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1
Molina, José E., and Carmen Pérez. "Evolution of the Party System in Venezuela, 1946–1993." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 40, no. 2 (1998): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166372.
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The 1946 election for Venezuela's National Constituent Assembly marked the beginning of democratic electoral processes and the modern party system in that country. Although interrupted by ten years of dictatorship (1948-1958), nine national elections for president and parliament have been held since 1946. In conjunction with these elections, the Venezuelan party system has passed through four stages: a predominant party system (1945-1948), a limited multiparty system (1958-1973), an attenuated two-party system (1973-1993), and recently, the return to a limited multiparty system (1993-) (Sartori 1976).
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Nwajiaku, Kathryn. "The National Conferences in Benin and Togo Revisited." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 3 (1994): 429–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015172.
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As many as seven Conférences nationales (CNs) took place in French-speaking Africa between February 1990 and January 1993, all against the background of the apparent ‘wind of change’ which is sweeping across the continent where democratic governance is eventually to replace authoritarian rule. In Benin, the assembly of delegates that met during 19–28 February 1990 was supposed to be representative of all social, religious, professional, and political interest groups whose aim was to introduce a constitutional liberal democracy. This CN managed to gain acceptance of the sovereignty which it had declared on the second day — namely, that all its decisions would be legal and binding. The authority of President Matthieu Kérékou was thus effectively emasculated, whilst the elections which were timetabled and held a year later, finally unseated him after 20 years in power. In Togo, General Gnassingbe Eyadéma was able to reject the sovereignty claimed. by the CN, held from 8 July to 28 August 1991, as the balance of power was firmly in his favour.
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Mutharika, A. Peter. "The 1995 Democratic Constitution of Malawi." Journal of African Law 40, no. 2 (1996): 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300007774.
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On 17 May, 1995, the Malawi National Assembly adopted a democratic constitution. In terms of Malawi’s post-colonial history, the adoption of the constitution was an unprecedented event. For a period of 30 years, Malawi had been subjected to a one-party dictatorship led by Dr Hastings Banda. Supported over the years by the West because of its anti-communist rhetoric, the Banda regime found itself abandoned with the ending of the Cold War and the collapse of apartheid in South Africa. Pressure from internal and external groups led to a referendum on the oneparty state in June 1993 which the Banda regime lost and to the first multi-party elections in May 1994 which the regime also lost. A day before the 1994 elections, the Malawi National Assembly adopted a Provisional Constitution for a period of 12 months. Pursuant to section 212 of the Provisional Constitution, the National Constitutional Conference was held in February 1995 for the purpose of making recommendations to the National Assembly on a permanent constitution. Rather than replace or repeal the Provisional Constitution, the National Assembly decided in April 1995 to make modest amendments to it in order to address some of the more blatant deficiencies that were identified at the Constitutional Conference. During the coming years, the Law Commission will make a detailed study of the entire document, make recommendations to the Minister of Justice and, it is hoped, address some of the obvious drafting oversights.
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Wilder, Andrew R. "Changing Patterns of Punjab Politics in Pakistan: National Assembly Election Results, 1988 and 1993." Asian Survey 35, no. 4 (1995): 377–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645802.
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Wilder, Andrew R. "Changing Patterns of Punjab Politics in Pakistan: National Assembly Election Results, 1988 and 1993." Asian Survey 35, no. 4 (1995): 377–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1995.35.4.01p0014p.
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Foken, Thomas, and Steven Oncley. "Workshop on Instrumental and Methodical Problems of Land Surface Flux Measurements." Bulletin of the American Meteorological Society 76, no. 7 (1995): 1191–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.1175/1520-0477-76.7.1191.
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This report summarizes presentations and discussions that occurred at a workshop held in conjunction with the XIXth General Assembly of the European Geophysical Society (EGS) from 22 to 24 April 1994. The purpose of this workshop was to define the state of the art of micrometeorological flux measurements, to identify problem areas, and to define any additional data that must be taken to solve these problems. This workshop was organized in response to a proposal made at the 1993 EGS conference by T. Foken, T. Delany (National Center for Atmospheric Research), S. Oncley, and L. Tsvang (Institute of Atmospheric Physics, Russia) for a new experiment to investigate the problem of the “unclosed” energy balance. Sixty-one scientists from 14 countries participated in the workshop.
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Kalinichenko, Paul, and Dimitry Vladimirovich Kochenov. "Amendments to the 1993 Constitution of the Russian Federation Concerning International Law (2020)." International Legal Materials 60, no. 2 (2021): 341–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilm.2021.10.
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The Russian Constitution was adopted by a referendum on December 12, 1993. It was inspired by Western constitutional traditions and internationally recognised democratic and human rights values. The Constitution established three core features of the Russian constitutional order, all breaking with the Soviet past: •The Constitutional provisions on the foundations of the constitutional system, the protection of human rights, and constitutional review are unchangeable and cannot be amended, except via the summoning of a new Constitutional Assembly/national referendum (art. 135).•The Constitution established a strongly monist approach to international law, integrating it into the Russian legal order and giving priority to duly ratified international treaties and agreements to override conflicting domestic laws (art. 15(4)).•The Russian Constitutional Court enjoys exclusive competence to interpret the Constitution via binding precedents.
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Ciekawy, Diane. "Constitutional and Legal Reform in the Postcolony of Kenya." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 25, no. 1 (1997): 16–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700502455.
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The central government of Kenya is well known for its use of the legal system, state structures, and the KANU (Kenya African National Union) party apparatus to threaten and thwart those who criticize its undemocratic practices and human rights violations. There are numerous and detailed accounts of attacks on the news media, the denial of permits for opposition public speaking events, the disruption of opposition party meetings, and the arrest and incarceration of reformist political and religious leaders. It is common for the central government to criminalize political activity by charging critics with sedition or holding an illegal meeting, and to use police violence to break up both licensed and unlicensed political events. Government officials and institutions played a major role in inciting and organizing violence in the Rift Valley from 1991 to 1993 that led to the deaths of over 1,500 people. The return to multiparty politics in 1991, after a lapse of 26 years when KANU reigned supreme, has done little to change these practices. Repression of the freedom of assembly, the freedom of association, and the freedom of expression is the modus operandi of the Kenyan nation-state.
