Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Nation-state – European Union countries'

Defence date: 12 November 2007<br>Examining board: Prof. Neil Walker, EUI (Supervisor) ; Prof. Martin Loughlin, London School of Economics ; Advocate General Miguel Poiares Maduro, European Court of Justice ; Prof. Wojciech Sadurski, EUI<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses

This paper examines the current state of border hardening against refugees in the European Union and Australia through the lens of state crime. Border hardening strategies are described for both of these areas and a theoretical basis of state crime victimology is used to examine the refugees who encounter this border hardening. The present study analyzes two data sets on border deaths, one for the European Union and one for Australia, to examine the demographics of the refugees who perish while attempting to transgress the border. Results indicated that there remains a significant amount of missing data, suggesting that official methods of record-keeping are necessary to determine the most basic demographics, such as gender and age, so analyses can be run to determine significance in this area. One clear finding was that migrants most frequently die from drowning (EU: 83.6%; AU: 93%) compared to any other cause. Also, there is indication that those from disadvantaged areas of origin (such as the Middle East and Africa) are more likely to die in the borderlands than others in the dataset. Practical implications of the findings are discussed along with suggestions for future research.

Three models are developed to analyze the state level conditions fostering the rise of far right parties in the European Union in the last two decades. The political background of these parties is examined. This study offers a definition for far right parties, which combines several previous attempts. The research has focused on the effects of the number of the parties, immigration, and unemployment on support for the far right in Europe. Empirical tests, using a random effects model of fifty elections in eight nations, suggest that there are political, social, and economic conditions that are conducive to electoral success. Specifically, increases in the number of "effective" parties favor the far right, while electoral thresholds serve to dampen support. Immigration proves to be a significant variable. Surprisingly, changes in crime and unemployment rates have a negative effect on support for the far right. Suggestions for future research are offered.

Thèse qui propose d'analyser le processus de construction de la politique spatiale européenne. La question au coeur de la recherche est de comprendre pourquoi, alors qu’il fut initialement décidé de ne pas s’en remettre au cadre offert pas la Communauté pour européaniser les efforts naissants de coopération spatiale, put-on assister, à la fin des années 1980, à une implication grandissante de la Communauté européenne, qui se traduisit progressivement par une nouvelle européanisation du spatial ?La thèse défendue est que, loin de résulter uniquement de la confrontation et du choc des intérêts portés par les différents Etats, la politique spatiale européenne a été progressivement construite au travers d’un parcours historique dans lequel ont été impliqués différents espaces sociaux régis par des référentiels et des normes qui leur sont propres.<br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This study examines the issue of compatibility of demo-conditionality with state sovereignty in international law.  From a practical perspective, it examines the state of the science with respect to the enforcement of demo-conditionality, in the context of the unique relationship between the European Union and the African,  Caribbean and Pacific countries. The practicality of any argument declaring certain norms to be compatible with state sovereignty rests on an assumption that it is possible to distinguish which norms are compatible from those which are not. The validity of such an assumption depends on whether a universal workable test with which to draw this distinction, and its accompanying requirements, has been or can be developed. Therefore, the starting point of this study is to investigate whether such a universal test exists, and if so, what its requirements are. The author reaches a legally appropriate conclusion as to which norms are compatible with the principle of state sovereignty and which not in the international legal system. Thereafter, an investigation is undertaken with regard to the legal premises invoked to justify the compatibility of the demo-conditionality with state sovereignty. To this end, two levels of analysis (also referred to here as two paths) are followed. The first level of investigation concerns the proposition for demo-conditionality’s being premised upon adherence to new treaty obligations governing the parties’ observance of democratic norms. In this context, the examination focuses on Article 25 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 1966 as the relevant provision. Other single-issue human rights instruments are also examined to establish whether they compliment Article 25. The second level of investigation explores the possibility for demo-conditionality's compatibility being premised upon obligations of State parties, which arise from the various development co-operation instruments adopted over the years. Here, emphasis is placed upon the question of whether or not these instruments advocate the inclusion of demo-conditionality in development co-operation between donors and recipients of aid. This study ultimately reaches a legally appropriate conclusion, at both levels of analysis, concerning demo-conditionality's compatibility with the principle of state sovereignty. At this juncture, a recommendation is made as to which of the two paths is the legally safer one for the pursuit of the demo-conditionality in development co-operation. On the question of what constitutes a more successful international approach to the establishment of democratic governments in the South, this study has undertaken a comparative analysis, making suggestions with respect to two models: the "Enforcement Model", based upon coercive enforcement measures, and the "Managerial Model", based upon an approach of co-operative dialogue. Finally, the study examines the state of the science with respect to enforcement of demo-conditionality, with a focus on the special relationships between the European Union and the African, Caribbean and Pacific countries. This is designed to provide a degree of insight into the practical aspects associated with the enforcement of demo-conditionality.

The general focus of this thesis is on how the family, work and the welfare system are intertwined. A major determinant is the way responsibilities are shared by the state, the market and civil society in different welfare state regimes. An introductory chapter will therefore be dedicated to the development of the social dimension in the process of European integration. A first chapter will then go deeper into the comparative analysis of welfare state regimes, to comment on the provision of welfare in societies with a different mix of state, market and societal welfare roles and to assess the adequacy of existing typologies as reflections of today’s changed socio-economic, political and gender reality. Although they stand strong on their own, these first two chapters also contribute to contextualising the research subject of the remainder of the thesis: the study and comparison of the differential situation of women and men and of mothers and non-mothers on the labour markets of the EU-15 countries as well as of the role of public policies with respect to the employment penalties faced by women, particularly in the presence of young children. In our analysis, employment penalties are understood in three ways: (i) the difference in full-time equivalent employment rates between mothers and non-mothers, (ii) the wage penalty associated with motherhood, and (iii) the wage gap between part-time and full-time workers, considering men and women separately. Besides from a gender point of view, employment outcomes and public policies are thus assessed comparatively for mothers and non-mothers. Because women choose to take part in paid employment, fertility rates will depend on their possibilities to combine employment and motherhood. As a result, motherhood-induced employment penalties and the role of public policies to tackle them should be given priority attention, not just by scholars, but also by politicians and policy-makers.<br>Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The advent of the European Union has necessitated an adaptation on the part of governments, especially in those areas where the Community's laws supersede the national laws. The process whereby the Union affects the state has been characterised as ' Europeanisation.' This paper examines the adaptation in certain policy areas, not of policy itself, but at changes in the decision-making mechanisms that accompany membership in Union. It focuses on change in foreign policy mechanisms in Britain and Sweden, both unique case studies because of their histories. I argue that changes in foreign policy mechanisms reflect a change in the construct of the state itself given the delicacy of this particular policy area. Because foreign policy making remains within the ambit of respective member states, with the CFSP, the second pillar of the Maastricht treaty, encouraging, at best coordination by states, without imposing supranationality, foreign policy coordination in the European Union is mostly an intergovernmental affair. The changes in decision-making mechanisms however, has jeopardised the accepted notion of sovereignty in EU states as Sweden battles to retain her neutrality identity and Britain struggles to keep its Atlantic alliance intact while being part of Europe. Moreover, although the present changes have not removed foreign policy within the Union from intergovernmental level, that position too is fast changing. It is too early to say that the CFSP or the CESDP will supersede national foreign policy, and possibly, for a long time it would not; however, the new mechanisms in place allow for change in this aspect of the Union. In essence, as national foreign policy mechanisms evolve to accommodate membership, the CFSP too is adapting to the influence of the states and in the final analysis has the most potential to shape the future of the Union.

