontières à la précarité identitaire : une étude de la représentation des lieux dans Ourse bleue de Virginia Pésémapéo Bordeleau et Kuessipan de Naomi Fontaine." Mémoire, Université de Sherbrooke, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11143/5920.
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L’étude de la représentation des lieux, du territoire, notamment dans les romans, occupe une place de plus en plus marquée au sein de la recherche universitaire, l’espace menant à une compréhension accrue de l’univers diégétique. La littérature des Premières Nations du Québec étant cependant peu analysée de ce point de vue, le présent mémoire vise à montrer la pertinence d’une étude de la représentation des lieux et du territoire dans les romans autochtones Ourse bleue de l’auteure crie Virginia Pésémapéo Bordeleau ainsi que Kuessipan de l’auteure innue Naomi Fontaine. Pour ce faire, le mémoire se sépare en trois parties. La première, dédiée aux diverses théories retenues, pose les assises de l’analyse textuelle à venir. Les notions de topos et de chôra d’Augustin Berque, de hauts-lieux de Mario Bédard, de figures spatiales de Christiane Lahaie et de Fernando Lambert, lesquelles servent à mieux cerner la nature du lieu, y sont détaillées. La seconde se penche sur l’œuvre de Pésémapéo Bordeleau en s’attardant successivement aux figures de la route, des communautés autochtones, des cours d’eau et de la forêt, du territoire cri. Ce chapitre met en lumière une prégnance d’éléments topographiques, de même qu’une quête identitaire de la protagoniste fortement ancrée dans le territoire de ses ancêtres. La dernière se consacre à l’analyse de l’œuvre de Fontaine et s’applique à décrire le même type de figures. Une chorésie se dessine, les personnages innus ayant été transformés au contact de l’harmonie sylvestre, laissant entrevoir le caractère essentiel de la forêt et des pratiques ancestrales qui y sont associées. Cette étude de la représentation des lieux diégétiques dans deux romans autochtones permet de cerner l’importance majeure qu’occupe le territoire au sein des récits, des pérégrinations des divers personnages, cris ou innus. De fait, cette figure spatiale éveille les sens par sa beauté prenante, convie à l’introspection, à la réflexion, fait ressurgir la culture et les traditions ancestrales. Plus important encore : elle conduit les divers personnages à se questionner quant à leur identité et favorise l’accomplissement de soi.
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Davidshofer, Stephan. "La gestion de crise européenne ou quand l'Europe rencontre la sécurité : modalités pratiques et symboliques d'une autonomisation." Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009IEPP0047.
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Cette thèse étudie les processus d’autonomisation permettant la construction de l’Union européenne comme acteur international de sécurité à travers une rencontre entre les dynamiques du monde de la sécurité depuis la fin de la Guerre froide et les enjeux propres à la construction européenne. Nous avons choisi de nous concentrer sur le cas d’étude de la Gestion de crise européenne (GCE), à savoir la capacité de l’Union à mobiliser une vaste gamme de moyens tant civils que militaires, comme expression de la constitution progressive d’un espace européen viable de gestion des conflits. Pour ce faire, notre orientation méthodologique s’est portée sur une approche généalogique afin de nous distancier de la relation ambiguë développée au fil du temps entre les études européennes et leur objet d’étude. Situant les conditions d’acceptabilité menant à la constitution de la GCE dans les transformations subies au sein de dynamiques du monde de la sécurité et non pas dans une quelconque adaptabilité institutionnelle de l’Union face aux nouvelles menaces de la post-bipolarité, le reste de notre recherche s’attelle à suivre les lignes de rupture marquant son émergence. Dans ce cadre, le récent approfondissement des relations entre l’UE et l’ONU, notamment dans le domaine de la gestion de crise, a été un lieu privilégié de l’autonomisation de la GCE. A la fois canal d’importation de savoir-faire et élargissement des espaces de luttes bureaucratiques de la construction d’une politique étrangère européenne, le développement d’un partenariat stratégique avec les Nations Unies a contribué à la consécration d’un outil européen de gestion des conflits, comme censé être représentatif de la nature, de l’identité de l’UE sur la scène internationaleThis PhD dissertation aims at analyzing the autonomization processes enabling the construction of the European Union (EU) as an international security actor, through an encounter between security dynamics since the end of the Cold War and European construction own stakes. It draws on a case study dedicated to European crisis management, i. E. EU’s ability to mobilize a vast range of both civilian and military means, as an expression of the progressive constitution of a viable European conflict management space. In order to put some distance with the ambiguous relationship developed over time between EU studies and their research object, a genealogical approach informs this dissertation’s methodology. It therefore starts by situating the conditions of acceptability leading to the constitution of European crisis management within the world of security own dynamics as opposed to EU’s institutional adaptation to post-cold war new threats. Then, the rest of this research aims at following lines of rupture, which have enabled the emergence of EU crisis management. In this framework, the recent EU-UN relations deepening in the field of Crisis Management has been a central locus for European Crisis Management autonomization. Both as a know-hows importation channel and an enlargement of the EU foreign policy bureaucratic spaces of struggle, the strategic partnership developed with the UN has contributed to the sanctioning of a specifically European -i. E an embodiment of EU’s international identity- conflict management tool
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Domingos, Charles Sidarta Machado. "Questão de Cuba : a política externa independente e a crise dos mísseis." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/107267.
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Com a Revolução Cubana a Guerra Fria se torna mais presente no continente americano. O governo dos Estados Unidos da América começa a desenvolver ações para combater o governo revolucionário que assume o poder naquele país. Essas ações são baseadas no emprego da força militar e em soluções diplomáticas. Nesse mesmo período, João Goulart se torna presidente do Brasil. Ele continua a Política Externa Independente do governo Jânio Quadros. E o governo brasileiro acaba se envolvendo na questão de Cuba. Esta tese procura investigar a participação do governo de João Goulart na Crise dos Mísseis (1962) e compreender o que esse episódio representa para a Política Externa Independente. Nossos objetivos são demonstrar como o Brasil percebe a evolução da questão de Cuba; perceber como o país se posicionou na Organização dos Estados Americanos (OEA) e quais foram as repercussões decorrentes; procurar entender qual a razão do envio do general Albino Silva à Cuba; compreender a posição brasileira na Organização das Nações Unidas (ONU) através do projeto de desnuclearização da América Latina; verificar como a sociedade brasileira se manifestou a respeito desse episódio; e, por fim, analisar se a Crise dos Mísseis modifica as relações entre os governos de Goulart e Kennedy.With the Cuban Revolution to Cold War becomes more present in the Americas. The government of the United States of America begins to develop actions to combat the revolutionary government that assumes power in that country. These actions are based on the use of military force and diplomatic solutions. In the same period, becomes president of Brazil João Goulart. He continues the Política Externa Independente of Quadros government. And the brazilian government gets involved in the issue of Cuba. This thesis investigates the involvement of the government of João Goulart in Missile Crisis (1962) and understand what this episode is for the Política Externa Independente. Our objectives are to demonstrate how Brazil sees the evolution of the issue of Cuba; see how the country stood at the Organization of American States (OAS) and what were this repercussions; seek to understand the reason of sending general Albino Silva the Cuba; understand the brazilian position at the United Nations (UN) through the project of denuclearization of Latin America; check how brazilian society manifested related to this episode; finally, analyze the Missile Crisis produced some effect in relations between the governments of Goulart and John Kennedy; analyze if the Missile Crisis modifies the relations between the government of Goulart and Kennedy.