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Cottrell, Robert. "Russia’s Parliamentary and Presidential Elections." Government and Opposition 31, no. 2 (1996): 160–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1996.tb00602.x.
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In December 1995 General Elections Took Place in Russia for the lower house of parliament, the Duma. In constitutional terms the Duma is a relatively weak body, comparable with the French National Assembly. It initiates and enacts legislation, but must find a two-thirds majority if it is to override a presidential veto. The December elections were, however, of a disproportionate significance. The fact that they were taking place was important in itself. The Duma elected in December 1995 was only the second Duma to be elected in post-Soviet Russia, and the first to be elected in relatively normal circumstances. (The preceding Duma had been elected in 1993 only after President Boris Yeltsin had used tanks against the old Supreme Soviet, created a new parliament almost literally out of its ashes, and legitimized his actions by means of a new constitution approved by a national referendum.)
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Wright, Valerie, Jim Philips, and Jim Tomlinson. "Defending the Right to Work: The 1983 Timex Workers’ Occupation in Dundee." Labour History Review: Volume 86, Issue 1 86, no. 1 (2021): 63–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/lhr.2021.4.
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In January 1983 the US-owned multinational Timex, a prominent employer in Dundee since 1946, announced it would cease production of mechanical wristwatches in the city. Substantial redundancies would accompany closure of the Milton of Craigie production unit where 2,000 mainly male skilled engineers and toolmakers were employed. About 2,000 mainly female assembly-line workers would be retained at another factory in the city, at Camperdown, as Timex completed its diversification into subcontracting work in electronics. With this announcement Timex violated the workforce’s moral economy. Significant changes were only permissible where negotiated with union representatives and where the security of those affected was preserved. Capital was leaving Dundee, despite the firm’s receipt of many grants from national and local government. On 8 April Milton workers resisted compulsory redundancy by occupying their plant. Timex was not stopped from ending watchmaking, but compulsory redundancies were averted and a union voice was preserved. Those who wished were transferred to Camperdown. The occupation was a crucial episode in Dundee’s deindustrialization, but has been obscured in popular memory by the bitter dispute accompanying the firm’s final departure from the city in 1993.
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Almashiy, Volodymyr. "Socio-Political and Socio-Cultural Activities of the Union of Rusyns-Ukrainians in the Slovak Republic (1989-1993)." Mìžnarodnì zv’âzki Ukraïni: naukovì pošuki ì znahìdki, no. 29 (November 10, 2020): 226–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mzu2020.29.226.
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The given article, based on archival documents, provides the analysis of socio-political, socio-cultural, and educational activities of the Union of Rusyns-Ukrainians in the Slovak Republic, the updated name of which was adopted at the extraordinary Congress of the Cultural Union of Ukrainian workers of Czechoslovakia in January 20, 1990 in Prešov. The Cultural Union of Ukrainian Workers of Czechoslovakia of cultural orientation (founded in 1951), which was the predecessor of the new organization, is mentioned. According to the decision of the Congress, the reformed organization focused on strengthening the friendship and cooperation with the Slovak people, other nationalities in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, etc. It is noted that the return to the old name was seen by the Rusyn-Ukrainians of Eastern Slovakia as one of the means of identity struggle against the accelerated slovakization in the context of aggravation of interethnic relations in the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic in the late 1980s and 1990s. The analysis of the adopted documents in which the Congress stated its intentions and requirements is given including: Program Proclamation of the Congress, the Memorandum of Rusyns-Ukrainians of Czechoslovakia to the Federal Assembly of Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, Slovak National Council and the SSR Government, the Statute of the Council of Rusyns-Ukrainians of Czechoslovakia, “Organization’s Work Plan for the Near Future”, which expressed the need to give priority to working with young people in and out of schools. The catastrophic decrease in the number of schools with the Ukrainian language of instruction is stated. The paper also notes the numerical grow and revitalization of other Ukrainian national associations and institutions in Slovakia willing to work in the field of cultural and national life of Rusyns-Ukrainians (Oleksander Dukhnovych Society, Rukh, “OBRUCH” Organization, Association of Ukrainians in the Czech Republic, Carpathians Youth Union, etc.)
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Kuczyńska, Anna. "Dyplomacja Francji: ewolucja relacji na osi władzy Elysee-Matignon w układzie koabitacji." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 1 (November 2, 2018): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2012.17.1.4.
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The paper analyzes the decision-making process with respect to foreign policy and defense in the French Fifth Republic. The author discusses the constitutional rights of the President, Prime Minister and Parliament to emphasize that the notion of the exclusive domain (domaine réservé) of the head of the state has no legal grounds. In particular, she stresses the variations in the practice of exercising power in these terms under two distinct political situations: when the president and government are from the same political option, and when they are not. She notes that given the political homogeneity of the President and the majority in the National Assembly, the President, as the actual head of the unified party, becomes the focal point in the creation and implementation of the policies for ‘his’ France, in particular of the country’s foreign policy. This defies the stipulations of Articles 20 and 21 of the Constitution, by virtue of which the government, headed by the Prime Minister, “determines and conducts the policy of the nation.” The paper devotes considerable space to an analysis of the political influence of cohabitation, i.e. the coexistence of a President of the Republic and a majority in the National Assembly who represent different political orientations. This characterized the political system of France for nine years (1986–1988, 1993–1995, 1997–2002) during the evolution of the actual dependency on the Presidential and Prime Ministerial power axis (or the Elysée–Matignon axis, as these state organs are commonly referred to) in the process of shaping and conducting the international and European policy of the state. The role of the Minister of Foreign Affairs is taken into account regarding the outcome of these changeable relations.
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Reynolds, B. "Continuous cover forestry: possible implications for surface water acidification in the UK uplands." Hydrology and Earth System Sciences 8, no. 3 (2004): 306–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/hess-8-306-2004.