The European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) is a very young and innovative structure of the European Union’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). Since its launch in 1999 at the Summit of Cologne it has developed at such an incredible pace that even Javier Solana rhapsodised about the ESDP evolving in the speed of light. Seven years later, this dynamic of integration has decelerated to normal speed and the coherency issues connected with the integration process of the European Union (EU) have also begun to affect the ESDP which is intergovernmentally organised and hence vulnerable to coherency cracks on certain topics. The Iraq crisis in 2003 was the exemplar of this fragility. The ESDP’s decisionmaking process is based on the lowest common denominator among the EU member states. If these countries cannot agree, which was the case on the Iraq problem, the ESDP becomes less important as an EU forum of CFSP on defence issues. In consideration of the intergovernmental nature of the ESDP and its unanimous decisionmaking procedure it appears that the future of the ESDP is to a large extent dependent on the co-operation and political orientation of the ESDP member countries. In particular, the big three ESDP members of the United Kingdom, France and Germany are very influential political actors within the EU framework. In the context of the ESDP these three nations lead in the possession of military and civilian capabilities and dictate the main political streams of Europeanism versus Atlanticism as well as Intergovernmentalism versus Supranationalism within ESDP. However, despite their similarities in terms of their degree of political influence, derived from their capabilities in the ESDP, they differ in their political orientation of the main political streams. For instance, the diverging views on the transatlantic relationship appeared to be the bone of contention leading to the aforementioned Iraq crisis. In view of the conflicting positions one can ask where the ESDP is to go. Will it ever become a Defence Union? Referring to the influential role of the big three and the centrality of nation-state action in ESDP this thesis attempts to give an answer to these two questions with a credible prospect of the ESDP from a nation-centred structural realist approach. Since the structural realist concept emphasises the importance of national sovereignty in high politics this thesis concludes that the notion of the ESDP to become a Defence Union is very unlikely to occur. In addition to the pessimistic neorealist/structural realist scenario, alternative scenarios, based on the holistic current situation of the ESDP, which predict a more optimistic and probably more relevant future of the ESDP are also presented.