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Moss, Eloise. "Cracking cribs : representations of burglars and burglary in London, 1860-1939." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:aa6bf0cb-a792-483f-b79b-7fbe864e3582.
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This thesis explores how burglars and burglary in London were understood in cultural, criminological, legal, political, and economic discourse during the period 1860-1939, demonstrating how the ideas about crime and the criminal circulating in these domains were mutually constitutive. Specifically, it identifies how characterisations of burglary in visual and written forms of media — encompassing legal and criminological documents, as well as those produced by the press and commercial advertising, and in fiction, theatre, and film — cultivated a range of attitudes towards the crime to a greater or lesser extent. Encompassing not only fear-mongering and sympathetic representations, but also those designed to be exciting, to challenge preconceptions, and to entertain, I argue that these conflicting attitudes towards burglary and burglars emerged in response to specific changes in the cultural landscape: the advent of mass literacy and corresponding interest in narratives of crime that reflected the social, cultural, and political concerns of an audience diverse of class, age, and gender; the commercial imperatives of the insurance and entertainment industries as the middle classes expanded, including the development of household insurance and the popularity of the ‘true crime’ genre; debates surrounding women’s increasing social and sexual agency and their alignment with particular crimes; and the evolution of new modes of policing and regulation. The thesis thereby uses the topic of burglary to illuminate a broader range of contemporary preoccupations and experiences with gender relations, class structures and stereotypes, and the moral authority of state and society. By approaching burglary as a focus of interactions not only between police, criminal, and victim, but also between the market, consumers, and the state, this thesis uncovers new terrain upon which crime intersected with everyday lives historically.
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Parisi, Ilaria. "La France et la crise des euromissiles, 1977-1987." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017USPCA104.
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La crise des euromissiles trouve son origine en octobre 1977, lorsque le chancelier allemand Helmut Schmidt exprime son inquiétude face à l’aggravation du déséquilibre militaire en Europe, consécutive au déploiement des missiles soviétiques de moyenne portée SS-20. Plus précis que les systèmes qu’ils remplacent et dotés de têtes nucléaires multiples, les SS-20 pourraient neutraliser la mise en œuvre de l’escalade nucléaire de l’OTAN. Qui plus est, les armes de moyenne portée de l’organisation militaire intégrée versent dans un état d’obsolescence. La question qui se pose est de ce fait celle de savoir quelles sont les garanties sécuritaires que les Américains offrent à l’Europe, alors que la parité stratégique, bientôt consacrée par le traité SALT II, rend improbable l’engagement de la dissuasion centrale américaine en faveur du Vieux Continent. La montée de la menace soviétique et la méfiance européenne vis-à-vis de la protection militaire américaine sont alors les deux éléments au centre du débat atlantique qui caractérise la décennie 1977-1987 et qui se conclut par le traité de Washington, sanctionnant l’élimination de toutes les armes nucléaires soviétiques et américaines de moyenne portée d’Europe.Cette situation risque d’affecter la France pour deux raisons. Tout d’abord, l’aggravation du déséquilibre militaire engendré par les SS-20 confèrerait à Moscou un droit de véto sur toute évolution politique future du continent, que cela ait trait à la construction européenne ou à la résolution de la question allemande. Deux dossiers sur lesquels Paris n’accepte pas d’être marginalisé. Ensuite, la manifestation d’une méfiance européenne vis-à-vis de l’engagement américain en Europe semble amener certains alliés, la RFA au premier chef, à chercher un équilibre militaire propre au continent européen. Or, loin de garantir plus de sécurité, un équilibre « eurostratégique » n’aurait pour conséquence que d’éloigner la dissuasion américaine d’Europe ; en outre, il finirait par imposer des limitations aux forces nucléaires des puissances nucléaires tierces comme la France. Dès lors, la crise des euromissiles concerne la France dans la mesure où sa politique d’indépendance et sa politique de défense risquent d’être mises à mal par les évolutions du débat atlantique à propos de la sécurité de l’Europe, qui constitue l’environnement stratégique dans lequel Paris inscrit sa propre sécuritéThe origins of the Euromissile crisis date back to October 1977, when Helmut Schmidt publicly expressed his anxieties about the nuclear imbalance in Europe, following the deployment of the Soviet SS-20 missiles. The new Soviet system was more accurate than its predecessors and equipped with three nuclear warheads. NATO’s aging nuclear medium-range missiles could not match the Soviet technology and NATO’s nuclear escalation strategy proved weakened. At a time when SALT II fixed a rough strategic nuclear parity between the Soviet Union and the United States, Europe wondered whether the American extended deterrence was still reliable. The increasing Soviet threat and the deepening European defiance vis-à-vis the American military protection were the two central elements of the Euromissile crisis, which lasted until 1987, when the Washington treaty sanctioned the elimination of all Soviet and American medium-range nuclear forces in Europe.The French concern about the Euromissile crisis was twofold. Firstly, Moscow might profit from its military superiority in Europe in order to extend its influence over the Western part of the continent. As a consequence, the Soviet Union might acquire a veto over any European political development, for example as regards the European integration process or the resolution of the German question, issues on which France was eager to play a major role. Secondly, the European distrust towards the American military protection could lead to the establishment of a “eurostrategic” balance, or a balance between the Soviet and the American nuclear weapons in Europe. This would definitely have weakened the value of the American extended nuclear deterrence in Europe, but also in due course included third country nuclear forces into the military European balance as a part of the Western military effort. In this case, France would be deprived of a major element of her defense policy. As a consequence, France got involved in the Euromissiles crisis to preserve her strategic environment from any Soviet European ambition and to defend her policy of national independence from any attempt to diminish her military force at a time of increased East-West confrontation
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Dufour, Michele. "Recherche de l'unité de l'État dans l'oeuvre de Carl Schmitt comme réponse spécifique à la crise du libéralisme et de l'État national." Thesis, University of Ottawa (Canada), 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/21933.