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Abstract. The effects of widespread conifer afforestation on the acidity of lakes and streams in the acid sensitive uplands of the UK has been researched extensively and has contributed to the development and implementation of national forest management guidelines (e.g. Forest and Water Guidelines; Forestry Commission, 1993). However, a recent policy document (Woodlands for Wales; National Assembly for Wales, 2000) has proposed a major shift in the management of 50% of the Forestry Commission estate in Wales from the current system of patch clearfelling to Continuous Cover Forestry (CCF). This scale of change is without precedent in the UK; no studies in the UK forest environment have examined the likely environmental impacts of CCF. However, the wealth of environmental data from studies of UK forests managed by patch clearfelling enables an assessment of the impact of a change to CCF on three issues of particular relevance to surface water acidification in the uplands; forest harvesting, soil base cation depletion and atmospheric pollutant deposition. Whilst there is uncertainty as to how even-aged stands will be transformed to CCF in the UK, guiding principles for CCF on acidic and acid sensitive sites should focus on those aspects of management which minimise nitrate leaching, encourage base cation retention within the soil-plant system and enhance base cation inputs from external (atmospheric) and internal sources (weathering). CCF may provide opportunities to achieve this by reducing the scale of clearfelling, increasing species diversity, changing the structure of plantation forests and maintaining uninterrupted woodland cover. Keywords: acidification, forestry, continuous cover forestry, clearfelling
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Boulet, Louis-Philippe, Helen K. Reddel, Eric Bateman, Søren Pedersen, J. Mark FitzGerald, and Paul M. O'Byrne. "The Global Initiative for Asthma (GINA): 25 years later." European Respiratory Journal 54, no. 2 (2019): 1900598. http://dx.doi.org/10.1183/13993003.00598-2019.
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The Global Initiative for Asthma (GINA) was launched in 1993 under the auspices of the National Heart, Lung, and Blood Institute, National Institutes of Health, USA, and the World Health Organization to produce a global strategy on asthma management and prevention. Now constituted as a non-profit entity, it continues to produce, on an annual basis, the most widely cited evidence-based report on the optimal management of asthma in both adults and children intended for global use. Although the GINA Report is often viewed and used as an asthma treatment guideline, it is designed to be a clinically oriented strategy document that supports the development of practice guidelines in different countries and regions.Other GINA products, including the report's pocket guides, teaching slide kits and implementation tools, are also offered free of charge for public use. The GINA Scientific Committee comprises recognised international experts from primary, secondary and tertiary centres of care who are actively involved in both the care of patients and research in asthma. The GINA Assembly is a forum for exchange of scientific information and discussions on initiatives to improve asthma care in various countries, focusing on implementation strategies. GINA plays a role in shaping research on the diagnosis and treatment of asthma and informs the development of point of care practice guides and decision support tools. GINA supports the objectives of raising awareness of asthma and improving access to therapy and quality of care for asthmatic patients, in addition to presenting and promoting continuously updated evidence-based treatment approaches for global use.
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Schaaf, Robert W. "Global Compilation of National Legislation Against Racial Discrimination." International Journal of Legal Information 20, no. 2 (1992): 159–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0731126500007599.
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The united nations recently issued a compilation of national legislation against racial discrimination. The publication, which has a 1991 imprint, bears the title: Second Decade to Combat Racism and Racial Discrimination: Global Compilation of National Legislation against Racial Discrimination. This volume covers 205 pages and carries the symbol: HR/PUB/90/8.The Charter of the United Nations, which was signed in June 1945 at San Francisco, entrusts the UN with promoting and ensuring respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms “for all without distinction as to race, sex, language or religion.” The General Assembly, in one of its first resolutions, declared in 1946 “that it is in the higher interests of humanity to put an immediate end to religious and so-called racial persecution and discrimination.” The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, adopted by the General Assembly December 10, 1948, is the most fundamental human rights instrument adopted by the United Nations. Since that time there have been numerous conventions and declarations aimed specifically at eliminating racial discrimination. These include the Declaration and International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, adopted November 20, 1963 and December 21, 1965, respectively, and the Convention on the Suppression and Punishment of the Crime of Apartheid, adopted November 30, 1973.
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Zajc, Drago. "Slovenia's National Assembly, 1990–2004." Journal of Legislative Studies 13, no. 1 (2007): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572330601165329.
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Karbal, Mohamed. "World Orders, Old and New." American Journal of Islam and Society 13, no. 2 (1996): 278–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v13i2.2324.
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The catch phrase "new world order" has shaped the view of the futuredifferently for various groups and people. It has been associated mostlywith former American president George Bush, who witnessed the end ofthe old system with the collapse of the Soviet Union and, with others, realizedthe beginning of a new order. Prior to the end of the cold war, ThirdWorld countries were calling for "new economic and political orders."Speaking before the General Assembly of the United Nations, Fidel Castrocalled for the establishment of a "new world order based on justice, onequity, on peace." And an altogether different new world order has beenanticipated in the near future by such evangelists as Pat Robertson in hisbook The New World Order. Robertson believes the new order will commencewith the rerurn of the Messiah, who will erect a new and just world.However, for prominent scholar Noam Chomsky, the new world orderis merely a continuation of the old one. From the basis of three lecturesdelivered at the American University in Cairo in May 1993, Chomskywrote World Orders, Old and New. The book is divided into three parts.The first part discusses the cold war and how it was used by the superpowersto justify all foreign and domestic political, economic, and militaryactions. “The Cold War provided easy formdas to justify criminal actionsabroad and entrenchment of privileges at home.” Both sides were able toclaim that such atrocities were committed to promote the “national securitywhich was threatened by the other side.” ...
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Nguyen, Thi Phuong Loan. "Legal framework of the water sector in Vietnam: achievements and challenges." Journal of Vietnamese Environment 2, no. 1 (2012): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.13141/jve.vol2.no1.pp27-44.