Нароган В. В. Монетарна політика держави в системі забезпечення економічної безпеки України: дисертація на здобуття наукового ступеня кандидата економічних наук за спеціальністю 21.04.01 – економічна безпека держави / Нароган Вадим Валентинович. – Львів: Львівський державний університет внутрішніх справ МВС України, 2020. - 240 с.<br>Дисертація присвячена вирішенню наукової проблеми, пов’язаної з розробкою теоретичних, методологічних та практичних рекомендацій щодо ефективного застосування монетарної політики для забезпечення економічної безпеки держави. Узагальнено, в дисертації: (1) проаналізовано теоретико-методичні засади дослідження монетарної політики як інструмента зміцнення національної економічної безпеки (зокрема, теоретичні підходи до аналізу монетарної політики у взаємозв’язку з економічною безпекою держави; монетарна політика як засіб забезпечення національної економічної безпеки; застосовано методи теоретичного моделювання монетарної політики у системі зміцнення економічної безпеки держави); (2) окреслено роль монетарної політики у забезпеченні економічної безпеки України (а саме, наведена характеристика монетарної політики у глобальній економіці; проаналізовано етапи розвитку монетарної політики в Україні; здійснено критичну оцінку особливостей механізмів зміцнення економічної безпеки України з використанням інструментарію монетарної політики); (3) розроблено стратегічні напрями застосування монетарної політики в системі забезпечення економічної безпеки України (насамперед, використано стратегічне програмування впливу монетарної політики на економічну безпеку держави з використанням інструментарію теорії ігор; розглянуто можливість використання криптовалюти як механізму протидії загрозам безпеці розвитку національної економіки; окреслено напрями адаптації європейського досвіду проведення монетарної політики у забезпеченні економічної безпеки України). На основі критичного аналізу наукових джерел розглядаються теоретичні підходи до вивчення монетарної політики стосовно економічної безпеки держави. Проаналізовано монетарну політику як засіб забезпечення національної економічної безпеки. Проведено теоретичне моделювання монетарної політики в контексті посилення економічної безпеки держави. Вивчені основні аспекти монетарної політики у світовій економіці та в Україні. Розкрито особливості механізмів посилення економічної безпеки України із застосуванням інструментів монетарної політики. Запропоновано підходи до стратегічного програмування впливу монетарної політики на економічну безпеку держави з використанням інструментів теорії ігор. Розглядається можливість використання криптовалюти як механізму протидії загрозам безпеці розвитку національної економіки. Окреслено можливості адаптації європейського досвіду проведення монетарної політики щодо забезпечення економічної безпеки України. У дисертації розроблені методичні підходи до визначення головного завдання монетарної політики, які відрізняються від діючих механізмів державного макроекономічного регулювання шляхом вирівнювання економічних циклів за наявності стабільної динаміки цін та відносно низького рівня безробіття, що створить передумови для макроекономічного балансу, економічного розвитку та забезпечення економічної безпеки, а також алгоритм впровадження грошових механізмів, який, на відміну від діючої у вітчизняній грошовій системі, містить такі елементи: грошове таргетування; валютне таргетування; інфляційне таргетування (згідно за правилом Тейлора); орієнтація на реальний ВВП, що підвищить ефективність монетарної політики та забезпечить поліпшення економічної безпеки держави. Подальший розвиток отримали методологічні підходи до моделювання монетарної політики, які відрізняються використанням моделі управління Баумоля-Тобіна та додаванням змінних, що характеризують рівень економічної безпеки держави з урахуванням трансакційних витрат домогосподарств, що дозволило враховувати взаємозв’язок між монетарною політикою та економічною безпекою на різних рівнях ієрархії управління соціально-економічною системою. Окреслено методологічні підходи до аналізу взаємозв’язку між монетарними чинниками та рівнем економічної безпеки держави з інституціональної точки зору, де, на відміну від усталеного твердження обґрунтовано, що не лише дохід, відсоткова ставка, а й трансакційні мотиви є факторами, які слід враховувати під час стратегічного планування розвитку монетарної сфери та забезпечення національної економічної безпеки держави, особливо її фінансової компоненти. Проаналізовано методичні підходи до використання механізмів криптовалюти як методу протидії загрозам фінансовій безпеці національних економік у глобальному середовищі, які, на відміну від існуючих теоретичних розробок, ґрунтуються на застосуванні теорії ігор, що дозволяє мінімізувати загрози та запропонувати підходи до прогнозування впливу на економічну безпеку в коротко- та довгостроковій перспективі. На основі здійсненого дослідження зроблено наступні висновки. Доведено, що в ефективному функціонуванні усіх державних механізмів провідну роль відіграє монетарна політика. Зауважено, що у чинному законодавстві відсутнє закріплення змісту монетарної політики та в доктринальному тлумаченні − її узагальнене розуміння. Виявлено непоодинокі випадки ототожнення монетарної та грошово-кредитної політики, навіть у нормативно-правових актах, необхідність чого є сумнівною. Підтверджено, що монетарна політика ґрунтується як на економічних законах грошового обігу, так і на законах соціального розвитку, а в її основі лежать кредитні та валютні операції, які відбуваються на фінансовому ринку. Наголошено, що головною ціллю монетарної політики держави повинна бути розробка концептуальних основ для стійкого економічного зростання у довгостроковій перспективі. Обґрунтовано, що становлення монетарної політики незалежної України пройшло довгий та складний шлях, змінюючись під впливом тієї чи іншої економічної теорії та в ході постійної полеміки представників різних теорій. При цьому спостерігаються як позитивні моменти, так і негативні. До позитивних віднесено відмову використання прямих кредитів Національного банку України для фінансування бюджетного дефіциту. До негативних – спрямованість монетарної політики на створення фінансового капіталу поруч з виробництвом, а не в якості його підґрунтя, що обумовило формування примітивного ринку. Виявлено, що на сучасному етапі інфляція в Україні носить переважно немонетарний характер, оскільки причиною інфляції є – зростання витрат виробництва (насамперед, цін і тарифів природних монополій, відсоткової ставки, транспортних послуг). Перерозподіл грошових потоків на користь природних монополій, диспаритет цін на енергоносії та сировинні товари відносно цін готової продукції призводять до збитковості та не конкурентоспроможності вагомої частки підприємств сільського господарства та обробної промисловості. У підсумку, вітчизняна економіка втрачає конкурентні переваги на глобальних ринках. Наголошено, що на початку ХХІ ст. багато розвинених країн цікавилися трансмісійним механізмом та його впливом на економіку. Особливий інтерес до трансмісійного механізму в Європі був викликаний пошуком схожих структур країн Єврозони для проведення єдиної грошово-кредитної політики. Актуальність дослідження трансмісійного механізму в Україні визначається наслідками світової кризи та її впливом на фінансову безпеку, яка вимагає перегляду тактики грошово-кредитної політики, виходячи із завдань підтримки постійних темпів економічного зростання та стабільного курсу гривні. Зауважено, що проведення ефективної монетарної політики залежить від досягнення тактичних, проміжних, кінцевих цілей. Основні цільові орієнтири й параметри аналізованої політики представляють собою глобальне завдання, що є прерогативою не лише НБУ, але й інших державних регуляторів. Серед основних напрямів монетарної політики виокремлюють такі: зростання реального обсягу ВВП; помірні темпи інфляції; рівновагу платіжного балансу; максимальна зайнятість. Виявлено, що на сучасному етапі, під впливом агресивної інвестиційної діяльності провідних країн та активної політики найбільших ІТ-компаній лавиноподібно розвивається глобальний цифровий простір. Проте в Україні цифрова економіка залишається сферою з нерозкритим потенціалом. Очевидно, що світова паперово-грошова система знаходиться в кризі, а значить замість неї мають прийти нові структуровані фінансові продукти. У світових фінансово-платіжних системах такими продуктами стали криптовалюти, серед яких одним із найбільш розповсюджених є біткоїн. Обґрунтовано, що для того, щоб криптовалюту можна було сприймати як гроші, у неї має бути як мінімум п’ять властивостей, якими наділені традиційні гроші, а саме: портативність, довговічність, подільність, пізнаваність, передбачуваність вартості грошей. Водночас глобальне поширення таких платежів перетворює цю категорію послуг на привабливу для протизаконних дій, у тому числі у сфері легалізації доходів, одержаних злочинним шляхом, фінансування тероризму тощо. В даний час спостерігається тенденція до використання криптовалют зловмисниками для анонімізації своїх дій, а громадяни все частіше стають жертвами шахраїв. In general, in the dissertation: (1) the theoretical and methodological principles of monetary policy research as a tool for strengthening national economic security (in particular, theoretical approaches to the analysis of monetary policy in relation to economic security; monetary policy as a means of national economic security; applied methods of monetary policy theoretical modeling in the system of strengthening the economic security of the state) are analyzed; (2) the role of monetary policy in ensuring Ukraine's economic security (in particular, the characteristics of monetary policy in the global economy; the stages of monetary policy development in Ukraine; critically assesses the mechanisms of strengthening Ukraine's economic security using monetary policy tools) is outlined; (3) strategic directions of monetary policy application in the system of economic security of Ukraine (first of all, used strategic programming of monetary policy influence on economic security of the state using game theory tools; considered the possibility of using cryptocurrency as a mechanism to counter security threats to the national economy; European experience in conducting monetary policy in ensuring the economic security of Ukraine) is developed. Based on a critical analysis of scientific sources, theoretical approaches to the study of monetary policy in relation to the economic security of the state are considered. Monetary policy as a means of ensuring national economic security is analyzed. Theoretical modeling of monetary policy in the context of strengthening the economic security of the state is carried out. The main aspects of monetary policy in the world economy and in Ukraine are studied. The peculiarities of the mechanisms of strengthening the Ukraine’s economic security using the monetary policy instruments are revealed. Approaches to strategic programming of the impact of monetary policy on the economic security of the state using the tools of game theory are proposed. The possibility of cryptocurrency using as a mechanism to counter security threats to the development of the national economy is considered. The possibilities of adapting the European experience of monetary policy conducting to ensure the economic security of Ukraine are outlined. The dissertation develops methodological approaches to defining the main task of monetary policy, which differ from the current mechanisms of state macroeconomic regulation by equalizing economic cycles in the presence of stable price dynamics and relatively low unemployment, which will create preconditions for macroeconomic balance, economic development and economic security. Also an algorithm for the introduction of monetary mechanisms, which, in contrast to the current in the domestic monetary system, contains the following elements: monetary targeting; currency targeting; inflation targeting (according to the Taylor rule); focus on real GDP, which will increase the effectiveness of monetary policy and improve the economic security of the state. Methodological approaches to monetary policy modeling have been further developed, differing in the use of the Baumol-Tobin governance model and the addition of variables that characterize the level of economic security of households, taking into account the transaction costs of households, management of the socioeconomic system. Methodological approaches to the analysis of the relationship between monetary factors and the level of economic security of the state from the institutional point of view are outlined, where, in contrast to the established statement, it is substantiated that not only income, interest rate, but also transactional motives are factors within strategic planning for the development of the monetary sphere and ensuring the national economic security of the state, especially its financial component. Methodological approaches to cryptocurrency mechanisms using as a method of counteracting threats to the financial security of national economies in the global environment are analyzed, which, unlike existing theoretical developments, are based on the application of game theory, which minimizes threats and offers approaches to forecasting economic security in long-term perspective . Based on the study, the following conclusions are made. It is proved that monetary policy plays a leading role in the effective functioning of all state mechanisms. It is noted that in the current legislation there is no consolidation of the content of monetary policy and in the doctrinal interpretation − its generalized understanding. There are many cases of identification of monetary and monetary policy, even in regulations, the need for which is questionable. It is confirmed that monetary policy is based on both the economic laws of money circulation and the laws of social development, and is based on credit and currency transactions that take place in the financial market. It is emphasized that the main goal of the monetary policy of the state should be to develop a conceptual framework for sustainable economic growth in the long run. It is substantiated that the formation of the monetary policy of independent Ukraine has come a long and difficult way, changing under the influence of one or another economic theory and in the course of constant controversy between representatives of various theories. At the same time, both positive and negative moments are observed. The refusal to use direct loans of the National Bank of Ukraine to finance the budget deficit was considered positive. The negative are the following − the focus of monetary policy on the creation of financial capital along with production, rather than as its basis, which led to the formation of a primitive market. It was found that at the present stage inflation in Ukraine is mainly nonmonetary, as the cause of inflation is − rising production costs (primarily, prices and tariffs of natural monopolies, interest rates, transport services). The redistribution of cash flows in favor of natural monopolies, the disparity in prices for energy and raw materials relative to the prices of finished products lead to unprofitability and noncompetitiveness of a significant share of agricultural and manufacturing enterprises. As a result, the domestic economy is losing competitive advantage in global markets. It is emphasized that at the beginning of the XXI century many developed countries were interested in the transmission mechanism and its impact on the economy. Particular interest in the transmission mechanism in Europe was caused by the search for similar structures of the Eurozone countries to conduct a single monetary policy. The relevance of the study of the transmission mechanism in Ukraine is determined by the effects of the global crisis and its impact on financial security, which requires a review of monetary policy, based on the task of maintaining constant economic growth and a stable hryvnia exchange rate. It is noted that the conduct of effective monetary policy depends on the achievement of tactical, intermediate, ultimate goals. The main targets and parameters of the analyzed policy are a global task, which is the prerogative not only of the NBU, but also of other state regulators. Among the main directions of monetary policy are the following: real GDP growth; moderate inflation; balance of payments; maximum employment. It is revealed that at the present stage, under the influence of aggressive investment activities of leading countries and active policy of the largest IT companies, the global digital space is developing avalanche-like. However, in Ukraine, the digital economy remains an area of untapped potential. It is obvious that the world paper and money system is in crisis, which means that new structured financial products should come instead. In the world's financial and payment systems, such products are cryptocurrencies, among which one of the most common is bitcoin. It is argued that in order for a cryptocurrency to be perceived as money, it must have at least five properties that are endowed with traditional money, first of all: portability, durability, divisibility, recognizability, predictability of the money value. At the same time, the global proliferation of such payments makes this category of services attractive for illegal actions, including in the field of money laundering, terrorist financing, etc. Currently, there is a tendency for criminals to use cryptocurrencies to anonymize their actions, and citizens are increasingly falling victim to fraud.

