Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'National Assembly (1993)'

L'emprunt du titre d'une oeuvre de Jean Renoir devient guide de recherche : "approcher le fonctionnement d'un parti politique dans l'élection et par l'élection, d'élections dans un parti et par un parti".

L'Assemblée nationale est le lieu institutionnel par excellence où se construisent des identités et des légitimités, qui reflètent l'image de la société et la diffusent en même temps. L'analyse des débats parlementaires à propos d'immigration de 1998 à 2016 révèle une évolution chronologique, rythmée par des événements politiques ou médiatiques, nationaux ou internationaux, qui renforcent la présence de telle ou telle thématique. Ainsi, la politisation du débat sur l'immigration a constitué un grand tournant dans le discours national. Si des discours sur les valeurs ont d'abord succédé aux préoccupations humaines, c'est aujourd'hui le vocabulaire gestionnaire qui domine : la gestion des demandeurs d'asile, la maîtrise des flux migratoires, les relations internationales. Les discours anti-immigration, qui accompagnent une politique de durcissement et de fermeture, ne reposent donc plus sur des positions idéologiques, mais sur des principes de "réalités", ou supposés tels. Cette étude se voudrait une mise au point sur le discours parlementaire portant sur la question de l'immigration, et ce à travers une analyse textométrique, à l'aide du logiciel libre IRaMuTeQ permettant de montrer l'évolution des thématiques liées à l'immigration et de dessiner les contours du discours dominant<br>The National Assembly is the quintessential institution where identities and legitimacies are formed, which not only reflect the image of society but also display the image of society. The analysis of the parliamentary debates on immigration from 1998 to 2016 reveals a chronological evolution, marked by political or media events, both national and international, which reinforce the presence of such or such theme. Thus, the politicization of the immigration debate was a major turning point in the national discourse. While discourses on values first succeeded human concerns, today it is the managerial vocabulary that prevails namely: the management of asylum seekers, the control of migratory flows and international relations. Anti-immigration discourses, along with hardening and closure policies, are no longer based on ideological positions, but on principles of "realities", or supposed to be. This research intend to examine the parliamentary discourse on immigration, through a textometric analysis, using the free software IRaMuTeQ to show the evolution of themes related to immigration and draw the contours of the dominant discourse

Les théories de la démocratie délibérative admettent deux modèles, dialogique et rhétorique, réservant chacun au Parlement un rôle central : élaborer les décisions par la discussion délibérative ; contribuer à la formation du jugement des citoyens par le débat contradictoire. Cette thèse explore les fondements empiriques de ces modèles. A travers l’analyse argumentative des débats en séance publique et l’observation ethnographique des échanges en commission, elle compare l’idéal normatif aux pratiques du Parlement français. Discussions délibératives et débats contradictoires se révèlent alors faire partie intégrante des interactions parlementaires. La discussion délibérative se déploie principalement au Sénat et en commission, bien qu’elle émerge parfois à l’Assemblée nationale et en séance publique. Son influence sur la législation demeure limitée, sans être pour autant négligeable. L’hémicycle de l’Assemblée nationale apparaît, lui, comme l’espace privilégié du débat contradictoire. Ces résultats plaident en faveur du bicamérisme, qui permet de concilier les rôles pédagogique et législatif des débats parlementaires. Ils mettent également en avant l’incertitude de la séance publique : loin de se contenter d’enregistrer les décisions gouvernementales, celle-ci se révèle fréquemment comme un espace d’arbitrage et d’élaboration des décisions. Cette étude est enfin l’occasion, à travers l’analyse inductive des données recueillies, de proposer une contribution à la théorie politique : identifier les caractéristiques argumentatives de la discussion délibérative, confirmer et préciser les vertus du débat contradictoire, affiner l’effet du huis clos sur les discussions<br>Deliberative democracy theories allow two different dialogical and rhetorical models which both give a central role to the Parliament: elaborating decisions by way of deliberative discussion and contributing to the formation of the citizens’ judgement by way of contradictory debates. This thesis explores the empirical foundations of these models. Through the argumentative analysis of public session debates and the ethnographical observation of exchanges in committees, it compares the normative ideal to the practices of the French Parliament. Deliberative discussions and contradictory debates thus reveal themselves to be an integral part of parliamentary interactions. Deliberative discussion is mainly deployed in the Sénat and in committees, even though it sometimes emerges at the Assemblée nationale and during public sessions. Its influence on legislation remains limited though not entirely insignificant. On the other hand, the hemicycle of the Assemblée nationale appears to be a prime space for contradictory debate. These results advocate for a bicameral system, which allows the educational and legislative aspects of parliamentary debates to be reconciled. They also highlight the uncertainty of public sessions: far from being restricted to the registering of governmental decisions, these sessions are frequently used to arbitrate and elaborate decisions. Finally, through the inductive analysis of the collected data, this study is the opportunity to put forward a contribution to political theory: identifying the argumentative characteristics of deliberative discussion, confirming and pointing out the virtues of contradictory debate, and clarifying the effects of an in camera environment on discussions