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Since 1986 and especially during the early 90s, environmental protection has become a constitutional principle in Vietnam as regulated by Articles 17 and 29 of the 1992 Constitution. The first Law on Environmental Protection, passed by the National Assembly on December 27, 1993 created a foundation for environmental legislation becoming an important field in Vietnam’s legal system. In the following, Vietnam enacted its very first Law on Water Resources (No. 08/1998/QH10) in January 1999 aiming to provide a foundational framework for managing the water sector in Vietnam. In recent years, the legislative framework on water resources management has further developed. Important water-related regulations on the guidance and implementation of the Law on Water Resources have been issued and often amended to meet the requirements of the country’s development, and its international integration. To date, Vietnam’s legislation on the water sector consists of a complex system of legal documents issued by different state agencies. Though legislation of water sector management in Vietnam has greatly improved during the last decade, it has obviously not yet come to full fruition. Hence, the paper intends to provide an overview of achievements as well as problems and conflicting issues within Vietnam’s current water sector management legislation.
 Kểtừnăm 1986, đặc biệt là những năm đầu của thập kỷ90, bảo vệmôi trường đã trởthành nguyên tắc hiến định (được quy định tại Điều 17 và 29 Hiến pháp 1992). Luật Bảo vệmôi trường đầu tiên được Quốc hội thông qua ngày 27 tháng 12 năm 1993 đã đặt nền móng cho việc hình thành hệthống pháp luật vềmôi trường ởViệt Nam.Tiếp theo đó, ngày 20 tháng 05 năm 1998, Quốc hội nước Cộng hòa xã hội Việt Nam khóa X, kỳhọp thứ3 đã thông qua văn bản luật đầu tiên vềtài nguyên nước -Luật Tài nguyên nước số08/1998/QH10 hình thành một nền tảng pháp lý cho hệthống pháp luật bảo vệnguồn tài nguyên nước ởViệt Nam. Trong những năm gần đây, hầu hết các văn bản dưới luật quan trọng và cần thiết cho việc hướng dẫn thi hành Luật Tài nguyên nước đã được ban hành và không ngừng được sửa đổi, bổsung nhằm đáp ứng nhu cầu phát triển và hội nhập quốc tếcủa đất nước trong nhiều lĩnh vực khác nhau.Tuy nhiên, khung pháp lý hiện hành vềtài nguyên nước ởViệt Nam bao gồm một hệthống các văn bản quy phạm pháp luật khá phức tạp, nhiều tầng nấc, được ban hành bởi nhiều cơ quan có thẩm quyền khác nhau. Mặc dù hệthống pháp luật vềtài nguyên nước đã được liên tục sửa đổi, bổsung và hoàn thiện trong suốt một thập kỷqua, nhưng rõ ràng vẫn chưa thực sựđi vào cuộc sống.Bài viết dưới đây đềcập chủyến đến một sốcácthành tựu cũng nhưnhữngvấn đềmâu thuẫn hiện tại của pháp luật bảo vệnguồn tài nguyên nước ởViệt Nam.
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Morriss, Peter. "The South Korean national assembly elections 1992." Representation 31, no. 115 (1992): 60–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899238439010.
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Bouandel, Youcef. "Algerian national popular assembly election of December 1991." Representation 32, no. 117 (1993): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899338439028.
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Krieger, Milton. "Cameroon's Democratic Crossroads, 1990–4." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 4 (1994): 605–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00015871.
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Cameroon'supheavals since 1990 have not been widely reported among the more visible and violent African state-society conflicts. Their anonymity on the continent's political agenda is understandable, since by the formal, most visible indices, little has changed since pluralist pressures appeared. The ‘Gaullist’ monolith state remains fundamentally in place after 25 years: the constitution retains the unitary executive stamp of 1972, against federalist and devolution challenges, although multi-party politics were legalised in 1990. This and a new press law have been the régime's major concessions to emerging opposition forces, and led to presidential and national assembly elections in 1992.
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Vetrenko, Inna A. "THE BEGINNING OF A LARGE-SCALE POLITICAL REFORM IN RUSSIA: A NEW TURN IN 2020." Law Enforcement Review 4, no. 1 (2020): 14–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.24147/2542-1514.2020.4(1).14-20.
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The subject. The article is devoted to the analysis of the draft political and constitutional reform that was announced in the last Presidential Address to the Federal Assembly at January 15, 2020.
 The purpose of the article is to try to predict the positive and negative consequences of changing the legal status of the highest Russian authorities. 
 The methodology of the study includes analysis and interpretation of Presidential Ad-dresses to the Federal Assembly and Russian Constitution as well as dialectical approach and methods of political science. 
 The main results and scope of their application. For a long time there was a clear request for changes in the government, and various expert platforms discussed issues related to changing the Constitution of the Russian Federation, which was adopted at a national referendum in December 1993. 
 On January 15, 2020, Vladimir Putin addressed his 16th message to the Parliament. In ac-cordance with the Constitution, the President of Russia annually addresses the Federal Assembly with a message on the situation in the country and on the main directions of domestic and foreign policy. The last address turned out to be a landmark and historical one, as it announced the main provisions of the upcoming large-scale political and consti-tutional reform in Russia. Heads of constituent entities, members of the State Duma and the Federation Council, Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Ministers, Federal Ministers, heads of Fed-
 
 
 eral bodies, judges will no longer be able to have foreign citizenship or a foreign resi-dence permit. He proposed even more stringent requirements for a candidate for the post of President: no foreign citizenship or residence permit even in the past, as well as per-manent residence in Russia for at least 25 years. The position of the State Council is being strengthened and it is reflected in the Constitution of the Russian Federation as an insti-tution of power in the country. The position of the Federal Assembly is strengthened by the fact that the Parliament is given the right to approve the candidacy of the Prime Min-ister, as well as all Deputy Prime Ministers and Federal Ministers. The status of local self-government and the role of governors in the regions is being raised.