Recent developments such as internationalization of labor markets, emergence of multi-level polities and a global discourse on human rights have influenced citizenship practices and challenged conventional definitions of citizenship. While conventional definitions of citizenship often presuppose the relationship between citizenship, nationality and nation-state, as an institution, citizenship is constituted and reconstituted by economic, political, social and legal practices. In this context, European Union citizenship (EU citizenship), which was formally introduced in 1993, has generated a discussion on its nature. As a reflection of its dynamic and ambiguous character, there is a variety of interpretations on EU citizenship that can be evaluated between postnational and national ends. In line with these interpretations, this thesis aims to provide an insight to the possibility of postnationality in the case of the European Union Citizenship. In this sense, the analysis of EU citizenship depends on two significant theoretical bases: the contemporary debates on citizenship and the theories of European integration. It is attempted to combine these theoretical frameworks in a critical analysis in order to consider the postnational potentials and possibilities that the EU citizenship has. In the case study of EU citizenship a socio-historical analysis of the making of EU citizenship is carried out mainly with reference to the official documents of the institutions of European Union. In the light of this analysis, EU citizenship is critically examined according to designated discussion themes. Consequently, in this thesis, it is mainly argued that dynamic and evolving nature of EU citizenship create contradictory notions in its development process. This also reflects that possibilities for postnationality are inherent to the EU citizenship.

This thesis analyzes the transformation of the European Nation State and the effects of the discourses on Europeanization and Governance on the European Union Integration process. European policies had penetrated into the political systems of its member states as a result of European Integration process. As a result, discourses on Europeanization changed domestic political structures and modes of governance. This process of Europeanization requires a new system of governance and the recent debates are shaped on this discourse.

Larry Backer opines that 'Most of the academic work regarding the "lessons" offered by American federalism for the European Union ("EU") and other supra-national systems has predominantly focused on an understanding of post-Civil War American federalism. It remains, on that account, extremely superficial.' Backer notes that there are important lessons to learn from Calhoun's marginalized understanding of federalism that provide emerging supra-national unions like the European Union with a powerful conceptual foundation for the construction of non-national federal systems of government. The research question seeks to test this debate, first by following the theoretical arguments that took place within the United States on the issue surrounding states' rights versus federalism, and second through the various court cases that have occurred within the European national courts and the European Court of Justice. In essence, the research question seeks to determine where the locus of power currently resides, or will tend to reside, between to the European Union and its member nations.

European integration is a curious concept. There is stark disparity between some areas of policy that seemingly glide through the integration process, while others lag behind and despite decades of attempts, never reach the status of a fully-fledged area of European Union competence. Once such area is education. Through integration theories, political scientists have sought to explain how policies develop and are implemented at European level. This interdisciplinary study borrows the opposing theories of neofunctionalism and intergovernmentalism with the aim of identifying the influence of the supranational and the strength of the state in the evolution of a European Union education policy. It seeks to pinpoint how education can be placed within the construction of Europe and the process of early European integration to determine the feasibility of these integration theories in explaining the journey of education policy in the European context. Historical methodology is adopted, based on archival research at the Historical Archives of the European Union, using documentary analysis to trace the history of activities and initiatives relating to education between 1945-1976. Collective biography methodology is adopted to give space to the role of states in driving the scope, direction and extent of integration based on domestic interests, while a case study implements methodological triangulation to stress-test the case of education. The study proposes that education is a complex case that does not slot neatly into a theory of integration. Education is multifaceted, a cultural – while at the same time – economic component: it is woven into the fabric of nation-states, it contributes to increasing global competitiveness, it diversifies across borders, and its development is attached to temporality and context. Despite suggestions that the state is diminishing in power, education serves as an example to demonstrate that the state is very much alive and at the centre of certain areas of policy development at European level.

Avec la signature du Traité de Paris en 1951, l’unité européenne est passée du domaine des rêves à celui de la réalité. Des institutions communes ont été créées, ainsi qu’un droit communautaire qui a harmonisé les législations des États membres et une citoyenneté supranationale reconnue. Pourtant, pouvons-nous affirmer que la communauté européenne existe ? Celle-ci, n’exige-t-elle pas également l’existence d’une représentation commune qui rassemble des peuples qui ont parcouru leurs histoires au rythme des conflits ? Y a-t-il un sentiment de coappartenance en Europe ? Nous soutenons que l’objet politique non identifié qu’est l’Union Européenne ne peut faire l’objet d’une représentation que s’il n’assume son europeanité. En d’autres termes, l’existence d’une communauté politique européenne consolidée est ici conditionnée à la représentation de l’identité européenne, à l’existence d’un ensemble de références partagées et donc fédérateur des différences qui la constituent. Il s’agira de questionner, dans un premier moment, les relations entretenues par l’Europe avec le temps et l’espace. Ceux-ci permettront alors de dégager les traits caractéristiques de l’européanité à l’origine d’un style européen. Ce style européen sera ensuite associé à la construction politique, comme le contenu doit être associé à la forme. Ce sera alors le moment pour questionner les modèles politiques européens de façon à savoir enfin lequel parmi l’État-nation et l’Empire est le plus adéquat au style européen<br>With the signature of the Treaty of Paris in 1951, european unity moved from the field of dreams to reality. Common institutions were created, as well as a community law that harmonised the laws of the member states and recognised supranational citizenship. However, can we say that the european community really exists? Doesn’t it also requires the existence of a common representation that brings together the people who have walked through their stories to the rhythm of conflicts? Is there a feeling of co-belonging in Europe? This thesis argues that the unidentified political object that is the European Union cannot be the object of representation if it does not assume its europeanity. In other words, the existence of a consolidated european political community is here conditional on the representation of european identity, that is, on the existence of a set of shared references that consequently unify the differences that make up the territory. Therefore, on a first approach, the relationships between Europe and the space-time dimensions are questioned. These will then allow us to bring out the characteristic features of europeanity that form an european style. This european style will then be associated with political construction, the same way that contents must be associated with form. This will then be the time to question the European political models so that we may know, between nation state or Empire, which is most appropriate to the european style

La Turquie a connu un nouveau tournant dans les relations entre l'UE et la Turquie le 3 octobre 2005, lorsque les négociations pour la pleine adhésion ont débuté. Lorsque le gouvernement turc de coalition a commencé à améliorer les droits de l'homme et les droits des minorités en Turquie en 1999, l'Union européenne a commencé à adopter une perspective différente sur son adhésion à l'UE. L'objectif de cette étude est de mettre en lumière les progrès réalisés en matière de droits de l'homme et de droits linguistiques des minorités non officielles en Turquie compte tenu de l'adhésion à l'Union européenne. L'étude est basée sur une analyse documentaire, une méthode de recherche en sciences politiques, où nous avons examiné les rapports de progrès et les résolutions du Parlement européen sur les progrès réalisés par la Turquie ainsi que d'autres documents internationaux relatifs à la minorité et/ou aux droits de l'homme et les documents d’archive ottoman et turc. Ces documents ont été examinés sous l'angle des droits linguistiques. Nous avons découvert que la Turquie devrait élargir sa compréhension des minorités et que le turc doit être la langue officielle tandis que toutes les autres langues devraient être reconnues officiellement sans donner un statut de minorité. Donc, si un ressortissant turc veut avoir un emploi dans une unité gouvernementale, il doit connaître le turc alors que sa propre langue maternelle n'est pas interdite, comme en Angleterre et en France, où l'anglais ou le français sont obligatoires alors que toutes les autres langues sont libres à apprendre et pratiquer dans les médias, l'école et en public<br>Turkey had a new turning point in EU-Turkey relations on 3 October 2005 when the negotiations for full membership started. When the Turkish government of coalition started to improve human rights and minority rights in Turkey, the European Union commenced to adopt a different perspective on the accession to the EU in 1999. The objective of this study is to shed light on the progress in human rights and linguistic rights of the unofficial minorities in Turkey in view of European Union membership. The study is based on document analysis, one of research methods in political science, where we examined the progress reports and European Parliament resolutions on the progress made by Turkey as well as other international documents related to the minority and/or human rights besides Ottoman and Turkish archives. These documents were examined from the perspective of language rights. We found out that Turkey should broaden its understanding of minorities and the language of the state should be Turkish while all other languages should be recognized officially. So, if one national wants to have a job in any government unit, Turkish must be the official language while their own mother tongue is not forbidden like in England and France where English or French respectively are obligatory while all other languages are free to be learned and practiced in media, school, and in public