Ce travail traite l'évolution de l'institution parlementaire en France et en Allemagne. Il part d'un topo de la recherche sur le parlementarisme : l'idée du déclin de la représentation nationale, une thèse qui a été formulée par de nombreux auteurs parallèlement aux phases de modernisation de l'institution et dont la dernière version s'inspire des processus d'européisation et de mondialisation. La thèse étudie les efforts de l'Assemblée nationale et du Bundestag dans les années 1990 pour s'adapter à ces nouvelles situations, identifie les variables responsables de l'adaptation et observe le changement dans les fonctions de contrôle, de législation, de représentation et de légitimation dans la politique transnationale. Après une analyse du contexte constitutionnel des deux parlements, trois arènes du travail parlementaire font l'objet d'une étude comparative approfondie : les structures de spécialisation (commissions), les structures publiques (plenum) et les structures de réseaux ("la politique étrangère parlementaire"). Les résultats montrent que la fonction législative diminue selon l'interdépendance croissante des systèmes politiques. Si cette fonction perd graduellement en importance, les parlements ont su partiellement compenser cette évolution par un renforcement de leur fonction de contrôle et de leur fonction symbolique.

Au renouveau du parti socialiste à partir du congrès d'Epinay (1971) a correspondu un renouvellement du groupe socialiste à l'assemblée nationale à partir des élections législatives de 1973. Il s'est caractérisé pour les dirigeants nationaux du nouveau PS, comme pour ses dirigeants locaux et notamment ses premiers secrétaires fédéraux par un très important cumul entre responsabilités politiques et mandats parlementaires. Tout en pratiquant une opposition à la fois vigilante et sans concession à l'égard de l'activité gouvernementale les membres du groupe socialiste ont veillé à ne pas sombrer dans une obstruction systématique. Ainsi, ils ont contribué à forger l'image de parti de gouvernement que souhaitait se donner le PS, et à préparer l'alternance politique qui s'est produite en juin 1981<br>The renewal of the french socialist party from the congress of Epinay (1971) was correlated with the renewal of the socialist group since the legislative election in the year 1973. For the national leaders of the new socialist party as well as for the local leaders (and especially the first departemental secretaries) it was characterized by an obvious pluralism between political responsabilities and parlementaries mandates. In the same time, the members of the socialist group practiced an incessant and without concession opposition against the government but they also try not to fail in a systematic obstruction. So they contributed to give an image of party of government that the socialist party wanted to give of himself and prepared the political alternation which arrived in may 1981