 The main reason for the reform is the desire to reduce the powers of the President and transfer part of them to the Parliament, so that the next President is no longer endowed with virtually absolute power, and, in turn, can not initiate another reform without the approval of all branches of government.
 The author of the article identifies the reasons for the political reform and gives forecasts for the future after its implementation.
 Conclusions. The author links these changes to the upcoming transfer of presidential power after 2024. The reform does not mean the transition of the Russian Federation to a parliamentary republic, since the head of state retains the status of a key figure in the po-litical system, and it is he who has concentrated key functions. Fixing a number of social obligations in the Constitution in terms of salaries and pensions will not have a significant impact on the socio-economic situation.
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Mikail, Elnur Hasan. "Turkish Grand National Assembly and Azerbaijani relations in the national struggle period (1920-1923)." E3S Web of Conferences 258 (2021): 05039. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202125805039.
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In this study, the political relations between the Atatürk Era, the Turkish Grand National Assembly and Azerbaijan are analyzed. After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in 1918, the Turkish Grand National Assembly was established under the leadership of Great Leader Mustafa Kemal Pasha Atatürk. Historical developments between Turkey and the historical importance of the study period and brother country Azerbaijan are discussed in depth. Azerbaijan Soviet leader Neriman Nerimanov’s rational and logical real politics of the Soviet leader Vladimir Ilyich Lenin Russia Period to persuade him to help Turkey are examined on the basis of the archive records.
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Weiland, Heribert. "Landslide Victory for Swapo in 1994: Many New Seats But Few New Votes." Journal of Modern African Studies 33, no. 2 (1995): 349–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00021133.
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In the presidential and parliamentary elections held on 7–8 December 1994, the South West Africa People's Organisation (Swapo) was able to build on its achievements in the 1992 regional elections and win a two-thirds majority in the National Assembly. Against the larger-than-life father-figure of President Sam Nujoma, the opposition never really had a chance and lost 12 seats. A comparison of the results of the 1989 and 1994 elections reveals only a small decline in the ballots cast for Swapo as against a great loss of support for the opposition parties, mainly because the sharp drop in the number who voted was at their expense.
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Daumal i Domènech, Francesc. "La acústica de la Sala de Asambleas del Palacio de las Naciones de Ginebra, de Le Corbusier." Informes de la Construcción 45, no. 430 (1994): 53–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/ic.1994.v45.i430.1142.
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Das, Hirak Jyoti. "National Assembly Elections in Kuwait, 2016." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 4, no. 2 (2017): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798917694758.
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Among the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, Kuwait not only has the oldest constitution but also has a vibrant parliament. Kuwait has sent elected representatives to the National Assembly since 1963 that shares the legislative responsibilities with the Amir. In the last decade Kuwait National Assembly has confronted the government on various issues, especially on corruption charges and incompetence of individual ministers. It has led to frequent disruptions and dissolution of the assembly five times since 2003. The 2016 elections has returned a large number of deputies with inclination to traditional opposition and though it bodes well for democratization in the oil-rich Gulf state, it raises questions about going back to the era of disruptions and dissolutions seen during 2008–2012.
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Aston, Nigel. "Reviews : R. R. Palmer, ed. and trans., From Jacobin to Liberal. Marc-Antoine Jullien, 1775-1848, Princeton, Princeton University Press, ISBN 0-691-03299-8, 1993; xi + 243 pp.; £30.00 Harriet B. Applewhite, Political Alignment in the French National Assembly 1789-1791, Louisiana, Louisiana University Press, ISBN 0-9071-1751-X, 1993; xxxii + 279 pp.; £42.75." European History Quarterly 25, no. 3 (1995): 468–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149502500318.
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Al Awaidy, Salah T. "Tuberculosis elimination in Oman: winning the war on the disease." ERJ Open Research 4, no. 4 (2018): 00121–2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1183/23120541.00121-2018.
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In 2014, the World Health Assembly adopted the new End TB Strategy that targets ending tuberculosis (TB) by 2035. This article describes the progress made to eliminate TB in Oman.Data from officials and other sources provided the information to assess the situation in Oman.In the period 1981–1992, TB notifications decreased by 11% per year. Between 1992 and 2016, the rates declined more slowly at 4.6% per year, i.e. from 16 to 7.8 per 100 000. During 2010–2016, 2352 TB cases (80% males and 60% Omani nationals) were reported. Bacteriologically confirmed TB cases decreased from 47 to 38 per million population, with a cumulative decline of 19%. The success rate of TB treatment was >87%. Among the new cases, 1.2% were multidrug-resistant TB cases. TB mortality rate dropped by 39% between 1990 and 2016.TB control efforts in Oman have produced remarkable effects. However, the pre-elimination threshold set at <10 notified TB cases per million population per year is not yet in reach. There is a need for an urgent national response and careful consideration of new available interventions.
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MURAVSKYI, Oleh. "THE GALICIAN ASSEMBLY (1991): ORIGINS, SPECULATIONS, RESOLUTIONS." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 32 (2019): 139–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2019-32-139-148.
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The author analyzed preconditions of the convening and activities of the common session of the Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, and Ternopil oblasts, better known in Ukrainian socio-political opinion as the Galician Assembly; characterized the composition of its participants. It is claimed that it's conducting indicates, de facto, the loss of control by the Communist Party of Ukraine (CPU) of those Western Ukrainian regions, in the oblast councils of which the majority gained representatives of national-democratic forces after the March 1990 elections to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and local authorities. The resolutions of the Galician Assembly with a clear subtext are considered. The idea of convening caused sharp criticism among the KPU, which accused the leadership of the Lviv Regional Council in general and V. Chornovil, in particular, in separatism, the desire to put into practice the concept of federalism, to take practical steps on withdrawing three Western Ukrainian regions from the USSR. The author draws on the speeches of the deputies of Lviv, Ivano-Frankivsk, and Ternopil oblasts and states that most of them related to political aspects of Ukrainian state-making, were characterized by emotionality, and generally were positively welcomed by national-democratic forces. After the end of the Galician Assembly, the deputies of regional councils failed to continue to maintain regular contacts through consultation, seminars, and conferences on current political, social, and economic issues. The work of the newly established Regional Coordination Council, whose governing bodies were in Lviv, was also ineffective. Keywords: the Galician Assembly, Regional Council, V. Chornovil, resolution, consolidation.