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Sahli, Ridha. "Les conséquences de la crise et de la guerre du Golfe sur le droit onusien : espoir et déception." Clermont-Ferrand 1, 1994. http://www.theses.fr/1994CLF10149.
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L’Est et l’Ouest ne s’opposant plus, l’O. N. U s’est libéré de l’enjeu des rivalités quand l’Irak décide le 2 août 1990, d’envahir le Koweït. Du coup, l’organisation mondiale est redevenue l’instrument suprême, diplomatique et militaire qui garantit l’ordre mondial au nom de la collectivité des nations. Ainsi, c’est en se référant à sa charte que le conseil de sécurité a pu votre des résolutions explicites et contraignantes, lui qui pendant un demi-siècle n’avait pu ordonner que de vagues consignes. Avec la crise du Golfe, l’O. N. U a eu un nouveau souffle puisqu’elle a pu décider et exécuter rapidement ses décisions. L’annexion a pris fin après un recours à la force arrêté par le conseil de sécurité ; toutefois, bien que cet événement ait constitué une chance pour l’avenir de l’O. N. U. Le constat effectué suite à la crise, démontre l’échec de cette organisation. Cet échec se résume par l’application des règles onusiennes exclusivement pour le Koweït, or, théoriquement il fallait suivre le même processus pour mettre fin aux autres conflits que connaît la planète. En droit onusien, tout Etat a le droit de voir sa paix et sa sécurité protégées et l’obligation d’aider à protéger celles des autresEast and west no longer opposing each other, U. N. O got rid of rivaly stake when Iraq decided, on the 2nd of august 1990, to invade Kuwait. The international organization has promptly become again the supreme, diplomatic and military instrument which guarantees the global order in the name of nations collectivity. So, it was in referring to its charter that the security council which during a half-century ordered only sket eny instructions, could vote explicit and compelling resolutions. Woth Gulf crisis, U. N. O has had a new breath since it could decide and execute rapidly its decisions. The annexation has come to on end after a resort to force decreed by security council. However, though this event has constituted a chance for the U. N. O future, the statement made after the crisis proves the failure of the organization. This failure is due to the capplying of U. N. O rules exclusively for Kuwait, well, theorically, the same process should be poursued to put on end to the other conflicts through out the world. In the U. N. O law, each state has the right to protect peace and security
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Hurtado, Liliana Espinosa. "Expressões da diversidade cultural na prática profissional dos assistentes sociais: o caso do CRAS de Parelheiros (SP)." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2011. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/17550.
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Previous issue date: 2011-10-31Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
The Social Work as a profession, historical-social turns in the same measure of the changes in society, reflect on their profissional practice, both in its permanence and its changes. This dissertation presents a case study where analysis was performed based on the perception of social workers on the expressions of cultural diversity in their professional practice as a field full of possibilities, challenges and breakthroughs, which are mediated by the diversity in its many manifestations that given new facets to the social question, the raw material of the profession. The fieldwork was carried out at Cras Parelheiros through interviews conducted with social workers who work at this location. In this rating and demonstrating the relevance of the topic for the profession, are seen the impact that has on professional practice contexts and subjects, as well as the struggles and work are intensified on the part of professionals to handle them. One proposal of this dissertation is to situate the interculturality as a form that it can be regarded as a valid possibility of intervention that contributes to professional practice in different contexts
O Serviço Social, como profissão sócio-histórica que se transforma na mesma medida das transformações da sociedade, reflete sobre sua prática profissional, tanto nas suas permanências quanto nas suas mudanças. Esta dissertação apresenta um estudo de caso em que se realizou uma análise baseada na percepção dos assistentes sociais sobre as expressões da diversidade cultural na sua prática profissional, como um campo cheio de possibilidades, rupturas e desafios, que são mediados pela diversidade nas suas múltiplas manifestações e que dão novas facetas à questão social, matéria-prima da profissão. O trabalho de campo foi desenvolvido no Centro de Referência de Assistência Social (Cras) de Parelheiros, por meio de entrevistas realizadas com os assistentes sociais que trabalham nesse local. Nessa medida e demonstrando a relevância da temática para a profissão, se vêem as repercussões que, sobre a prática profissional, têm os contextos e sujeitos, assim como as lutas e o trabalho intenso dos profissionais para dar conta dos mesmos.Uma das propostas da dissertação é situar a interculturalidade, de tal forma que possa ser contemplada como uma possibilidade de intervenção válida que contribua para a prática profissional em contextos diversos
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Bradáč, Martin. "Implementace vybraných řidicích algoritmů pro FPGA." Master's thesis, Vysoké učení technické v Brně. Fakulta strojního inženýrství, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-229981.
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A real-time computer cRIO-9073 supplied by National Instruments, together with the software tool LabVIEW is a versatile system used in many fields, for both research and practical tasks. This thesis deals with the possibilities of the system. It is aimed primarily at performance testing, identifying potential limitations and showing its practical use. The whole system has undergone testing through the use of programs covering the wide spectrum of utilisation. cRIO also allows the use of other software tools in its programming. This thesis explores the options of using Matlab/Simulink from MathWorks and the generation of VHDL code using a product of Xilinx. The aim is to compare the demands on the resources consumed, by the Field-programmable gate array (FPGA) in cRIO as well as the CPU load running the Real-time process.
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Özatalay, Cem. "Diversité des consciences ouvrières à l'ère des pragmatismes : L'ouvrier de l'État-nation versus l'ouvrier de la Glocalisation. Une étude sur le cas des ouvriers d'Isdemir, de Petkim et de la TTK en Turquie." Phd thesis, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS), 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00629276.