Au-delà du débat entre méthode intergouvernementale et méthode communautaire, le positionnement des Etats-nations par rapport à la construction européenne demeure une variable essentielle pour comprendre comment s’opère cette construction et à quels compromis elle parvient. Traditionnellement abordé sous l’angle de la puissance et de la géopolitique, le rapport entre les Etats de l’Union européenne, désormais réglé par la coopération institutionnelle, doit faire appel à d’autres grilles d’analyse issues de l’histoire et des différences culturelles, sociologiques, économiques, politiques entre les nations. Cette thèse, fondée à la fois sur une expérience diplomatique et sur des travaux de recherche et de réflexion, met en exergue le rôle central et systémique de la relation franco-allemande, à la lumière notamment de la rédaction du projet de Constitution européenne en 2002-2003, des positions actuelles de l’Union sur la politique d’élargissement et la relation avec la Russie, ou de la résolution des problèmes de l’union monétaire depuis 2010. La négociation du cadre financier pluriannuel de l’Union européenne montre comment les Etats-nations s’orientent à partir de la question des « soldes nets » qui oppose pays bénéficiaires et pays contributeurs. Une plus grande équité dans les dépenses et la répartition de la charge contributive pourrait être un moyen de dépasser ces négociations d’apothicaires. La politique étrangère européenne est encore plus l’exemple d’une politique contrainte par les différents intérêts nationaux, ce qui n’a pas empêché le développement de l’Europe de la défense dès lors que celle-ci restait adossée aux Etats-Unis et à l’OTAN. Revisitant la construction européenne en fonction des préférences nationales, cette thèse se conclut en posant l’articulation géopolitique entre Union européenne, « Europe espace » et « Europe puissance »<br>Beyond the debate on intergovernmentalism and the “communautarian method”, the positioning of the “Nation States” in Europe is a key factor determining the European construction and its compromises. Traditionnally analysed through geopolitics and power politics, the relationship between the States of the European Union is nowadays ruled by institutional cooperation and must be addressed by new analytical schemes such as cultural, sociological, economical and political differences between the nations. This thesis, based on diplomatic experience and academic works, emphasizes the role of the franco-german relationship regarding in particular the negociation of the European constitution in 2002-2003, the EU positions on enlargement and the relationship to Russia, or the solution to the Eurozone crisis since 2010. In the negociation of the financial perspectives, the positions of Member States is determined by the question of budgetary balances in which contributors and beneficiaries of the EU budget face eachother. More equity in the sharing of expenditures and resources could be a mean to get out of these tough negociations. EU foreign policy is another example of a policy determined by national interests, which didn’t prevent the EU to develop a common defence policy as far as it remains compatible with NATO and the US Strategy. Having revisited the European integration through these national preferences, this thesis questions in conclusion the links between the EU, the European space and the European power

La présente étude se propose de revisiter la doctrine classique des droits fondamentaux des États, et cherche à vérifier si c’est à raison qu’elle fut rejetée, ou si elle trouve désormais quelque environnement juridique plus favorable à son redéploiement. Opposés trait pour trait aux droits dits relatifs ou accessoires qui trouvent leur source dans le droit conventionnel et coutumier, les droits de conservation, de souveraineté, d’égalité, de respect et de commerce, sont conçus comme fondamentaux dans un sens évidemment matériel – ce sont des droits constitutifs de l’État-nation et, inversement, des droits dont l’aliénation totale ou partielle anéantirait ou diminuerait la personnalité de l’État qui y consentirait –, mais également dans un sens formel – la violation d’un droit fondamental étatique emportant des effets juridiques spécifiques comme la nullité des traités et le recours à la guerre. Or, en raison de la contradiction entre l’horizontalité de l’ordre juridique international et la fondamentalité des droits étatiques, ainsi que du fondement très individualiste de la doctrine, celle-ci subit les attaques des écoles positivistes et néo-naturalistes durant l’entre-deux-guerres, et finit par être absolument rejetée au sortir du deuxième conflit mondial. Prenant toutefois acte du regain d’intérêt doctrinal que suscitent les droits étatiques, tant en droit international qu’en droit de l’Union européenne et en droit constitutionnel, dans le contexte d’une société internationale qui a beaucoup évolué, il s’agit de vérifier si certains droits étatiques, prétendus fondamentaux, répondent bel et bien aux critères matériel et formel de la fondamentalité d’un droit. Dans une perspective fédéraliste, c’est-à-dire d’une protection institutionnalisée des droits étatiques, les États obtiennent-ils par exemple une garantie de leur droit à la survie dans le cadre des Nations Unies ou d’un droit au respect de leur identité nationale dans le cadre de l’Union européenne ? Dans une perspective étatiste, c’est-à-dire d’une protection unilatérale des droits étatiques, si les internationalistes classiques théorisent à raison que l’aliénation des droits souverains et des droits identitaires portent atteinte à la qualité d’État-nation, la garantie de tels droits ne relève-t-elle pas alors davantage de l’ordre juridique national que de l’ordre juridique international, auquel il n’échoit pas de protéger l’État contre lui-même<br>This thesis revisits the classical doctrine of fundamental rights of States, and attempts to determine whether it was rightly rejected, or if it could now be redeployed within a more adequate legal framework. In contrast with the so-called relative or accessory rights, which find their source in customary and conventional law, the rights to self-preservation, sovereignty, equality, dignity and mutual commerce are conceived as fundamental in a material sense – because they are inherently linked to the Nation-State and, conversely, a Nation-State could not dispose of them without affecting its statehood –, but they are also conceived in a formal sense – because their violation implies specific legal effects as the rights of the affected State to invoke invalidity of rules found in contradiction of them and, ultimately, to resort to war. In that respect, while classical internationalists hand down to posterity a notable theory of fundamental rights of States, they paradoxically claim to deploy it in the international legal order, which is radically horizontal. Therefore, somehow resisting from doctrinal attacks, the theory of fundamental rights of States was finally abandoned in the second half of last century. Nevertheless, acknowledging the renewed doctrinal interest in state rights, both in international law, in European Union law and in constitutional law, in the context of an evolving international society, the point is to question whether these states’ rights meet the materiel and formal criteria of the fundamentality of rights. In a federalist perspective, namely an institutional protection of state rights, do States obtain, for instance, a protection of their right to survival within the United Nations and a protection of their right to respect for national identity within the European Union ? From a statist point of view, namely a unilateral protection of state rights, if classical internationalists correctly theorize that the alienation of sovereign and identity rights undermine the quality of a Nation-State, does the protection of such rights fall within the international legal order or rather within the national legal order ?

Si l'histoire de la construction européenne a été marquée, à partir des années 1970, par les tensions entre la Communauté puis l'Union, d'une part, imposant la primauté absolue de son droit, et les États membres, d'autre part, revendiquant la suprématie de leur droit constitutionnel, cette problématique tend à se cristalliser depuis quelques années autour d'une notion : celle d'identité constitutionnelle de l'État membre. Pourtant la vertu fédératrice qu'on pourrait lui prêter contraste avec la polysémie de la notion. C'est précisément l'objet de cette étude de droit constitutionnel européen que de tenter de dégager des données du droit positif des États membres et de l'Union un concept empirique viable de la notion d'identité constitutionnelle de l'État membre, inspiré par une grille d'analyse issue des sciences sociales.La fondamentalité, dont l'objectivation passe par la référence à l'histoire de l'État, constitue un critère de définition nécessaire, quoiqu'insuffisant, de l'identité constitutionnelle, quelle que soit la façon dont celle-ci est conçue. Ecartées les formes contingentes de l'identité constitutionnelle qui conduisent à terme au dépérissement de la notion, selon des processus variables, que l'identité soit envisagée à partir de ce qu'il y a d'identique entre les États membres ou de spécifique à chaque État membre vis-à-vis de l'Union (et en dernière analyse vis-à-vis de ses pairs), c'est une conception de l'identité constitutionnelle inhérente à l'État membre qui s'imposera finalement. Ainsi conçue à partir de ce qui est ontologiquement commun aux États membres et irréductiblement spécifique vis-à-vis de l'Union, l'identité constitutionnelle assure en définitive la pérennité de l'étaticité des membres de l'Union et de l'origine stato-nationale de toute puissance publique, étatique ou européenne, en Europe<br>If the history of European integration has been marked, from the 1970s, by the tensions between, on one hand, the Community and the Union, imposing the absolute primacy of its law and, on the other hand, the Member States, claiming the supremacy of their constitutional right, this problem aims to crystallize in recent years around the notion of the constitutional identity of the Member State. Yet, the unifying virtue which we could lend it contrasts with the polysemy of the notion. This is precisely the purpose of this study of European constitutional law to try to extract from the data of the positive law of the Member States and the Union an empirically viable concept of the notion of constitutional identity of the Member State, inspired by an analytical framework from the social sciences. The fundamentality, objectified by reference to the history of the state, is a necessary but insufficient defining criterion of constitutional identity, regardless of how it is conceived. Put apart the contingent forms of constitutional identity that lead ultimately to the decline of the notion, according to variable processes – that identity is seen as identical between Member States or as specific to each Member States towards the Union (and ultimately toward its peers) – it's a conception of inherent constitutional identity to the Member State which will finally be stand out. Based on what is ontologically common to the Member States and irreducibly specific towards the Union, the constitutional identity ultimately ensures the continuity of the statehood of the Members of the Union and the nation-state origin of any public authority, state or European, in Europe