This thesis explores institutional features of the Fifth Republic in France that affect women's representation, both in terms of their access to elected office and in terms of their ability to substantively represent women once elected. After identifying factors that were particularly favourable to women in the 1997 Parliament, it assesses the institutional reforms enacted from 1997-2002, which include not only the Constitutional Amendment and the Parity Law, but also limitations on the cumul des mandats, reform of the Senate, the creation of a statut de l'elu (defining elected officials' benefits and rights) and of the new parliamentary Women's Delegations. It attempts a holistic appraisal of the institutional reforms, and their effect on patterns of political recruitment. The second part analyses practices and power within the Palais-Bourbon to assess gender differences in access to parliamentary posts and tasks. It investigates the National Assembly as a 'gendered institution' and asks whether women are in a position to make a difference to the political process and legislative outcomes. It finds perceptible differences in women's and men's access to power, their committee work and use of parliamentary questions. The thesis concludes with a study of the Women's Delegation. After investigating the rationale and circumstances of its creation, the institutional status of the Delegation within the Assembly is analysed. Its contribution to legislation and its modus operandi in the 1997 Parliament, as well as its integration into the National Assembly are examined, in order to ascertain whether it has the potential to enhance women's substantive representation and to provide' safe space' for women Deputies.

Cette thèse montre comment la transition démocratique souhaitée par le peuple haïtien après le 7 février 1986 a échoué, tandis qu'à la même époque, tous les pays latino-américains qui se sont engagés sur le chemin du processus de démocratisation ont réussi. Elle montre également comment le coup d'Etat du 30 septembre 1991, qualifié de «crise de la démocratie et des droits de l'Homme en Haïti » a fait l'objet d'un traitement particulier de la part de l'OEA et de l'ONU. En effet, les deux Organisations internationales ont accepté de coopérer en vue de résoudre la crise interne de démocratisation de manière pacifique, après une gestion autonome peu fructueuse de l’OEA. Il s'agit de montrer enfin, comment cette crise de politique intérieure, par la situation qu'elle a engendrée, s'est transformée en un enjeu stratégique et du même coup, est requalifiée en menace contre la paix et la sécurité internationales de la Caraïbe par le Conseil de sécurité. C'est ainsi que l'afflux de réfugiés haïtiens vers les Etats voisins, et la violation de l'Accord de Governors Island sont considérés comme une menace à la paix et à la sécurité de la région des Caraïbes. En réponse à cette situation, le Conseil de sécurité a autorisé une force multilatérale à mener une action coercitive en vue de restaurer l'ordre constitutionnel et de rétablir un climat de sécurité et de stabilité. Aujourd'hui encore, Haïti est toujours sous la supervision sécuritaire la Mission des Nations Unies pour la Stabilisation en Haïti (MINUSTAH)<br>This thesis shows how the democratic transition sought by the Haitian people after 7 February 1986 failed, while all the Latin American countries that committed themselves to the path to democratisation in the same period succeeded. It also shows how the coup d’état of 30 September 1991, seen as a “crisis of democracy and human rights in Haiti”, was the subject of particular treatment by the OAS and the UN. The two international organisations agreed to co-operate with a view to resolving the internal crisis of democratisation in a peaceful way, following autonomous management by the OAS that had yielded scarce results. The final aim is to show how this internal political crisis transformed itself, through the situation that it engendered, into a strategic issue, and at the same time how the Security Council came to see it as a threat to international peace and security in the Caribbean. Thus was it that the flood of Haitian refugees towards neighbouring states and the violation of the Governors Island Agreement were considered a threat to the peace and security of the Caribbean region. In response to this situation, the Security Council authorised a multilateral force to undertake coercive action with a view to restoring constitutional order and re-establishing a climate of security and stability. Today, Haiti is still under the security supervision of the United Nations Stabilization Mission in Haiti (MINUSTAH)