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Cette thèse de sociologie porte sur la mise en relief des dynamiques spécifiques de pluralisation et de fragmentation qui traversent les subjectivités ouvrières à la lumière du processus sui generis de néolibéralisation en Turquie. Il s'agit d'étudier, à travers les données recueillies lors de la réalisation de l'enquête de terrain auprès des mineurs de Zonguldak, des ouvriers de pétrochimie de Petkim et des ouvriers de la sidérurgie d'Isdemir, les différends qui opposent l'ouvrier de l'État-nation et l'ouvrier de la glocalisation. Tout au long de la première partie, on aborde en premier lieu les différents moments de la néolibéralisation dans le contexte de la Turquie et la " lutte de classes " qui s'est déroulée autour des privatisations après 2000 entre le mouvement de marché - représenté largement par l'entreprenariat " musulman " en essor tourné vers l'exportation - et le contre-mouvement de régulation - représenté principalement par le Grand corps de l'État ainsi que par le grand Capital. L'objectif de ces chapitres est de montrer comment rivalisent en Turquie le Héros et le Marchand pendant le tournant du XXIe siècle et quelles sont les conséquences idéologico-politiques de cette lutte sur l'espace sociale. Enfin, le dernier chapitre de cette partie est consacré aux attitudes variées des syndicats d'ouvrier vis-à-vis de ce processus même : d'une part, le rapprochement entre le syndicalisme nationaliste et le syndicalisme de contestation et leur opposition en bloc au syndicalisme de la glocalisation, d'autre part. Dans la partie consacrée à l'étude de terrain, l'espace ouvrier est d'abord décrit en s'appuyant sur les affects antagonistes éprouvés par les ouvriers enquêtés, face à la fois à la marche de la société et à la transformation des conditions de travail : l'espoir, la déception, la sécurité et la désespoir se révèlent comme quatre affects que les ouvriers ressentent durant le processus de néolibéralisation en Turquie. Le second et dernier chapitre de la deuxième partie est réservé à l'étude de plus près des affects dominants de deux idéaux-types ouvriers : est d'abord analysé l'affect de déception de l'ouvrier de l'État-nation qui le conduit ou à se positionner aux côtés du Héros ou bien à verser dans le défaitisme, puis l'affect d'espoir de l'ouvrier de la glocalisation qui le rapproche de plus en plus du Marchand tout en maintenant toujours diverses sources de crainte censées menacer la réalisation de ses espérances. Enfin, ce travail ayant pour but de montrer les clivages ouvrières veut aussi aboutir à la conclusion suivante : l'ouvrier de la glocalisation est autant " acteur " pendant la construction de la société contemporaine que le fut à l'époque, l'ouvrier de l'État-nation, mais aussi l'ouvrier de l'État-nation fut autant " subordonné " dans la société d'antan que l'ouvrier de la Glocalisation l'est aujourd'hui.
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Viano, Yannick. "Recherche de molécules non-toxiques actives en antifouling à partir d'organismes marins de Méditerranée." Phd thesis, Université du Sud Toulon Var, 2010. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00595753.
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Alors que les premières formes de vie sont apparues dans les océans il y a près de 4 milliards d'années, les premières espèces terrestres remontent seulement à 400 millions d'années. Malgré cela, les substances naturelles d'origine marine ne représentent que 10% de l'ensemble des molécules isolées à ce jour à partir d'organismes vivants. Ces composés chimiques sont pourtant très spécifiques du fait des particularités du Monde Marin. Au sein des organismes qui les biosynthétisent, ils peuvent notamment intervenir dans la défense chimique contre les parasites et les autres compétiteurs. Ces molécules apparaissent donc comme des alternatives potentielles aux oxydes du tributylétain (TBTO) présents dans les revêtements antifouling et interdits depuis 2008 en raison de leur toxicité. Dans ce contexte et dans le cadre d'un partenariat avec le Parc national de Port-Cros, l'étude de la composition chimique de plusieurs organismes marins méditerranéens, des algues vertes (Caulerpa taxifolia) et brunes (Dictyota sp., Dictyota dichotoma, Cystoseira foeniculacea) ainsi que des bryozoaires, a été entreprise. Ces travaux ont permis l'isolement et la caractérisation structurale d'une vingtaine de métabolites secondaires (dérivés terpéniques et lipidiques, stérols), parmi lesquels huit sont originaux. L'identification de l'ensemble de ces molécules a été réalisée par le biais de l'utilisation de différentes méthodes spectroscopiques (RMN 1D et 2D, SM-HR) et la stéréochimie de certaines d'entre-elles a été établie par RMN (expérience NOESY 1H-1H) et modélisation moléculaire. Des corrections de données spectrales ont été également proposées pour cinq composés connus. Par ailleurs, l'activité anti-adhésion de plusieurs métabolites issus d'algues a été évaluée vis-à-vis d'un biofilm bactérien marin (Pseudoalteromonas sp.) afin de déterminer leur potentiel en tant qu'agents antifouling : plusieurs de ces composés présente une activité intéressante (CE50 = 30 μM), certes inférieure à celle du TBTO (CE50 = 10 μM), mais largement supérieure à celles de co-biocides utilisés actuellement. Parallèlement à ces travaux, l'analyse des variations temporelles et spatiales de l'expression métabolique de certaines des espèces étudiées a été réalisée à des fins écologiques. D'une part, les extraits mensuels de C. taxifolia présentent généralement une activité anti-adhésion importante quand le taux de caulerpényne dans l'extrait est élevé. D'autre part, d'importantes fluctuations ont notamment été observées dans la composition chimique des bryozoaires Myriapora truncata et Pentapora fascialis en fonction de leur lieu de récolte.
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Bou, Phan Dary. "La défense européenne : de l'implosion de l'URSS à la crise ukrainienne." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAG021.
