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Journal articles on the topic 'National Archives of Malawi'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 11 February 2022

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1

Jafflin, Kristen. "The Local and the Global in Primary Health Care." Sociology of Development 5, no. 1 (2019): 50–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sod.2019.5.1.50.

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In the 1970s, the WHO embarked on an ambitious project to promote primary health care worldwide. The Expanded Programme on Immunization (EPI) was one of the most successful parts of that effort, yet some national EPIs struggled to increase vaccination coverage while others were very successful. Drawing on documentary sources from the WHO Archives and Library, this paper traces the historical development of global EPI policy and compares the development of two programs: the high-performing EPI in Malawi and the low-performing one in Cameroon. Global advisers’ rigid adherence to then-current global policy and blindness to local conditions and historical legacies exacerbated problems faced by Cameroon's EPI, helping explain that program's weakness. In Malawi, in contrast, the similarity of global policy and local practices helped strengthen the EPI. Greater flexibility in pursuing program goals and attention to historical legacies could help future programs avoid similar counterproductive dynamics.

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2

McCracken, John. "Economics and Ethnicity: The Italian Community in Malawi." Journal of African History 32, no. 2 (July 1991): 313–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700025743.

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This article focuses on the Italian community in Malawi, one of the smallest immigrant minority groups in Central Africa, but by no means the least important. Using the records of the Custodian of Enemy Property housed in the National Archives of Malawi, it suggests that, in the light of the Italian experience, there is need to modify the conventional view of the white farming sector as being uniformly inefficient and incapable of survival other than through the active support of the colonial state. At a time between the wars when capitalist farming as a whole was in deep depression, Ignaco Conforzi succeeded for reasons largely unconnected with the intervention of the state, in creating a highly profitable, diversified agricultural empire which survived the Second World War virtually intact. Through his influence, an Italian community was created, linked to Conforzi by a variety of economic and family ties and drawn largely from the same small area of central Italy from which he himself had come. Like members of other ethnic groups, these immigrants were constantly balancing their multiple identities – as whites, as farmers or mechanics, as Italians or as natives of a particular district in Italy. Between the mid-1930s and the mid-1940s external and internal forces combined to transform them into a classic minority, ‘singled out…for differential and unequal treatment’ but from the late 1940s onwards those who were regarded by the colonial authorities as conforming to European standards were reabsorbed within the wider settler community. Overall, however, they tended to be more skilled and, crucially, less heavily reliant on the state than were British settlers and it is these factors that explain their relative success.

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3

Makoza, Frank. "How and Why." International Journal of Information Communication Technologies and Human Development 11, no. 2 (April 2019): 38–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijicthd.2019040103.

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While African governments have developed information and communication technologies (ICTs) policies, there is still missing historical insights on how contextual issues shaped the formulation process in the context of developing countries. This paper analysed the formulation for national ICT policy of Malawi between 2001 and 2012. Historical approach was used where archival data was used to understand key events, contextual issues, and activities that shaped the formulation of the policy. The findings showed that there were external influences leading to the formulation of the national ICT policy. The local needs of stakeholders were not articulated adequately to come up with realistic policy objectives. Further, there were more pressing local issues that led to the policy being not prioritised and endorsed by the government administrations leading to the delays in policy formulation. The study offers insights that can assist for policymakers and practitioners when developing similar policies such as the national broadband policy and national cyber-security policy.

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4

Stapleton, Tim. "The Composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment during the First World War: A Look at the Evidence." History in Africa 30 (2003): 283–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003259.

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Several scholars of the First World War in Southern Africa have briefly looked at the composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment (RNR), which was formed in Southern Rhodesia in 1916 and fought in the German East Africa campaign until the armistice in November 1918. According to Peter McLaughlin, who has written the most about Zimbabwe and the Great War, “[b]y 1918 seventy-five per cent of the 2360 who passed through the ranks of the regiment were ‘aliens;’ over 1000 came from Nyasaland. The Rhodesia Native Regiment had thus lost its essentially ‘Rhodesian’ character.” This would seem to suggest that because the RNR had many soldiers who originated from outside Zimbabwe, this regiment was somehow less significant to Zimbabwe's World War I history. While McLaughlin admits that “the evidence on the precise composition of the Rhodesia Native Regiment is not available”, he claims that “approximately 1800 aliens served in the unit.”In a recent book on Malawi and the First World War, Melvin Page agrees with McLaughlin's estimate that “probably more than 1000 Malawians joined the Rhodesian Native Regiment.” However, Page freely admits that the evidence on which this approximation is based is far from conclusive. By looking at the available evidence, particularly a previously unutilized regimental nominal roll in the Zimbabwe National Archives, it is possible to gain a clearer picture of the composition of the only African unit from Zimbabwe to have fought in the First World War. This analysis will not only deal with the nationality of the soldiers, which is what the two previous writers focused on, but also their ethnic/regional origin and pre-enlistment occupations.