A tese discute a transformação dos discursos político-criminais sobre a pena de prisão no Brasil, no período que compreende os debates para a elaboração da Parte Geral do Código Penal e da Lei de Execução Penal, que reformaram o sistema penal em 1984, e os dispositivos penais e processuais penais discutidos na Assembleia Nacional Constituinte e contemplados na Constituição de 1988. Utilizando conceitos da literatura político-criminal anglo-saxã, as teorias tradicionais da pena e analisando os debates legislativos dos principais marcos legais do período escolhido, pretendeu-se verificar se o processo de superencarceramento brasileiro está inserido no contexto ocidental de valorização da prisão no final do século XX, ou se as peculiaridades do caso nacional indicam tratar-se de um fenômeno com causas endógenas. O trabalho parte da hipótese de que a virada punitiva brasileira está ligada ao processo de redemocratização, que atribuiu ao sistema de justiça criminal o papel de instrumento de resolução de problemas sociais complexos. Em um curto período, partiu-se de uma concepção de pena criminal como ultima ratio, instrumento de um sistema mais amplo de ressocialização e inclusão social, para um direito penal essencialmente punitivo. Nesse processo, a pena criminal foi revalorizada tanto por setores conservadores que se aproveitaram da utilidade eleitoral da política criminal para construir a narrativa da pena como instrumento de exclusão dos indesejáveis, em detrimento dos direitos humanos dos condenados quanto por setores progressistas que viram no potencial simbólico da prisão uma forma de assegurar pautas e de buscar direitos sociais. Assim, de maneira paradoxal, a pena de prisão assumiu o papel de síntese das demandas contraditórias que se apresentaram durante as disputas políticas nos anos 1980. Ao final, conclui-se que a prática contemporânea do sistema penal brasileiro está ligada à função atribuída à pena de prisão a partir da abertura política. O recurso a penas cada vez mais altas, o perene apelo a restrições processuais penais e a indiferença quanto à situação dos cárceres (agora concebidos como meros instrumentos de exclusão) refletem a lógica de colonização do sistema de justiça pelo aparato de segurança pública, característica constitutiva do antimodernismo penal no país.<br>The thesis presents a discussion about the transformation of criminal policy discourses on imprisonment in Brazil, from the 1984 criminal justice reform laws to the debates on the constitutional framework of the criminal justice system during the National Constituent Assembly, in 1988. Using concepts developed in the Anglo-Saxon criminology and the traditional justifications for criminal sanctions, the work analyses the legislative debates in order to verify if Brazilian overincarceration is part of the punitive turn wave which took place in the Western world in the late 20th century, or if its peculiarities should rather be explained by endogenous causes. It goes to illustrate how, in few years, Brazilian punitive turn departed from a welfare penal agenda to one essentially based on punitive sanctions. The hypothesis investigated along the work is that this phenomenon has direct links to the democratization process which attributed to the criminal justice system the role of solving complex social problems. Both conservatives, who discovered the electoral potential of penal populism, and new social movements, who relied on the symbolic nature of criminal law to support and organize civil rights demands, reinvigorated imprisonment. Paradoxically, prison became a synthesis of contradictory political forces and demands raised at the decline of military regime. The work concludes that contemporary practices of Brazilian criminal justice system are determined by the role assigned to imprisonment since democratization. Ever-higher prison sentences, limits on procedural rights for the accused and indifference towards inhumane prisons (now merely defined as a neutralization tool) reflects colonization of the criminal justice system by crime control apparatus, which is a constitutive feature of penal late modernism in Brazil.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:20:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Saulo Baptista.pdf: 1783590 bytes, checksum: 67156bf5557cf321d24ccf05c147bd6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-03-08<br>This thesis presents an analysis of the political practices of Pentecostal and Neopentecostal congressional representatives of the Assembly of God and the Universal Church of the Kingdom of God in the Congress of the Republic of Brazil, from 1999 to 2006. It compares the practices of Pentecostals and Neopentecostals with the standards of behavior of Brazilian political culture and actions related to the National State as preserver of culture. The religious agents of the referred to Churches are studied based on the investment of their Churches in national politics, in relation to Constitutional Amendments of 1987-1988, but the time frame of the research refers to two legislative periods, from 1999 to 2006. The main focus of the analysis is the Evangelical Parliamentary Front founded in 2003. The involvement of Pentecostals and Neopentecostals in cases of corruption and the appropriation of public resources, known as mensalão and mafia dos sanguessugas , is given special attention in the last chapter of the research.(AU)<br>Esta tese apresenta uma análise das práticas políticas de parlamentares pentecostais e neopentecostais da Assembléia de Deus e Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus no Congresso da República do Brasil, de 1999 a 2006. Compara essas práticas pentecostais e neopentecostais com padrões de comportamento da cultura política brasileira e as ações correspondentes do Estado nacional como preservador dessa mesma cultura. São estudados os agentes religiosos citados desde a investida que suas igrejas fizeram na política nacional, a partir da Constituinte de 1987-1988, mas o corte temporal são as duas legislaturas, de 1999 até 2006. O foco principal da análise é a Frente Parlamentar Evangélica constituída em 2003. O envolvimento de pentecostais e neopentecostais em casos de corrupção e apropriação de recursos públicos, conhecidos como mensalão e máfia dos sanguessugas , é amplamente abordado no último capítulo deste trabalho.(AU)