Les conceptions traditionnelles de l’État sont amenées à se transformer sous les pressions du processus d’intégration européenne. Cette thèse propose de le vérifier par une analyse herméneutique comparée des manuels scolaires d’Histoire et de Géographie édités au cours des cinquante dernières années et destinés aux élèves de l’enseignement général secondaire supérieur en France, en Angleterre, au Bade-Wurtemberg, en Catalogne, en Communauté française de Belgique et en Finlande. Ces disciplines jouent un rôle particulier dans la mesure où les savoirs mobilisés participent à la construction et au maintien des mécanismes d’identifications collectives. Les manuels concernés contribuent à définir et circonscrire un « nous » et organisent les connaissances autour de cet axe. De nos jours, ce « nous » correspond encore largement aux communautés nationales ou qui ont vocation à le devenir. Cette étude se focalise essentiellement sur le concept de l’État, curseur privilégié de la compréhension de la vie politique. Comment celui-ci est-il appréhendé dans ces ouvrages et dans quelle mesure le processus d’intégration européenne provoque-t-il une inflexion des conceptions initiales? L’État apparaît comme un concept important dans les manuels scolaires et constitue le cadre à partir duquel s’interprète l’histoire. Mais s’il est abondamment mentionné, il est peu rigoureusement défini et son interprétation passe nécessairement par la compréhension des rapports centre/périphérie qui structurent chaque pays. À ce stade, l’introduction de l’Union européenne se montre partout très timide et son approche se lit largement à travers le prisme des spécificités nationales persistantes<br>Traditional concepts of the state are changing under the pressure of Europeanization. This dissertation seeks to verify this thesis through a comparative hermeneutic analysis of history and geography textbooks used over the past fifty years in the upper secondary schools of France, England, Baden-Württemberg, Catalonia, Finland, and the French Community of Belgium. These disciplines play a key role, since the knowledge they convey contributes to building and maintaining a sense of collective identity. Textbooks help define who “we” are, and organize knowledge around this axis. In our time, this “we” still corresponds largely to existing or potential national communities.This study focuses largely on the concept of the state as the central indicator for the understanding of political life. How has this concept been understood and presented in textbooks, and to what extent has the process of European Integration led to a change in emphasis? The state remains an important concept in textbooks, and remains the framework within history is interpreted. While it is frequently mentioned, however, it is not rigorously defined, and the interpretation of the state is influenced by centre-periphery relations, as these are found in each country. At this stage, the introduction of the European Union is generally very limited and is approached largely through the lens of persistent national specificity

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 CARLOS LUIZ DAMACENA.pdf: 1834605 bytes, checksum: c68500fbee24a7adcafb6cbf627de3b2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-10-02<br>This dissertation analyses the mismaches of the European Integration process, after the rejection of the first Constitucional Treaty in 2009 by the French and Dutch electorates, interrupting a constitutional process of political union, which was happenning then. We base on the theoretical approach of Postfuncionalism, which considers classical schools, as Neofunctionalism and Liberal Intergovernamentalism, unable to respond to the new facts that are happening in the European Union, as well as their questionings. The subject leads to a discussion about the deepening of the economic block in the direction of a political union, which has been led by elections and referendums,besides the mobilization of public opinion and political parties, showing that the crisis in the regional integration is caused not only by economic problems, but also by political ones, caused by the absence of an European identity. In this debate, the elaboration of an European demos, in confrontation with national identities, constitutes a critical contestatory ingredient in Europe.<br>Esta dissertação analisa os descompassos ocorridos no processo de integração europeia, após a rejeição do Primeiro Tratado Constitucional em 2005 pelos eleitores da França e da Holanda, interrompendo o processo constitucional para uma União Política então em curso. Tem-se como embasamento a abordagem teórica do pós-funcionalismo, que considera escolas clássicas, como o Neofuncionalismo e o Intergovernamentalismo Liberal, incapazes de responder aos questionamentos dos novos fatos que têm ocorrido na União Europeia. O tema leva à discussão a respeito do aprofundamento do bloco econômico em direção a uma união política que tem sido conduzida por eleições e referendos, além da mobilização da opinião pública e dos partidos políticos, apontando que a crise na integração regional é provocada não somente por problemas econômicos, mas também políticos, devido à ausência de uma identidade europeia. Nesse debate, a elaboração de um demos europeu, em confronto com a identidade nacional, manifesta-se como crítico ingrediente contestatório na Europa.

Même si la réduction des apports de nutriments dans les écosystèmes aquatiques est généralement envisagée avec des approches « effects-based », ce n’est pas le cadre qui a été suivi dans cette thèse. En effet, dans une démarche de développement durable, il semble plus pertinent, de définir des mesures de contrôle de la pollution agissant sur les relations de cause à effet. Selon cette logique, la méthodologie proposée par la Directive Cadre sur l’Eau (DCE) pour protéger les écosystèmes aquatiques présente plusieurs faiblesses. Par le fait qu’elle réfère à certains principes de l’économie standard de l’environnement, l’analyse économique de la DCE pose plusieurs problèmes pour agir sur la causalité de la pollution. Néanmoins, la méthodologie proposée par la DCE est pertinente par le fait qu’elle recommande l’utilisation combinée de mesures techniques et d’instruments pour diminuer les dommages environnementaux. Conformément à cette disposition, l’effet de mesures techniques et d’instruments sur le secteur agricole et sur la chaine alimentaire l’englobant a été évalué puisque cette dernière est responsable de la majorité des émissions diffuses et ponctuelles d’azote et de phosphore dans les eaux de surface. La définition de mesures techniques en fonction de l’efficience de l’utilisation des nutriments (Nutrient Use Efficiency, NUE) dans la production agricole a été complétée par l’étude des instruments économiques utilisés dans la Politique Agricole Commune (PAC) pour développer une agriculture multifonctionnelle. Si la thèse concerne de manière générale l’eutrophisation des écosystèmes aquatiques, elle se penche plus particulièrement sur les pressions au sein du bassin de l’Escaut et sur leurs impacts jusqu’à la zone côtière de la mer du Nord. Des mesures techniques agissant sur les causes des émissions diffuses du secteur agricole et sur les émissions ponctuelles des stations d’épuration ont été proposées pour ce bassin. Ces mesures techniques ont été caractérisées prioritairement par leur efficacité environnementale (grâce aux modèles Sénèque-Riverstrahler et MIRO) et en fonction de leurs coûts directs. <p><p>/<p><p>Although reducing the load of nutrients in aquatic ecosystems is usually looked at through "effects-based" approaches, this is not the context which this paper has chosen to follow. In fact, keeping in line with sustainable development, it seems more relevant to define measures to control pollution which act on cause and effect relations. According to this way of thinking, the methodology proposed by the Water Framework Directive (WFD) to protect aquatic ecosystems presents a number of weaknesses. By the fact that it refers to certain standard economic principles for the environment, the WFD’s economic analysis poses several problems towards acting on the cause of the pollution. Nevertheless, the methodology proposed by the WFD is relevant, as it recommends the combined use of technical measures and of instruments to reduce environmental damage. In accordance with this disposition, an assessment has been made of the effect of technical measures and instruments on the agricultural sector and on the food chain encompassing it, since the food chain is responsible for the majority of diffuse and point emissions of nitrogen and phosphorus in surface waters. The definition of technical measures in terms of efficient use of nutrients (Nutrient Use Efficiency, NUE) in agricultural production has been complemented by a study of economic instruments used in the Common Agricultural Politicy (CAP) to develop a multifunctional type of agriculture. Although the paper deals with the eutrophication of aquatic ecosystems in a general way, it concentrates particularly on the increasing pressures in the Scheldt basin and on their impacts as far as the North Sea coastal zone. Technical measures acting on the causes of diffuse emissions in the agricultural sector and on point emissions in the water treatment plants have been proposed for this basin. These technical measures have been categorised in order of priority according to their environmental effectiveness (thanks to the Sénèque-Riverstrahler et MIRO models) and depending on their direct costs.<br>Doctorat en Sciences agronomiques et ingénierie biologique<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Булатін, Д. О. Адміністративно-правові засади здійснення превентивної діяльності поліцією: порівняння досвіду України та країн ЄС : дис. ... д-ра філос.: 12.00.07, 081 / Дмитро Олексійович; МВС України, Харків. нац. ун-т внутр. справ. - Харків, 2020. - 247 с.<br>У дисертації міститься теоретичне узагальнення актуальної наукової проблеми, пов’язаної із визначенням адміністративно-правових засад здійснення превентивної діяльності поліцією через порівняння досвіду України та країн ЄС, а також шляхів їх удосконалення. В результаті проведеного дослідження сформульовано низку положень та висновків котрі спрямовані на досягнення поставленої мети.<br>The dissertation contains a theoretical generalization of the current scientific problem related to the definition of administrative and legal principles of preventive activities by the police through a comparison of the experience of Ukraine and the EU, as well as ways to improve them. As a result of the research, a number of provisions and conclusions have been formulated which are aimed at achieving the set goal.<br>В диссертации содержится теоретическое обобщение актуальной научной проблемы, связанной с определением административно-правовых основ осуществления превентивной деятельности полицией через сравнение опыта Украины и стран ЕС, а также путей их совершенствования. В результате проведенного исследования сформулирован ряд положений и выводов которые направлены на достижение поставленной цели.