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Depuis la chute du Mur de Berlin en 1989, l'Union Européenne s'affirme sur le devant de la scène mondiale en s'appuyant sur sa formidable économie. Pourtant, sa politique étrangère commune n'est pas à la mesure de sa taille économique. Sa sécurité est assurée par l'OTAN et des efforts contradictoires se manifestent pour une politique étrangère commune. La construction européenne ne sera complète qu'avec une armée européenne sous une unique bannière. Les crises successives au voisinage de l'Europe rassemblent les europoliticiens qui décident de créer des forces armées trans-européennes avec un mandat clair et avec l'aval de l'OTAN pour éviter le dispersement inutile des ressources capacitaires euro-atlantiques afin de participer aux missions de l'ONU dans la sécurité mondiale. Les efforts du maintien capacitaire de l'Union Européenne entrainent le développement de l'économie industrielle militaire et civile grâce aux innovations duales, sur laquelle s'appuie la politique coercitive de l'Union EuropéenneSince the fall of the Berlin's Wall in 1989, the European Union asserts its leading role in the world through its tremendous economy. But its common foreign policy does not have the size of its economy. lts security is ensured by NATO and the contradictory objectives are embodied in the common foreign policy. The European construction will be complete only when it will have its integrated army under a single banner. The successive crises gather the European lawmakers who decide to create trans-European armed forces with a clear mandate and with the consent of NATO to avoid the dispersal of euro-Atlantic strategic resources in order to participate in the missions of UN in the world's security. The efforts to build up the EU's strength promote the large military and civil economic increases of industrial dual innovations. And the European coercive policy bases on these behalf
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Chraïbi, Farah. "Dynamique des populations des principaux crustacés de l'herbier de phanérogame marine Posidonia oceanica (L.) delile au parc national de Port-Cros, Méditerranée, France." Grenoble 2 : ANRT, 1987. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37603975g.
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Chraïbi, Farah. "Dynamique des populations des principaux crustacés de l'herbier de phanérogame marine, Posidonia oceanica (L. ) Delile au parc national de Port-Cros (Méditerranée-France)." Aix-Marseille 3, 1987. http://www.theses.fr/1987AIX30092.
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Francour, Patrice. "Dynamique de l'écosystème à Posidonia oceanica dans le parc national de Port-Cros : analyse des compartiments matte, litière, faune vagile, échinodermes et poissons." Université d'Aix-Marseille II. Faculté des sciences (1969-2011), 1990. http://www.theses.fr/1990PA066136.
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La biomasse de la matte vivante (racines et rhizomes) varie de 1343. 7 a 3809. 6 gps/m#2. Aux memes stations la biomasse de litiere varie de 158. 1 a 165. 7 gps/m#2. Le taux d'exportation de litiere vers d'autres biotopes est de 40% par an approximativement. L'index racinaire est eleve; il represente la moitie de l'index foliaire. La biomasse de la faune vagile varie de 2. 96 a 6. 00 gps/m#2; elle est correlee a la biomasse de litiere et a l'index foliaire. Apres un severe declin de leur population, les oursins psammechinus microtuberculatus ne sont plus guere representes dans l'herbier; leur participation a la dynamique de l'herbier de posidonie est devenue tres discrete. Au contraire, la population d'holothuries est bien representee (6. 3 a 8. 8 gps/m#2, 7. 2 a 12. 5 kcal/m#2/an. Le rapport p/b est estime a 0. 25. Le recyclage de la matiere organique represente la participation la plus importante des holothuries a la dynamique de l'herbier. La biomasse de poissons varie de 1. 5 a 6. 3 gps/m#2 et la production de 1. 4 a 5. 9 kcal/m#2/an. Le rapport p/b est faible (0. 20). Une comparaison des donnees disponibles entre port-cros et d'autres secteurs montre que le poids moyen d'un poisson dans l'herbier diminue entre les zones protegees (port-cros, scandola) et les zones plus perturbees (giens, ischia). Outre l'acquisition de donnees pour differents compartiments de l'herbier de posidonie, les methodes utilisees dans ce travail ont leur importance. Ces methodes non-destructives sont bien adaptees a l'etude d'une zone marine protegee ou d'un parc national. Elles nous ont permis l'etude in situ des variations annuelles de densite, de biomasse et de production
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Menezes, Neto Elias Jacob de. "Surveillance, democracia e direitos humanos: os limites do estado na era do Big Data." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2016. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/5530.
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Esta tese resulta da necessidade de situar a proteção dos direitos humanos e da democracia diante dos fenômenos da surveillance e dos fluxos globais de dados, especialmente, levando-se em conta que a desterritorialidade e a fluidez desses fenômenos desafiam os mecanismos de controle jurídico, centrados, exclusivamente no Estado-nação. Demonstra como a soberania estatal passa a ser afetada pelas transformações oriundas da globalização, da modernidade líquida e da sociedade em rede. Delimita a categoria da surveillance, analisada como uma característica inerente à modernidade líquida com o objetivo de demarcar, de forma acertada, o papel do Estado e da democracia diante dos fluxos globais de dados. Para tanto, explica como a palavra surveillance não pode ser, diretamente, traduzida para o português sem que haja prejuízo semântico. Aborda, ainda, os limites dos modelos do panóptico e do Big Brother para elucidar a coleta de dados em massa na era do big data. Para tanto, analisa a expansão da surveillance no século XXI, bem como os efeitos do big data e dos algoritmos preditivos na construção do tempo e do espaço. Fundados na guerra ao terror, esses instrumentos buscam capturar o passado e analisar o presente com a finalidade de prever eventos futuros antes mesmo que aconteçam. Tais mecanismos permitem a desterritorialização das fronteiras e a sua transformação em espaço de controle de fluxos de pessoas consideradas indesejáveis. Por isso, demonstra que o Estado é palco fragilizado para a proteção dos direitos humanos violados pela surveillance, o que permite considerar as matrizes teóricas sistêmicas – inclusive a ideia de constitucionalismo híbrido – como adequadas para proteger direitos violados por corporações transnacionais ligadas à tecnologia da informação. Conclui que a proteção dos direitos humanos afetados pela surveillance não pode depender, exclusivamente, dos meios de regulação jurídica associados ao Estado, dada a sua impossibilidade de lidar com problemas que escapam à esfera da política e ao container territorial, o que torna imprescindível a participação da iniciativa privada.
This thesis stems from the need to properly understand protection of fundamental rights and democracy under the effects of surveillance and global data flows, especially considering that these phenomena are deterritorialized and fluid and, hence, they challenge traditional legal control mechanisms based on the nation-state. For this, it shows how state sovereignty is now affected by the transformations of the nation-state caused by globalization, liquid modernity and the network society. It also explains that surveillance is intrinsic to liquid modernity, which is needed to properly understand the protection of fundamental rights and democracy against global data flows. Thus, it analyses how the word surveillance cannot be directly translated into Portuguese without losing its meaning. In addition, it explains why ideas such as panoptic and Big Brother aren’t enough to understand surveillance in the age of big data. That why it deals with the expansion of surveillance in the twentieth first century and estabilishes how big data and predictive analytics change the meaning of time and space. Based in the war on terror, these techniques try to capture the past and analyse the present in order to predict future events even before they happen. Also, they allow the deterritorialization of nation-state borders, converting them in places to control undesired people flows. For this reason, it shows how the nation-state is weakened on its role of human rights guardian, especially those violated by surveillance, which is why system’s theory and hybrid constitutionalism were considered capable to properly understand human rights violations by information technology transnational organizations. The conclusion points to the idea that human rights cannot be protected against surveillance by traditional legal control mechanisms as they are centered around the idea of the nation-state, which makes it impossible to handle issues that surpass its political system and territorial container, thus requiring private actor to take part in this discussion.