Submitted by lenora schwaitzer (lenoraschwaitzer@yahoo.com) on 2012-11-28T00:02:44Z No. of bitstreams: 1 lenora_dissertacao.pdf: 25317204 bytes, checksum: 87a05a2d1b30cbd0b9aeb203afc7ac1e (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Rafael Aguiar (rafael.aguiar@fgv.br) on 2012-11-28T18:21:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 lenora_dissertacao.pdf: 25317204 bytes, checksum: 87a05a2d1b30cbd0b9aeb203afc7ac1e (MD5)<br>Approved for entry into archive by Marcia Bacha (marcia.bacha@fgv.br) on 2012-11-29T11:16:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 lenora_dissertacao.pdf: 25317204 bytes, checksum: 87a05a2d1b30cbd0b9aeb203afc7ac1e (MD5)<br>Made available in DSpace on 2012-11-29T11:17:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 lenora_dissertacao.pdf: 25317204 bytes, checksum: 87a05a2d1b30cbd0b9aeb203afc7ac1e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-08-24<br>This study is a retrospective analysis of the main discussions during the early years of the Vargas Era on the Judiciary organization in the quest to find the motivations that have caused the extinction of the First Instance Federal Courts through the Constitution granted on November 10th, 1937. From the 1930 Revolution there will be presented the main trends of the Justice System discussed during the Itamaraty (Ministry of Foreign Relations) subcommittee sessions created to elaborate a Constitution draft at the request of the leader of the Provisional Government and also at the 1934 National Constituent Assembly sessions. Starting from primary sources such as laws, meeting minutes, letters and articles published in journals of the time, the research will point out the importance of discussions on the Judiciary occurred at the time to the conception of the National State which was in full development. In order to understand the context in which the above-mentioned primary sources are located, the focus was on analyzing the academic papers developed in the 1980’s, mainly by the Center for Research and Documentation on the Contemporary History of Brazil (CPDOC) which help the understanding of a troubled period of the recent national past. The work supports that, rather than administrative or legal doctrinal issues, it was the body of ideas that involved the conception of the so-called New State that created the endorsing ideological and political conditions, not consolidated at the previous period of time, and that resulted in the non-inclusion of the First Instance Federal Court among the Judiciary organs in the 1937 Constitution.<br>O trabalho faz um retrospecto das principais discussões durante os primeiros anos da Era Vargas sobre a forma de organização do Poder Judiciário na busca de encontrar as motivações que ensejaram a extinção da Justiça Federal de 1a Instância através da Constituição outorgada em 10 de novembro de 1937. A partir da Revolução de 1930, serão apresentadas as principais correntes acerca do sistema de justiça debatidas durante as sessões da subcomissão do Itamarati, criada para elaboração de anteprojeto constitucional a pedido de Getúlio Vargas, então chefe do Governo Provisório, e também nas sessões da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1934. Valendo-se de fontes primárias como normas legais, atas de sessões, cartas e matérias publicadas em jornal da época, a pesquisa destacará a importância dos debates sobre o Poder Judiciário ocorridos na época para a concepção do Estado Nacional que se encontrava em fase de plena construção. Para compreensão do contexto em que as aludidas fontes primárias estão inseridas, privilegiou-se o uso de trabalhos acadêmicos desenvolvidos na década de 1980, principalmente pelo Centro de Pesquisa e Documentação de História Contemporânea do Brasil (CPDOC), que auxiliam a compreensão de uma fase conturbada do passado recente nacional. O trabalho defende a ideia de que, mais do que questões de cunho administrativo ou doutrinário jurídico, foi o ideário que envolveu a concepção do denominado Estado Novo que criou condições ideológicas e políticas autorizadoras, não consolidadas em momento anterior, e que resultou a não inclusão da Justiça Federal de Primeira Instância entre os órgãos do Poder Judiciário na Constituição de 1937.