Les révolutions de l’Est ont induit la fragmentation des Etats qui s’est accompagnée, sur le plan interne par une renaissance des partis ethniques ; ce qui ne va pas sans poser de problèmes à la démocratie politique. Les transitions et a fortiori les consolidations démocratiques font émerger un double phénomène d’interaction entre les acteurs et le système, dans la recherche d’un nouvel équilibre. Les partis ethniques se politisent alors que le système s’ouvre à l’acteur ethnique. On assiste donc à un réajustement évolutif du système devant la nouvelle donne. Le système s’ouvre aux nouvelles demandes à caractère ethnique de différentes façons et à différents degrés : entre la légalisation et la tolérance. Côté acteurs, les partis ethniques rentrent progressivement dans le jeu politique ; de différentes façons et à différents degrés. Dans notre champ problématique les relations interactives se déploient entre acteurs multi-niveaux (partis-Etats) et dans les divers champs (politique, sociétal et juridique). Leurs connexions sont croisées entre l’espace étatique et internationale, public et civil, politique et sociétal ; avec les Etats d’accueil ou d’origine, mais aussi, les Etats-tiers. Ils sont à velléités indépendantistes ou simplement des lobbies politiques. Nous avons essayé de mettre en lumière les principaux aspects de la complexité de la question ethnique dans les jeunes démocraties politiques ‘‘en consolidation’’. La problématique ethnique des PECO peut-elle nous aider à compléter en actualisant certaines visions généralistes des sciences politiques ? Les acteurs impliqués sont ainsi invités à éviter les pièges des nationalismes perçus comme ‘‘mesquins’’, voire ‘‘chaotiques’’ tout en servant la cause d’une plus souple intégration politique alias la ‘‘paix démocratique’’<br>The revolutions of Eastern induced fragmentation of States were accompanied internally by a revival of ethnic parties, which is not without its problems in political democracy. Transitions and even more democratic consolidation are emerging a double phenomenon of interaction between actors and the system in search of a new equilibrium. Ethnic parties then politicize the system opens the ethnic actor. We are witnessing an evolutionary adjustment of the system to the new situation. The system opens to the new demands ethnic ways and to different degrees: between legalization and tolerance. Side actors, are gradually returning ethnic parties in the political game, in different ways and to different degrees. In our problem the field deploy interactive relationships between multi-level actors (parties-States) and in the various fields (political, societal and legal). Their connections are crossed between the State and international space, public and civil, political and social, with host countries or origin, but also the third States. They are separatist ambitions or simply political lobbies. We tried to highlight the main aspects of the complexity of the ethnic issue in young democracies political '' in consolidation ''. The ethnic problem of CEEC can help us to complete updating some general visions of political science? The actors involved are invited to avoid the pitfalls of nationalism perceived as '' petty '' or '' chaotic '' while serving the cause of a more flexible policy integration to the ‘‘democratic peace’’

Defence date: 19 September 2001<br>Examining Board: Prof. Dr. Jürgen Habermans, Universität Frankfurt am Main ; Prof. Charles F. Sabel, Columbia University, New York ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter, EUI (supervisor) ; Prof. Peter Wagner, EUI<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Defence date: 5 June 2003<br>Examining board: Prof. Thomas Risse (EUI - Supervisor) ; Prof. Yves Mény (EUI) ; Prof. Bo Stråth (EUI) ; Prof. Hans-Jürgen Lüsebrink (Universität des Saarlandes)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Defence date: 2 May 2003<br>Examining board: Prof. Thomas Risse (Free University of Berlin / EUI - Supervisor) ; Prof. Helen Wallace (EUI) ; Prof. Simon Bulmer (University of Manchester) ; Prof. Roland Sturm (University of Erlangen-Nuremberg)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Defence date: 5 February 2010<br>Examining Board: Donatella Della Porta (EUI) (Supervisor), Colin Crouch (University of Warwick, Business School), Klaus Eder (Humboldt-Universität Berlin), Marco Giugni (Université de Genève)<br>First made available online on 26 March 2013.<br>The following thesis looks at the contentious action of the unemployed in Paris and Berlin. The thesis investigates the role of local organisations of the unemployed in contentious activities. More specifically, it looks at the forms of collective action these local organisations are engaged in, and asks about which conditions lead to the disruptive activities considered crucial for poor people’s actors. This is done by analysing different empirical sources: semi-structured interviews, participant observation, surveys, and expert interviews. In order to describe the forms of contentious engagement seen and the role of local organisations, the second part employs an analytical descriptive approach. In an attempt to explain the tactical choices of organisations of the unemployed I link four different conditions (access to resources, access to the field of institutionalised actors, belonging to a counter-cultural network and movement experience) to the use of disruptive activities. Combining all four conditions I then carry out a Comparative Qualitative Analysis (QCA). One important insight of the thesis is that contentious action by the poor can be stabilised over time. Further, the thesis also shows that the two fields of local organisations are characterised by different features. Some features, for example the existence of certain types of organisations - as defined by their preferred activities - can be explained by the political system and, more particularly, by the institutions of contention present in each country. However, there are also many similarities between the fields, showing that national opportunity structures explain only some aspects of contentious action. In looking at the conditions leading to the use of disruptive action, the thesis shows that political opportunities are just one of several other factors that explain types of contentious engagement. The thesis disconfirms the assumption of the central role of exclusion from centres of political and discursive power and the lack of resources in accounting for disruptive action. It is more important that organisations of the unemployed belong to a counter-cultural network, defined as a necessary, albeit not a sufficient condition for disruptive action.