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5

Jordá, C., M. Palomares, F. Iborra, C. Gradolí, P. Herrero, and F. Usó. "CONSERVATION MANAGEMENT PLAN CHESTE WORKERS UNIVERSITY AUDITORIUM (SPAIN). A GETTY FOUNDATION KEEPING IT MODERN GRANT." ISPRS - International Archives of the Photogrammetry, Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences XLIV-M-1-2020 (July 24, 2020): 861–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/isprs-archives-xliv-m-1-2020-861-2020.

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Abstract. Universidades laborales, or workers’ universities, were set up throughout Spain during the years of the dictatorship and were aimed at professionally training the working classes. The architect Fernando Moreno Barberá was the author of four centers: those of Las Palmas, 1970–73, Toledo, 1970–78, Malaga 1972–78 and Cheste 1967–69, his work reflecting an undoubted assimilation of the Modern legacy. Cheste Workers University was a guidance center designed to house as many as 5,000 boarding students of up to 14 years of age. The auditorium, currently closed for safety reasons, is an important architectural symbol and, as such, has been included in the Ministry of Culture’s National Plan for the Conservation of the 20th Century Heritage. A Conservation Management Plan is currently being drafted on the initiative of the Getty Foundation. This paper explains some details of this initiative and provides a preview of the strategy employed.

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6

Donnelly, Brian. "National Archives." Irish Economic and Social History 24, no. 1 (September 1997): 105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248939702400105.

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7

Donnelly, Brian. "National Archives." Irish Economic and Social History 31, no. 1 (June 2004): 69–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930403100105.

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8

Donnelly, Brian. "National Archives." Irish Economic and Social History 29, no. 1 (June 2002): 71–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930202900105.

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9

Jurkowski, Maureen. "MONASTIC ARCHIVES IN THE NATIONAL ARCHIVES." Archives: The Journal of the British Records Association 32, no. 116 (April 2007): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/archives.2007.1.

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10

Marcellus, Jane. "National Archives Website." American Journalism 31, no. 3 (July 3, 2014): 424–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08821127.2014.936747.

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11

Polizzi, Kristina. "National Archives - Native Americans." Reference Reviews 32, no. 6 (August 20, 2018): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/rr-02-2018-0036.

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12

Schneider, Leander. "The Tanzania National Archives." History in Africa 30 (2003): 447–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361541300003326.

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This note aims to provide an overview of the Tanzania National Archives (TNA) system and the records it houses. The system comprises a headquarters in Dar es Salaam and six regional branch offices located in Mbeya, Mwanza, Arusha, Dodoma, Tanga, and Singida. Access to the TNA requires a research permit from the Tanzania Commission for Research and Technology. It is best to apply well in advance. Attaching a letter of recommendation from a contact at the University of Dar es Salaam that comments specifically on the value of the proposed research project to the application can expedite its processing tremendously. Computers may be used in the archives and researchers may ask for specific folios to be photocopied. It is advisable to keep detailed records of requests.The three major groups of materials retained within the TNA system are records from German colonial times (pre-1916/17), the British records (pre-1962), and records from various levels of government and administration of post-independence Tanzania (Tanganyika). Almost all colonial records in the collection are housed at the TNA headquarters, as are most of those post-independence documents that originate from central government and ministerial headquarters. A considerable number of post-1962 records originating from local level government and administration have also been moved to Dar es Salaam.

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13

Bootsma, Harvey A. "Lake Malawi National Park: An overview." SIL Communications, 1953-1996 23, no. 1 (January 1992): 125–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/05384680.1992.11904017.

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14

Msiska, Augustine W. C. "Libraries and National Development in Malawi." Information Development 14, no. 4 (December 1998): 193–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0266666984239337.

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15

Cox, Richard. "The National Archives Reclassification Scandal." Records & Information Management Report 22, no. 9 (November 1, 2006): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/rim1096-9624220900.

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16

Sparrow, Bartholomew H. "Access to the National Archives." PS: Political Science and Politics 22, no. 4 (December 1989): 861. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/419481.

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17

Widder, Agnes Haigh. "Women in the National Archives." Charleston Advisor 12, no. 2 (October 1, 2010): 51–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5260/chara.12.2.51.

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18

Sparrow, Bartholomew H. "Access to the National Archives." PS: Political Science & Politics 22, no. 04 (December 1989): 861–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096500031553.

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19

Jackanicz, Donald W. "Theft at the National Archives." Library & Archival Security 10, no. 2 (January 24, 1991): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j114v10n02_03.