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Hornsby, Charles. "The Social Structure of the National Assembly in Kenya, 1963–83." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 2 (1989): 275–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00000483.
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The study of elections and parliamentary behaviour in Africa has become a neglected topic. Whilst the emergence of political élites during and after the colonial period has been examined carefully, little attention has been paid to the structure and functioning of the modern one-party state. Emphasis has tended to shift towards the analysis of political economy and of the nature of class relations, partly as a consequence of the close linkages between economic and political relations within developing states. However, studies of post-1969 politics in Kenya are now scarce, and basic knowledge of the operation of the political system is often absent. In order to help redress the balance, this article presents and analyses data about the socio-economic background of the Members of Parliament.
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Recher, Harry. "National Biodiversity Council." Pacific Conservation Biology 3, no. 1 (1997): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/pc970002.
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The National Biodiversity Council was formed in December 1994. The Council is an independent body that acts as a scientific voice for biodiversity conservation in Australia. It consists of a council of 12 scientists, elected by their peers, and an Assembly of representatives from scientific societies and institutions and those nominated by the Council to provide balance and additional expertise. The Council was formed because many people were concerned about the lack of an independent scientific voice on environmental and development issues, and because many Australian scientists lacked full freedom to comment on government and institutional policies affecting biodiversity. The Council was to be that voice and Council members were empowered to speak freely and openly on behalf of the Council.
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Pohan, Chairil Anwar. "MEREVIU BASIS PEMAJAKAN PERUSAHAAN PELAYARAN NASIONAL BERDASARKAN “DEEMED PROFIT” ATAS PENGHASILAN DARI USAHA ANGKUTAN LAUT." Transparansi Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Administrasi 8, no. 2 (2018): 112–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31334/trans.v8i2.66.
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Since Legislative Assembly approved Law No. 7 of 1983 on Income Tax, as last amended by the Law No. 36 of 2008 (so there are four time changes, namely by the Law No. 7 of 1991, then No. 10 of 1994, furthermore No. 17 of 2000 and the last No. 36 of 2008), but the base of the domestic and overseas shipping company taxation which apply Special Calculation Norm of Net Income (deemed profit) for the national and overseas shipping companies taxpayers with the application of Article 15 of the Income Tax (Final Tax) did not change either in the tax rates and the tax bases, whereas the corporate tax rate (Article 17 paragraph 1) has changed from the Law No. 7 of 1983 with progressive rates levying at the rate of 10% -35% with the last change to a flat rate of 25% in the Law No. 36 of 2008. Similarly, the Tax Base used appear to have been unreasonable to overseas shipping Net Income amounted to 6%. Tax Base which reflects the rate of return the company is used as a base taxation income tax shipping company seems too low, compared with the rate of profit (net profit after tax) obtained by shipping companies at home and abroad. These conditions certainly result in low tax revenue from the shipping sector, and on the other aspects of the fulfillment of tax fairness rules also disrupted due to the shipping company suffered a loss nonetheless pay a final tax (VAT Article 15).
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Koulov, Boian. "Geography of electoral preferences: the 1990 Great National Assembly elections in Bulgaria." Political Geography 14, no. 3 (1995): 241–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0962-6298(95)93186-m.
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Owusu, Maxwell. "Tradition and Transformation: Democracy and the Politics of Popular Power in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 2 (1996): 307–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005535x.
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In April 1992, after nearly 11 years of military rule in Ghana, a draft democratic constitution of the Fourth Republic was overwhelmingly approved in a national referendum.1 The ban on multi-party politics was lifted by the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) Government in the following month. An independent interim National Electoral Commission was established, and a hotly contested presidential election in 200 constituencies monitored by teams of international observers was held in November 1992. After multi-party parliamentary elections to the National Assembly, boycotted unfortunately by opposition groups, the democratically elected Government of Ghana's Fourth Republic was inaugurated in January 1993.2
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Kusmanto, Heri, and Warjio Warjio. "Politik Pembangunan Organisasi Kemasyarakatan Islam Indonesia – Malaysia." JPPUMA Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan dan Sosial Politik Universitas Medan Area 7, no. 2 (2019): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.31289/jppuma.v7i2.2415.
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<p><em>Politically, Kelantan</em><em> is unique compared to other states in Malaysia. Manifestations of the doctrine of competition between UMNO and PAS occurred in this last fortress of the Malay states (the last bastions of Malayness). Different political doctrines has caused relations between PAS-led Kelantan State Government and Federal Government, the UMNO-led Alliance, is always hot. But the doctrine of competition began to simmer down, upon the occurrence of the May 13, 1969 event, which allows both parties to come up with a government known as the PAS-Alliance Coalition Government (1973-1974) and later to be replaced by the Barisan Nasional (National Front) Government in 1974. PAS position in the National Front only lasted for three and a half years, when a political turmoil brewed up and has caused the party's expulsion. The expulsion of PAS from the National Front has caused the defeat of PAS to lose Kelantan State Legislative Assembly in the 1978 General Election. This provides the opportunity to the UMNO-led Barisan Nasional to rule Kelantan for 12 years and engage itself in extensive political strategies to defend its position from being constantly attacks by the PAS opposition quarters. However, due to some internal and external problems in the UMNO, PAS has won back the administration of the state of Kelantan by winning State Legislative Assembly in the 1990 general election.</em></p>
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McClelland, Siobhan. "Health Policy in Wales – Distinctive or Derivative?" Social Policy and Society 1, no. 4 (2002): 325–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474746402004074.