Defence date: 3 February 2006<br>Examining board: Michael Keating (EUI, supervisor) ; Donatella della Porta (EUI) ; Ramón Máiz (University of Santiago de Compostela) ; Lieven de Winter (University of Louvain la Neuve)<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digitised archive of EUI PhD theses completed between 2013 and 2017

Defence date: 3 June 2013<br>Examining Board: Professor Giorgio Monti, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Hans-W. Micklitz, European University Institute; Professor Andrea Biondi, King's College London; Professor Piet Jan Slot, University of Leiden.<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>This thesis is concerned with the legal concept of State aid under Article 107(1) TFEU. It was born out of the concern that EU institutions and practitioners alike refer to it as if this concept had been immune to the evolution experienced by the context in which it has been applied: the Internal Market. Against this seemingly static background, the thesis argues that the concept of aid is a 'living instrument' that has been applied in accordance with the main policy priorities of the European Commission, a fact that had been underexplored in the literature and the implications of this connection seldom studied. The thesis also contends, contrary to what has been affirmed before by other authors, that the evolution of this concept has been influenced by the broader advancement of the case-law of the Court of Justice in different periods of the integration process. Thirdly, the thesis submits that the study of the origins of subsidy control in Europe, of the legislative history of today's Article 107(1) TFEU, and of the policy and enforcement considerations that have affected the development of the concept of aid is not only enriching from an intellectual point of view but also useful to decide difficult cases. In this regard, the thesis provides criteria to interpret and discuss cases, e.g. Sloman Neptun, Philip Morris or Azores, beyond the analysis traditionally carried out in this field, too often limited to the compatibility of these cases with the effects-based formula traditionally followed to define aid. Indeed, the emergence of that formula, of the Market Economy Investor Principle test, the Adria-Wien test for selectivity, the ups-and-downs of the De Minimis rule in this field, or the exclusion of regulatory measures from the notion of State resources, cannot be understood only by looking at the economic or even the strictly legal reasoning behind the relevant judgments. Instead, historical, policy and enforcement considerations are useful interpretative tools to fully grasp these developments, a point that this thesis contributes to making.

Defence date: 20 October 2017<br>Examining Board: Prof. François Foret, Université Libre Bruxelles; Prof. Jan-Werner Mueller, Princeton University; Prof. Olivier Roy, European University Institute (supervisor); Prof. Joseph Weiler, European University Institute/New York University<br>The objective of this dissertation is to shed further light on the nature of European integration by examining the relationship between religion and politics throughout the whole process. The thesis aims at answering the following research question: which forms of secularism have underpinned the process of European integration. Secularism is understood in the thesis as a public settlement between politics and religion (i.e. we can speak of secularism, if religious and political sphere are conceptually distinct). A historical perspective allows the author to identify and examine the following junctures with respect to the relationship between religion and politics in the process: the Christian-democratic foundation of European Communities, the question of Turkish accession, the search for the “Soul of Europe” during Jacques Delors’ presidency at the European Commission, the debate on the Treaty establishing Constitution for Europe, and last but not least: the adoption of the Lisbon Treaty with its art. 17 obliging European institutions to maintain dialogue with religious organisations. Dissertation’s findings indicate that three forms of secularism, rooted in the European intellectual and political history, might be identified in the discourse and practice of European integration: 1) Christian-democratic secularism – Christianity transformed by personalist thought is regarded as a cultural and symbolic basis of European integration; 2) Laicist secularism - religion seen as a challenge to the democratic political order; 3) Agnostic secularism – understood as an attempt to depoliticize religion, to delegate it to other bodies, e.g. Member States or international organizations. The author argues that the last concept, liberal in its nature, has been most successful throughout the whole process.

Defence date: 6 October 2014<br>Examining Board: Professor Giorgio Monti, European University Institute (Supervisor); Professor Marise Cremona, European University Institute; Professor Leigh Hancher, Tilburg University; Professor José María Rodríguez de Santiago, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid.<br>State aid law is made up of rules and procedures whose main characters are the Member States – as the addressees of the norms – and the Commission – as their enforcer. The prominent position of these two actors often overshadows the impact that the administration of the rules on State aid has on private undertakings, be it the beneficiaries of State aids or their competitors. This thesis is concerned with the latter. The aim of the thesis is to assess the extent to which competitors may rely on the rules on State aid to protect themselves against the potentially harmful effects of subsidies and other forms of state, financial assistance to firms. This endeavour raises two challenges. The first challenge is to identify the channels through which competitors may voice their interest in the context of a system of governance to which they are in principle alien. This is the issue of access. The second challenge is assess the likelihood that the Commission shall heed to the concerns voiced by competitors. In other words, the challenge is to gauge the power of influence that competitors may exert through each of these channels. This is the issue of leverage. In order to carry out this inquiry, the thesis scrutinizes the means of redress available to competitors before national courts (“private enforcement”), as well as the opportunities that they have to make their voice heard in the course of the Commission’s procedures (“public enforcement”) – namely, the possibility to lodge complaints, the possibility to participate in the consultation phase of Article 108(2) TFEU and the possibility to seek the judicial review of State aid decisions.

Defence date: 7 June 2017<br>Examining Board: Professor Giorgio Monti, EUI (Supervisor); Professor Petros Mavroidis, EUI; Professor Roberto Caranta, Università di Torino; Professor Kris Wauters, Université Catholique de Louvain-la-Neuve<br>The starting point for the thesis is the problem of negative externalities public purchasing gives rise to. We argue that public procurement regulation, having as an objective the structuring of public markets for public contracts, produces the said market failure, which may adversely affect the competitive dynamics in other markets. This may cause a significant loss of social welfare. The reason why public procurement produces such negative externalities is, so we argue, due to the fact that public procurement regulation is foremost concerned with the internal dimension of public purchasing, i.e. the relationship between the public purchaser and actual and potential tenderers. However, public procurement regulation largely omits the external dimension, i.e. the effects public purchasing produces vis-à-vis markets outside the specific market for the public contract at hand. In our quest for a way to address this problem of negative externalities we argue that these externalities converge to a large extent with an ‘advantage’, being one of the conditions for the EU state aid prohibition (laid down in article107 (1) TFEU) to apply. Hence, we deem EU state aid law to be a valuable source of inspiration to ‘enrich’ public procurement regulation. Such ‘enriched’ public procurement regulation would be able to avoid the occurrence of the negative externalities we identified, or at least to minimise the risk of their occurrence. Examining a number of areas within EU state aid law allowed us to identify a number of principles that ensure absence of an ‘advantage’. These principles constitute the basis for our ‘standard for enrichment’, i.e. a framework for regulatory reform as to public procurement regulation. We also apply this standard to a number of aspects of public procurement regulation. More specifically, we clarify how ‘enriched’ public procurement regulation would materialise as to the following aspects of public purchasing: (i) the disclosure obligation as to award criteria and their belongings, (ii) the pursuit of policy objectives through public purchasing and (iii) modifications to public contracts in the performance phase.

Defence date: 3 June 2013<br>Examining Board: Professor Heike Schweitzer, Universität Mannheim / EUI Supervisor Professor Giorgio Monti, EUI Professor Leigh Hancher, Tilburg University Mr Nicola Pesaresi, European Commission.<br>PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses<br>This research aims to analyse the prohibition of State aid and compatibility assessments in the EU from the perspective of the 'more economic approach’ (MEA). The hypothesis enunciated in the thesis is that the MEA in State aid is applied in an instrumental manner, which goes beyond the paradigm of control justified by the coordination of national policies and the reduction of distortions of competition. Hence, the shift takes place with regard to: (i) the definition of the aims of public intervention and (ii) the methods of aid assessment. Firstly, by means of the MEA the Commission pursues a horizontal industrial policy, which presupposes a more pro-active approach and verification of the positive effects of aid, to the detriment of its negative effects. Secondly, the use of the MEA is policy driven - the Commission chooses the MEA to better regulate positive criteria for compatibility of aid, while avoiding applying refined economic analysis: (i) to the definition of aid and (ii) to assess the magnitude of the negative effects of aid. The research conducted here is oriented around four horizontal lines: (i) conflict and complementarities between competition and industrial policy, based on the analysis of State aid rules (ii) shift from negative to positive integration, which implies a transformation of State aid control and coordination into a State aid policy and has consequences for the aims and substantive criteria of the legal framework (iii) a 'better regulation’ of State aid by means of the MEA (iv) the competence of the Member States versus the competence of the Commission in the State aid legal framework.