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Assier, Mathilde. "La promotion des beaux-arts en Espagne (1853-1898). Soutenir les beaux-arts en temps de crise." Thesis, Sorbonne université, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018SORUL091.
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Cette thèse s’attache à mettre en lumière l’organisation du système des beaux-arts et les conditions de production des œuvres d’art en Espagne entre 1853 et 1898, autour de trois pôles principaux : Madrid, Barcelone et Séville. Dans cette période de crise politique et économique, généralement envisagée sous le prisme du paradigme du retard ou de l’échec, la désillusion des artistes fut une réalité. Loin de conduire à la passivité, elle engendra un désir de « régénération » culturelle, de nombreuses controverses sur la manière d’encourager les arts ainsi que tout un jeu de comparaisons et de regards portés vers l’étranger. Ce bouillonnement intellectuel fut à l’origine d’un renouveau des structures de promotion des arts se traduisant par la création de musées, d’expositions, de concours ou par la concession de pensions. L’analyse des missions artistiques de la Maison royale, du ministère du Développement, des députations, des associations artistiques et des sociétés économiques des amis du pays s’appuie sur des études de cas et révèle les acteurs à l’œuvre : petits ou hauts fonctionnaires, artistes méconnus ou renommés, hommes politiques. Fondé sur un vaste travail de recherche en archives, ce parcours dans le paysage des arts espagnols permet de mieux comprendre quels furent les objectifs, les conséquences et les spécificités de l’encouragement public et privé de l’art, d’un point de vue régional et national, dans un contexte de construction de l’État-NationThis dissertation aims to bring to light the organization of the fine arts system and the conditions under which works of art were produced in Spain between 1853 and 1898, centering on three leading cities: Madrid, Barcelona, and Seville. During this period of political and economic crisis, usually understood through the lens of the paradigm of Spanish backwardness or failure, the artists’ disenchantment was considerable. However, far from driving them into passive resignation, this spurred a desire for cultural "regeneration," born of countless debates over the way in which the arts should be supported and a keen interest in comparison with what was happening abroad. This intellectual exuberance led to a renewal of the institutions promoting the arts, giving way to the creation of museums, exhibitions, contests, and grants. The analysis of the artistic missions of the royal household, the Ministry of Development, diputaciones (provincial governments), societies of artists, and the various Economic Societies of Friends of the Country, relies on case studies and reveals the agents at work: senior and junior civil servants, not-known or famous artists, and politicians. Rooted in broad archival research, this journey through the world of Spanish art enriches our understanding of the goals, consequences, and specific features of the public and private support of the arts on a regional and national scale and within the context of the construction of the nation-state
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Mesquita, Ana Cleusa Serra. "Crise do Estado Nacional desenvolvimentista e ajuste liberal : a dificil trajetoria de consolidação do Sistema Unico de Saude - SUS (1988/2007)." [s.n.], 2008. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/285359.
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Orientador: Eduardo FagnaniDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia
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Resumo: A conquista do direito à saúde no Brasil representou um avanço expressivo no campo da proteção social do país. Contudo, apesar da importante vitória associada à construção jurídico-legal do SUS, a implementação do novo sistema encontra uma série de obstáculos, revelando a dificuldade para consolidar um sistema de saúde universal de fato, e não apenas de direito. Esse descompasso está relacionado ao momento histórico da construção do SUS: os avanços na universalidade da cobertura na saúde coincidem com a crise do Estado Nacional Desenvolvimentista no Brasil. Segue-se então uma etapa de crise econômica, baixo crescimento e ênfase na reforma do Estado visando o ajuste fiscal. Este contexto é agravado ainda pela rearticulação das forças conservadoras a partir de 1990 e pelo ressurgimento vigoroso do ideário liberal. Coloca-se assim, um cenário hostil (pós 1988) para a consolidação de um sistema de saúde universal e redistributivo. Heranças do passado redobram seu fôlego. O estreitamento das bases de financiamento e as dificuldades de superar interesses privatistas poderosos, arraigados na política de saúde desde o final dos anos 1960, colocam sérios obstáculos para a consolidação plena do SUS
Abstract: The acquisition of the right to the health in Brazil represented an expressive progress in the field of the social protection of the country. However, in spite of the important victory associated to the juridical-legal construction of Unified National Health System, or SUS, the implementation of the new system finds a series of obstacles, revealing the difficulty in fact to consolidate a system of universal health, and not just of right. That disconnection is related to the historical moment of the construction of SUS: the progresses in the universality of the covering in the health coincide with the crisis of the ¿Brazilian Developmental State¿. Start, then, a stage of crisis economical, low growth and emphasis in the reform of the State seeking the fiscal adjustment. This context is still worsened by the rearticulation of the conservative forces starting from 1990 and for the vigorous resurgence of the liberal thought. Thus, appear a hostile context (starting from 1988) for the consolidation of a universal and redistributive health system. The narrowing of the financing bases and the difficulties of overcoming privates interests, present in the politics of health from the end of the years 1960, they put serious obstacles for the full consolidation of SUS
Mestrado
Economia Social e do Trabalho
Mestre em Desenvolvimento Econômico
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Bonfim, Mauricéia Lígia Neves da Costa. "A estratégia do trabalho em rede no SUAS/CRAS - Teresina-PI: uma experiência em movimento." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2009. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/17993.