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This article examines the policy process in Wales prior to the introduction of a National Assembly for Wales and uses this as a framework for assessing the potential impact of devolution. Health and social services form the largest part of the budget of the National Assembly for Wales and the article focuses on health policy as a key area of interest for Assembly Members. The period 1992 to 1997 demonstrates an emphasis on managing both demand and finances thereby promoting the continued dominance, in terms of both resource allocation and prioritisation, of the acute hospital sector. The article then explores how far this has changed and what potential there is for changing this assumptive reality in a New Labour and devolved NHS.
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Kwak, Jin O. "Kubota's statement and Dokdo－Based on the Japanese national assembly stenographic 1953~1954－." Journal of Japanese Language and Literature 75, no. 2 (2010): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.17003/jllak.2010.75.2.3.
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Syed, Anwar H. "The Pakistan People's Party and the Punjab: National Assembly Elections, 1988 and 1990." Asian Survey 31, no. 7 (1991): 581–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2645378.
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Syed, Anwar H. "The Pakistan People's Party and the Punjab: National Assembly Elections, 1988 and 1990." Asian Survey 31, no. 7 (1991): 581–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.1991.31.7.00p0070f.
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Sojka-Masztalerz, Helena. "Nowa władza, nowe porządki, nowi mówcy. Wzorzec gatunkowy a przemówienia agitacyjne wygłaszane po wyborach do Ukraińskiego Zgromadzenia Narodowego Zachodniej Ukrainy w październiku 1939 roku." Oblicza Komunikacji 9 (October 30, 2018): 21–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2083-5345.9.2.
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New rule, new order, new speakers — about agitation speeches after elections to the Ukrainian National Assembly in October 1939Political speeches delivered by delegates after elections to the Ukrainian National Assembly were analysed in the paper. The structure of these speeches was discussed and the significance of the agitation speech as one of the most important propaganda texts based mainly on the adaptation and integration function was indicated. The language means used by the privileged speaker to impose his vision of the world were outlined.
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Zemlyanskij, V. L. "Provisional National assembly of the Far East: Milestones of the First Far Eastern Parliament." ОЙКУМЕНА. РЕГИОНОВЕДЧЕСКИЕ ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ 3 (2020): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.24866/1998-6785/2020-3/85-95.
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Civil war in the Russian Far East 1918–1922 had its own unique features, one of them was the presence of the highest representative bodies of power. Unlike other regions of Russia (in particular, Siberia and the Kuban), the parliaments of Primorye existed with insignificant interruptions from 1920 to 1922. The first parliament in Vladivostok was the Provisional National Assembly of the Far East. The purpose of the article is to study the activities of deputies of the National Assembly. Seaside parliamentarians clearly presented their main tasks (uniting the regions of the Far East, preserving the region for Russia, ending the intervention peacefully, improving the economic situation) and, to the extent possible, sought to achieve them.
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Gjuričová, Adéla. "Coming to (a Short) Life: The Czechoslovak Parliament 1989-1992." Contributions to Contemporary History 55, no. 3 (2015): 9–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.51663/pnz.55.3.01.
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The Czechoslovak federal parliament was designed in 1968 to replace the National Assembly of a unitary state and thus formally express equality between Czechs and Slovaks in the newly established federation. After the crash of the Prague Spring reforms, the socialist parliament lost most of its sovereignty, while preserving its federal character and formal procedures, thus providing a sort of “backup” legislature. The Velvet Revolution of 1989, with its proclaimed respect to peace and legality, logically found the ancient régime’s parliament in the centre of new politics. In the revolutionary parliament of 1989-1990, the concept of socialist parliamentarianism began to clash with new motives, such as the national unity, a break with the Communist past, liberal democracy, or subsidiarity. Various blends of socialist, revolutionary and liberal democratic views of the parliament consequently came to life, while each of these concepts as well as every practical policy was perceived and accepted in conflicting manners by the Czech and Slovak publics as well as political representations. Some of these differences turned out to be irreconcilable and the federal parliament eventually played a key role in administering the break-up of Czechoslovak federation in 1992.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Radical Nationalist Parties and Movements in Contemporary Ukraine Before and After Independence: The Right and Its Politics, 1989–1994." Nationalities Papers 25, no. 02 (1997): 211–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999708408500.
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The radical right in the Ukrainian political spectrum is dominated by three movements—the Nationalist Union Ukrainian State Independence (DSU), the Ukrainian National Assembly (UNA, formerly the Ukrainian Inter-Party Assembly, UMPA) and the Congress of Ukrainian Nationalists (KUN). The UNA is dominated by the highly secretive Ukrainian Nationalist Union (UNS) which grew out of the nationalist wing of the Association of Independent Ukrainian Youth (SNUM). The KUN was launched in 1992 in Ukraine as the overt arm of the émigré Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists-Bandera faction (known commonly as OUN revolutionaries, or OUNr).
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Kang, Won-Taek. "The rise of a third party in South Korea: the Unification National Party in the 1992 National Assembly election." Electoral Studies 17, no. 1 (1998): 95–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(97)00049-8.
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Christopher, A. J. "Regional Patterns in South Africa's Postapartheid Election in 1994." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 14, no. 1 (1996): 55–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c140055.
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The first universal-franchise elections in South Africa, for the National Assembly and nine provincial councils, were conducted under a system of proportional representation in April 1994. The African National Congress won a substantial victory but failed to secure control of two key provinces: the Western Cape and KwaZulu—Natal. Ethnic voting patterns among the spatially concentrated Coloured and Zulu populations were at variance with the otherwise national-liberationary nature of the election. The South African experience of the significance of ethnic voting parallels that discerned in other emergent democracies, contributing to the widening field of electoral geography.
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Madra, Aysel. "Interventionist Secularism: A Comparative Analysis of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (1923-1928) and the Indian Constituent Assembly (1946-1949) Debates." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 54, no. 2 (2015): 222–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jssr.12192.
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Beke, Dirk. "La Constitution Algerienne De 1989: Une Passerelle Entre le Socialisme Et L’islamisme?" Afrika Focus 7, no. 3 (1991): 241–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-00703004.