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20

Isaac, Linda. "National Archives: Teaching with Documents." Technical Services Quarterly 34, no. 1 (December 12, 2016): 105–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07317131.2017.1238212.

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21

Leopold, Robert. "National Anthropological Archives: New Acquisitions." Anthropology News 42, no. 2 (February 2001): 15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/an.2001.42.2.15.

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22

Harvey, A. D. "Anthropologists in the National Archives." Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 12, no. 2 (June 2006): 451–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9655.2006.00300.x.

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23

Schwartz, Joan M. "The National Archives of Canada." History of Photography 20, no. 2 (June 1996): 166–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03087298.1996.10443644.

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24

Zeljak, Cathy, and Karen Zietlow. "News from the National Archives." Problems of Post-Communism 43, no. 1 (January 1996): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10758216.1996.11655661.

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25

Tyacke, Sarah. "The New National Archives 2003." Alexandria: The Journal of National and International Library and Information Issues 18, no. 1 (April 2006): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095574900601800103.

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26

Warner, Robert M. "The national archives at fifty." Government Publications Review 13, no. 2 (March 1986): 249–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-9390(86)90008-7.

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27

Beasley, Sarah, and Candice Kail. "a2o: Access to Archives from the National Archives of Singapore." Journal of Web Librarianship 3, no. 2 (June 23, 2009): 149–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19322900902896531.

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28

Thomas, Kenneth H., Loretto Dennis Szucs, and Sandra Hargreaves Luebking. "The Archives: A Guide of the National Archives Field Branches." Journal of American History 76, no. 4 (March 1990): 1362. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2936749.

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29

Lihoma, Paul. "SURVEY OF EXPATRIATE ARCHIVES IN MALAWI: THEIR LOCATION, CONDITION AND ASSOCIATED CHALLENGES." Archives: The Journal of the British Records Association 34, no. 121 (December 2009): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/archives.2009.14.

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30

Moyo, Themba. "Language Politics and National Identity in Malawi." South African Journal of African Languages 22, no. 4 (January 2002): 262–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02572117.2002.10587515.

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31

Montgomery, Bruce P. "The Rape of Kuwait’s National Memory." International Journal of Cultural Property 22, no. 1 (February 2015): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739115000053.

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Abstract:In the August 1990 invasion of Kuwait, Iraqi forces prosecuted a mass campaign of pillage and destruction. Under the coordinated direction of Iraqi curators who were well acquainted with Kuwait’s cultural treasures, occupying Iraqi troops plundered thousands of cultural objects from museums, libraries, and archives. Among the pillaged cultural spoils were Kuwait’s national archives, comprising the emirate’s historical memory. Until recently, Iraq was beholden to UN sanctions demanding the return of missing persons and property, including Kuwait’s archives. Although the United Nations Security Council for many years has facilitated efforts to search for the lost archives, these efforts have proved futile. This article explores the plausibility of the two most likely scenarios surrounding the cold case of Kuwait’s missing archives: 1) that the current search for the archives has overlooked the possibility that they were unknowingly seized by US forces in the 2003 invasion of Iraq and are currently being held by the Pentagon; and 2) that the archives may have been intentionally destroyed as part of Saddam Hussein’s aim to obliterate Kuwait’s national identity and annex the emirate as Iraq’s nineteenth province.

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32

Bryant, Steve. "National Television Archives and Their Role." Critical Studies in Television: The International Journal of Television Studies 5, no. 2 (September 2010): 60–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7227/cst.5.2.7.

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33

Jones, Adam. "Ghana National Archives: A Supplementary Note." History in Africa 15 (1988): 385–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171870.

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Two synopses of the holdings of the National Archives of Ghana were published fifteen years ago, one by David Henige, the other by R. E. Dumett. Henige's article offers a more detailed breakdown of some series (notably ADM 1–21 and SCT 1–44), while Dumett provides a more descriptive account and gives more details on ADM 22–262. In the meantime several of the inventories on which Henige and Dumett based their reports have disappeared or disintegrated, and others are rapidly heading in the same direction. The need for a full printed catalog is urgent; unless work on this is begun soon, the whole archive will have to be re-inventoried. In February/March 1987 I was able to check a few of the references given by Henige and Dumett or in the surviving inventories, and perhaps my notes may be of some use to future researchers.

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34

Adelberger, Jörg. "The National Archives—Kaduna (NAK), Nigeria." History in Africa 19 (1992): 435–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172011.