O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar o comportamento dos deputados que se envolvem com a defesa, em especial por meio das questões escritas enviadas para o Ministério da Defesa Nacional entre os anos de 1999 e 2019. Pretende-se aferir se as características relacionadas com os parlamentares, como a experiência profissional, a atuação parlamentar, a ideologia, o contexto político de oposição e os incentivos eleitorais, bem como a saliência do tema em Portugal, têm efeito no comportamento do político. Os dados primários foram obtidos no site do Parlamento e no google trends; os dados secundários têm como fonte documentos oficiais. Os resultados indicam que os deputados que enviam mais questões sobre a defesa são àqueles de oposição ao Governo, seguido dos com atuação parlamentar na área e com experiência profissional relacionada ao tema. São esses também os preditores com maior efeito para explicar o envio de questões para o MDN. Por outro lado, os resultados apontam que a ideologia e os incentivos eleitorais não são capazes de explicar ou predizer o comportamento no que se relaciona à defesa. Essa investigação espera contribuir para os estudos sobre o uso da função de controle em Portugal e sobre o comportamento parlamentar para com o tema da defesa nacional.<br>The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the behavior of deputies involved in defense, especially through written questions sent to the Ministry of National Defense between the years 1999 and 2019. It is intended to assess whether the characteristics related to parliamentarians, such as professional experience, parliamentary performance, ideology, the opposition political context and electoral incentives, as well as the salience of the theme in Portugal, have an effect on the politician's behavior. The primary data were obtained from Parliament's website and google trends; secondary data comes from official documents. The results indicate that the deputies who send more questions about the defense are those opposed to the Government, followed by those with parliamentary performance in the area and with professional experience related to the topic. These are also the predictors with the greatest effect in explaining the submission of questions to the MDN. On the other hand, the results show that ideology and electoral incentives are not able to explain or predict behavior in relation to defense. This investigation hopes to contribute to studies on the use of the control function in Portugal and on parliamentary behavior towards the topic of national defense.

This research is concerned with the complex and contested relationship between the sovereign prerogatives of states and the international imperative of defusing world conflicts. Due to its historical setting following World War Two, the national vs. international staking of claims was framed within the escalating imperial-nationalist confrontation and the impending “end of empire”, both of which were significantly influenced by the role Israel played in this saga. The research looks at the issue of “decolonization” and the anti-colonial struggle waged under the leadership of Egypt’s President Nasser. The Suez War is analyzed as the historical event that signaled the beginning of the final chapter in the domination of the European empires in the Middle East (sub-Saharan decolonization followed beginning in the early 1960s), and the emergence of the United States as the new major Western power in the Middle East. The Suez experience highlighted a stubborn contest between the defenders of the concept of “sovereign consent” and the advocates of “International intervention”. Both the deployment of the United Nations Emergency Force (UNEF) and its termination were surrounded by controversy and legal-political wrangling. The role of UNEF and UN peacekeeping operations in general framed the development of a new concept for an emerging international human rights law and crisis management. The UNEF experience, moreover, brought into sharp relief the need for a conflict resolution component for any peace operation. International conflict management, and human rights protection are both subject to an increasing interventionist international legal regime. Consequently, the traditional concept of “sovereignty” is facing increasing challenge. By its very nature, the subject matter of this multi-dimensional research involves historical, political and international legal aspects shaping the research’s content and conclusions. The research utilizes the experience and contributions of several key participants in this pioneering peacekeeping experience. In the last chapter, recommendations are made –based on all the elements covered in the research- to suggest contributions to the evolving UN ground rules for international crisis intervention and management.<br>Graduate<br>hilmyh@uvic.ca