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Previous issue date: 2009-06-05Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico
The main objective of this work is to study the network job strategy. Its general objective is to analyze, during the period of 2005-2008, the network job experience in the Municipal Social Assistance Policy implementation in Teresina-PI, in order to achieve social welfare rights to individuals and families in process of social exclusion, focusing on the construction of an active citizenship. Its specific objectives are: to explain the design of the SUAS construction in Teresina-PI; to get the understanding of the network job for actors involved in the Social Assistance Policy execution through the SUAS; and to get the limits, possibilities, tensions and prospects of the network job strategy in the SUAS implementation in Teresina-PI. Our hypothesis is that the proposed network job implementation in the National Social Assistance Policy through the Single Social Assistance System - SUAS in the Teresina municipality, through the Reference Social Assistance Centers - CRAS, as a tool that provides a new form of public management, bailing social welfare rights for the population segments that live under social risk in the territory, has been affected with limitations, possibilities and challenges, in a movement process. The conceptual references worked were: decentralization, public management, network, network job strategy, Public Social Assistance Policy, Single Social Assistance System, social welfare rights and territory. The methodological approach is a qualitative research, including the collection of testimonials of a mayor, two managers, four users of PMAS, four community leaders and four chairs of non-governmental organizations, representing the first four CRAS implanted in Teresina municipality. We used the techniques of participant observation, and research of reference and documental literature. The results showed that the network job strategy has proven that this work, although in an initial stage of deployment, means an innovation in the management of the Municipal Social Assistance Policy of Teresina within the decentralization and inter-sectionalization processes. Moreover, in the view of the territory, it has been qualifying the meeting of users needs and the information access, contributing to the development of an active citizenship for all participants of the network
Esta tese tem como objeto de estudo a estratégia do trabalho em rede. Seu objetivo geral é analisar a experiência do trabalho em rede na implantação da Política Municipal de Assistência Social em Teresina-PI, no período de 2005-2008 de modo a efetivar direitos socioassistênciais de indivíduos e famílias em processo de exclusão social, com vista à construção de uma cidadania ativa. Tem os seguintes objetivos específicos: explicitar o desenho de construção do SUAS no município de Teresina; apreender a compreensão sobre trabalho em rede dos atores envolvidos na efetivação da Política de Assistência Social por meio do SUAS e apreender os limites, possibilidades, tensões e perspectivas da estratégia do trabalho em rede na implantação do SUAS no município de Teresina-PI.Partimos da hipótese de que a implantação do trabalho em rede proposta na Política Nacional de Assistência Social por meio do Sistema Único de Assistência Social-SUAS no município de Teresina, através dos Centros de Referência da Assistência Social-CRAS s, como equipamento que propicia uma nova forma de gestão pública, afiançando direitos socioassistenciais no território aos seguimentos da população que vive sob risco social, tem se efetivado com limitações, possibilidades e desafios, em um processo em movimento.As referências conceituais trabalhadas foram: descentralização, gestão pública, rede, estratégia do trabalho em rede, Política Pública de Assistência Social, Sistema Único de Assistência Social-SUAS, direitos socioassistenciais e território. Do ponto e vista metodológico trata-se de uma pesquisa qualitativa, compreendendo a coleta de depoimentos de um prefeito, dois gestores, quatro usuários da PMAS, quatro lideres de comunidade, quatro presidentes de entidades não-governamentais representando os quatros primeiros CRAS implantados no município de Teresina-PI. Foram utilizadas as técnicas da observação participante, pesquisa bibliográfica e documental. Os resultados revelaram que a estratégia do trabalho em rede tem comprovado que este trabalho, embora em estágio inicial de implantação, vem significando uma inovação na gestão da Política Municipal de Assistência Social de Teresina juntamente com o processo de descentralização e intersetorialização. Além disso, na perspectiva do território, vem qualificando o atendimento às necessidades dos usuários e o aceso à informação, contribuindo para o desenvolvimento de uma cidadania ativa de todos os participantes da rede
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JONAS, Jenisse Abílio. "The impact of economic crisis on children's health: analysis of the perceptions of migrant and native families'users of primary health care in Amadora." Master's thesis, Instituto de Higiene e Medicina Tropical, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/52853.
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Introdução: A crise económica afectou de forma diferente a saúde das crianças em vários países do mundo. Em Portugal, a crise contribuiu para o aumento do desemprego e cortes salariais no seio das famílias; aumentou a pobreza infantil e reduziu os benefícios sociais, afectando o bem-estar, físico, psicológico e emocional das crianças. Em Portugal, escassos são os estudos que analisam o impacto da crise económica na saúde infantil, daí a importância do presente estudo para suprir o défice de pesquisa nesta área, igualmente este estudo irá contribuir para a melhoria das políticas de saúde existentes por forma a prevenir impactos de futuras crises económicas na saúde.
Objectivo: Comparar os efeitos da crise económica na saúde infantil através das percepções dos cuidadores migrantes e nativos de crianças utentes do Agrupamento dos Centros de Saúde da Amadora (ACES da Amadora).
Desenho: Estudo observacional e transversal, com abordagem quantitativa.
Local de estudo: O estudo foi realizado de 8 de Janeiro a 15 de Março de 2018 nas 9 unidades de cuidados de saúde primários do ACES da Amadora.
Instrumento: a recolha de dados foi feita por meio de um questionário semiestruturado; a amostra foi composta por 507 participantes, seleccionados através de uma amostragem por conglomerados em dois estágios, em que as unidades de cuidados de saúde primária eram os conglomerados. Foram aplicadas estatísticas descritivas, o Modelo de Regressão Logística, testes não paramétricos (qui-quadrado e Mann Whitney) e teste paramétrico (teste t) em função de cada objectivo e adequabilidade da variável.
Resultados: dos 507 participantes, 168 (33,1%) são migrantes, 312 (61,5%) são portugueses e 27 (5,3%) não revelaram a nacionalidade. A percepção sobre os efeitos da crise económica na saúde das crianças está associada à idade (OR1,043; IC 90% 1,014 - 1,072) e nacionalidade (OR 1.418; IC 90% 0.959 - 2.288) em que os cuidadores mais velhos e os nativos percebem mais os efeitos da crise económica. Porém, tanto os migrantes assim como os nativos percebem que a crise não afectou o acesso aos serviços de saúde. Ambos grupos referiram ter dificuldades financeiras que os restringiram de pagar despesas comuns.
Limitações: participantes foram questionados sobre um evento passado, é possível que viés de memória para recordar evento dos 4 anos atrás tenham ocorrido. Os pais de crianças não registadas no ACES da Amadora não foram entrevistadas, apesar delas fazerem parte do mesmo município e também barreiras de comunicação durante as entrevistas foram encontrados.