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Although the archives of Nigeria have been utilized extensively, especially for historical studies, descriptive or introductory notes on them scarcely exist. With the following paper, based on a recent visit to the National Archives in Kaduna in October 1990, 1 want to contribute in filling this gap. The Nigerian Record Office (now National Archives of Nigeria) was established in 1954 on the recommendation and with the efforts of K. O. Dike, who had toured Nigeria and inspected the state of existing archives. Subsequently he became Government Supervisor of Public Records. Initially the archive was situated at the University of Ibadan, until in 1958 the first permanent block was erected.The National Archives in Kaduna is one of the three National Archives in Nigeria, the other two being in Ibadan and Enugu. There is some division of competence between the three archives: Enugu is responsible for the southern parts of Nigeria, Ibadan for the western parts, and Kaduna for the states of Northern Nigeria. The present or former names of regions on which documents are to be found in Kaduna are as follows: Adamawa, Bassa, Bauchi, Benue, Borgu, Borno, Central Province, Gongola, Ilorin, Kabba, Kano, Katsina, Kontagora, Lokoja, Munshi, Muri, Nassarawa, Niger, Nupe, Plateau, Sokoto, Yola, and Zaria. In this listing there are of course regional overlappings; for in the course of history provinces have either been carved out or amalgamated into larger units. In some cases, moreover, more or less identical regions are itemized under different names.

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35

Pacifico, Michele F. "The National Archives at College Park." Government Information Quarterly 13, no. 2 (January 1996): 117–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0740-624x(96)90099-4.

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36

Donnelly, Brian. "National Archives Survey of Business Records." Irish Economic and Social History 26, no. 1 (June 1999): 81–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248939902600105.

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37

Donnelly, Brian. "National Archives Survey of Business Records." Irish Economic and Social History 27, no. 1 (June 2000): 73–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930002700106.

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38

Donnelly, Brian. "National Archives Survey of Business Records." Irish Economic and Social History 28, no. 1 (June 2001): 72–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/033248930102800105.

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39

Hedlin, Edie, and Donald F. Harrison. "The National Archives and Electronic Data." Reference Services Review 16, no. 1/2 (January 1988): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb049004.

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40

Shepherd, Elizabeth. "The international directory of national archives." Archives and Records 40, no. 3 (September 2, 2019): 304–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23257962.2019.1664430.

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41

Hume, Janice. "The National Archives Experience–Digital Vaults." American Journalism 30, no. 4 (January 2013): 586–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08821127.2013.846808.

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42

Gill, Eunice. "The National Archives and Public Records." Cartographic Journal 42, no. 3 (December 2005): 238–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/000870405x77192.

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43

Rappaport, Gina. "The National Anthropological Archives … and You." Anthropology News 58, no. 5 (September 2017): e235-e240. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/an.648.

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44

DOMINY, GRAHAM. "Historians and the National Archives Bill." South African Historical Journal 33, no. 1 (November 1995): 298–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582479508671860.

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45

McDonald, John. "The National Archives and Office Systems." Records Management Journal 1, no. 4 (April 1989): 162–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb027034.

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46

Raimondo, Alexia. "Colors in the French National Archives." Color Research & Application 46, no. 3 (March 4, 2021): 575–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/col.22652.

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47

Ahmed, Sumayya. "Archives du Maroc? The official and alternative national archives of Morocco." Archives and Manuscripts 46, no. 3 (September 2, 2018): 255–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01576895.2018.1558408.

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48

Little, Michael A., Gary D. James, and Ralph M. Garruto. "Human biology association archives at the smithsonian institution national anthropological archives." American Journal of Human Biology 24, no. 2 (February 3, 2012): 253–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/ajhb.22242.

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49

Mapala, Cogitator Wilton. "A CRITICAL REFLECTION AND MALAWIAN PERSPECTIVE ON THE COMMEMORATION OF THE EDINBURGH 1910 INTERNATIONAL MISSIONARY CONFERENCE." Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae 41, no. 3 (April 19, 2016): 63–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2412-4265/478.

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This paper interrogates why the Edinburgh 1910 International Missionary Conference needs to be remembered in Malawi. In 2010 Malawian Christian churches joined the Christian community across the globe, celebrating the International Missionary Conference held in Edinburgh in 1910. Christian churches across the country wanted to conduct services of worship in major cities in memory of this conference. Often we celebrate something that has a direct impact on our lives. However, considering the fact that the conference was disproportionately represented by Western churches, the intriguing question is why it should be remembered in Malawi and in Africa. What impact does it have on the Christian churches in Malawi? While church historians have written on the impact of the Edinburgh 1910 International Missionary Conference in perspective of its ecumenical contribution to the Christendom, there is a scarcity of literature to explain whether the Christians in Malawi see the value of celebrating this historic conference held thousands of kilometres away from them. From the methodological perspective, the paper relies on archives, interviews and church records available in Malawi.

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50

Campbell, Harry, and Harish Nair. "National hospital surveillance of childhood pneumonia in Malawi." Lancet Global Health 4, no. 1 (January 2016): e8-e9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s2214-109x(15)00286-7.

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