Conclusão: os resultados do nosso estudo mostram que a crise económica afectou mais os cuidadores mais velhos e os nativos. Contudo, ambos grupos afirmaram que não sofreram limitações no acesso aos serviços de saúde.Background: The economic crisis affected differently children’s health in many countries of the world. In Portugal it contributed to increase children poverty, family unemployment, cuts on wages and social benefits, hence affecting on children physical, emotional and behavioural health and wellbeing. There is a lack of studies in Portugal that analyse the impact of economic crisis on children health, therefore this study will help to enhance existing policies on health and to prevent future impacts of economic crisis on health. Objective: To compare the effects of the economic crisis on child health through the perceptions of migrant and native caregivers of children attending Amadora Group of Primary Care Centres (ACES-Amadora). Design: Observational and cross-sectional study with a quantitative approach. Setting: The study was conducted from January 8th to March 15th, 2018 in 9 primary health care units of the ACES-Amadora. Measurements: Data were collected through a semi-structured questionnaire; 507 participants were selected through two-stage cluster sampling; where clusters correspond to groups of primary health care units. Descriptive statistics, multivariate logistic regression, non-parametric (chi-square and Mann Witney U test) and a parametric test (t-test) were performed. Results: From the 507 participants, 168 (33.1%) were migrants, 312 (61.5%) were Portuguese native and 27 (5.3%) did not reveal their nationality. Caregivers perception on the effect of economic crisis on child health is associated with age (OR1.043; 90% CI 1.014 - 1.072) and nationality (OR 1.418; 90% CI 0.959 - 2.288). Migrants and non-migrants perceive that the crisis did not affect access to health services in general. Both groups referred that one of the effects of the crisis were restrictions in payment of common expenses. Limitations: Participants were asked about a past event and memory bias to recall events in the last 4 years might have occurred. Parents of children not registered in the ACES-Amadora were not interviewed despite children be covered by this municipality. Communication barriers during the interviews were faced. Conclusion: Findings of our study shows that the economic crisis affected more the older and native caregivers. However, both groups asserted that they did not suffer any limitation in the access of health services.
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Valerio, Xana Campos. "Crise da legalidade estatal e política nacional de nanotecnologia: uma leitura sob a perspectiva da autêntica tradição constitucional." Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos, 2014. http://www.repositorio.jesuita.org.br/handle/UNISINOS/3679.
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A questão da regulamentação ou não das nanotecnologias, com todas as possibilidades revolucionárias que apresentam, perpassa estas duas formas de compreender a tradição e interpretar o mundo da vida: institucionalismo e utilitarismo. Como vertentes pré-compreensivas antagônicas, apontam para a construção de um porvir sob diferentes perspectivas: uma que preconiza a manutenção de uma principiologia constitucional, que num Estado Democrático de Direito, deveria guiar o agir dos sujeitos, fazendo parte do movimento em que acontecemos e acontece o mundo, onde Constituição Dirigente e Estado Democrático de Direito constituiriam correlatos necessários. Outra, que apregoa autoridade epistêmica aos diversos sistemas sociais autopoiéticos, que se desligando um pouco dos mecanismos Estatais, determinariam o que é permitido ou proibido para si, com base na sua linguagem operacional, com destaque para a econômica, independentemente do Direito Estatal. Esta segunda postura pré-compreensiva dá vida e coloca em movimento a ideologia utilitarista que se porta como um preconceito que direciona a ação legislativa e barra qualquer tentativa de regulamentação e de informação quanto aos riscos e malefícios que podem advir da nanotecnologia. Os cidadãos brasileiros são submetidos à situação de cobaias da nanotecnologia e são mantidos numa condição estratégica de desinformação, num distanciamento do compromisso democrático pela formação humana. Dá-se concreção a uma postura legislativa inautêntica, posto que afastada da principiologia constitucional, como ideal de vida boa autorizado pela Constituição de 1988. Defende-se uma postura discursiva, dentro da tradição constitucional e da crítica da ideologia utilitarista, de que todo progresso é potencialmente destrutivo, a não ser que seja reduzido a um curso ordeiro da natureza e das relações homeostáticas entre os cidadãos. E essa ordenação somente a vertente institucionalista é capaz de proporcionar, uma vez que não compartilha das insinceridades características do utilitarismo. Assim, somente promessas sinceras são capazes de legitimar o futuro tal como se põe em expectativa na Carta Magna. As insinceridades utilitaristas podem ser postas em perspectiva dentro do agir comunicativo habermasiano, com a explicitação da racionalidade compreensiva desviada dos trilhos constitucionais, pode ser reconduzida a estes por uma pedagogia argumentativa procedida por aqueles que já incorporaram a tradição constitucional ao seu processo vital. Busca-se demonstrar, através de uma reflexão crítica, a razão da incompatibilidade entre o institucionalismo e o utilitarismo e porque este último se afasta das diretrizes constitucionais.
The issue of regulation or not the nanotechnology, with all the revolutionary possibilities its presents, permeates these two ways of understanding the tradition and interpret the life-world: institutionalism and utilitarianism. As antagonistic pre-understanding points of view, points to building a future from different perspectives: one that advocates maintaining a constitutional principle, that a democratic state should guide the action of the subject as part of the movement that happen to and happens the world, where the Constitution Leader and Democratic State constitute related necessary. Another one, that proclaims to the several social systems epistemic authority autopoietic, turning off the mechanisms of State, define what is permitted or forbidden to itself, based on its operational language, with emphasis on economic, regardless of state law. This second pre-understanding posture gives life and sets in motion the utilitarian ideology, that equivalent the preconception, directs the legislative action, and prevents any attempt to regulate the nanotechnology, and also prevents information about the risks and harms that may arise from nanotechnology. Brazilian citizens are subjected to the situation of nanotechnology guinea pig, and are kept in a condition of strategic disinformation, it gives concreteness to an inauthentic legislative stance, since rejected the constitutional principiologia as ideal good life authorized by the 1988 Constitution, particularly in relation to the duty of human formation. Advocates as a discursive stance, within the constitutional tradition and the critique of utilitarian ideology, that all progress is potentially destructive, unless it is reduced to an orderly course of nature and homeostatic relationships among citizens. And this sort only the institutionalist strand is able to provide, since it does not share the characteristics of utilitarianism insincerities. Only sincere promises are able to legitimize the future as put forward in the Magna Carta. Utilitarian insincerities can be put into perspective within the Habermasian communicative act, with the explicit understanding of rationality diverted from the constitutional rails, can be traced back to these in an argumentative pedagogy preceded by those who have already incorporated the constitutional tradition to its vital process, demonstrating through critical reflection, the reason for the incompatibility between institutionalism and utilitarianism and because the latter departs from the constitutional guidelines.