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The Algerian Constitution of 1989: A Bridge Between Socialism and Islamism? The riots of october 1988, the most violent uprising since independence against FLN-rule, forced president Chadli Bendjedid to accelerate and to extend the constitutional reforms announced earlier. An adaption of the constitutional law to the ongoing economic liberalization-process had become a necessity, but the popular pressure now not only asked economic changes, but also profound political reform. The new constitutional text was rapidly elaborated by a small circle of persons around the President and then submitted directly to a popular referendum. In contradiction with the procedure fixed by the previous constitution, the National Assembly was not involved nor even consulted. The constitution of 1989 generates an entirely new political regime. The word “socialism”, basis of the official doctrine since independence and largely confirmed by the provisions of the constitution of 1976, is banned completely. The new constitution also provides for the political responsibility of the Head of the Government and the members of the Government to the National People’s Assembly, and not any more to the President only. In the chapter on fundamental freedoms and the rights of man, it is explicitly provided that the State guarantees the right to form political associations. This new timorous formulation entails the end of the one-party system and the FLN’s exclusive hold on power. Some basic principles remain: Algeria is still considered a popular democratic state. Islam is the state religion and the official language is Arabic. No reference is made to the Berber language or culture. New is that the exercise of the guaranteed fundamental freedoms and rights can not be submitted any more to the imperatives of a socialist revolution. It is also stated that judges only obey to the law, they are not submitted any more to the revolutionary legality. A Constitutional Council is created to ensure that the constitution is respected but citizens have no right to submit a case, only the President and the President of the Assembly have. The tasks of the army are limited to safeguard the national independence and sovereignty,•the army has no duties any more to safeguard the socialist revolution. The introduction of a responsible Government affects the presidential powers only in a minor way. The President presides over the Council of ministers, where bills are discussed. The President can ask the Assembly for a second reading of a law and this new vote requires a two-thirds majority. Only the President has the initiative for a constitutional revision. The President chairs a number of other councils. Finally the declaration of the state of emergency is depending only on the decision of the President; this attributes him large exceptional powers. Thus, the constitution of 1989 confirms a strong presidential regime but on the other hand it has introduced a real multi-party system in Algeria. More than 20 political parties are recognised. During the local elections of 1990 the ruling FLN was defeated in most places by a massive victory of the islamic fundamentalist party, the FIS. A new electorial law, voted by the - still exclusive FLN - National Assembly beginning 1991, had to ensure a better result for the FLN during the forthcoming first free national elections. In June 1991 violent and even armed protest, organised by the fundamentalists against the law forced president Bendjedid to postpone elections, to declare the state of emergency but also to promise early presidential elections. Meanwhile many fundamentalists, and between them the main party-leaders, were arrested. The army played a crucial role in reestablishing public order and as a consequence gained more importance, but there were no signs that it exceeded its authority. Under present difficulties one wonders whether the constitution of 1989 will help to create a representative democratic multi-partyism, with an equitable liberal economy, whether it will help to open the way for a regime dominated by islamic fundamentalists?
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WEHLIYE, ADAN. "THE Foreign policy, National Assembly and the Hangovers of Colonialism; 1900 - 1978." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 1 (2020): 595–608. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.71.7327.
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Globally, parliament’s role in influencing policies is immense. In Kenya, the role of the national assembly in determining the direction and results of foreign policies, although, blurred cannot be underestimated. Kenya became a British protectorate in 1895 with a limited representation of Africans in the legislative Council (LegCo). The role of this minority group in influencing foreign policy, though, rarely documented need not be underestimated. The group threw Kenya into the world map and between 1900-1963, major foreign policy debates in the Council revolved around when and how Kenya was to become a self-governing entity. After gaining independence, new members of parliament had a herculean task of dealing with immediate local needs and debating and most importantly influencing important foreign policies including policies on health, education, debt burden, settler issues and representation of minority groups including whites in the House. With a change of guard from a white-dominated to an almost all African-black faces, the national assembly played an important role in ensuring that policies on health, education, security, trade as well as crafting the path on which foreign policy would take. This paper begins by tracing the evolution of parliament in the colonial administration and reviews the role that Kenyan Parliament played in influencing foreign policy from 1900 to 1978. The paper identifies the actors, their roles and the political context within which these actors and structures operated.
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Rommers, G. M., L. D. W. Vos, J. W. Groothoff, C. H. Schuiling, and W. H. Eisma. "Epidemiology of lower limb amputees in the north of the Netherlands: Aetiology, discharge destination and prosthetic use." Prosthetics and Orthotics International 21, no. 2 (1997): 92–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/03093649709164536.
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The aim of this study was to give a retrospective review of all lower limb amputations performed in the 3 northern provinces of the Netherlands in 1991–1992. Assembled data were compared with the existing information in the National Medical Register (NMR) over the same period. With the participation of all regional hospitals, 473 lower limb amputations from transpelvic to transmetatarsal level were identified. Of the amputations 94% were performed for vascular pathology, 3% for trauma, and 3% for oncologic reasons. After surgery a prosthesis was provided to 48% of the amputees. The actual number of performed amputations exceeds the number of amputations registered by the NMR by 9%. Incidence rates of lower limb amputations in the Netherlands are 18–20/100,000 over the last 12 years. These numbers are lower than in other areas and show no sharp decrease in frequency compared with other countries in Western Europe.
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Stetsyshyn, Oleh. "Activities of the Assembly Center of the Ukrainian National Army in Vienna for Recruitment of Non-Ukrainian Soldiers to the Galician Army." Kyiv Historical Studies 12, no. 1 (2021): 14–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.12.
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The article examines such a little-known phenomenon of national history as foreign military mercenaries, who helped Ukrainians defend their country’s independence. This problem is investigated on the example of the Assembly Center of the Ukrainian National Army (Zbirna Stanytsia Ukrainskoi Natsionalnoi armii, in Ukrainian, abbreviated ZS UNA), which in 1918–1923 operated in the Austrian capital Vienna. At this time, after the end of the First World War and the collapse of Austria-Hungary, the nations of Central and Eastern Europe proclaimed their nation states. The Western Ukrainian People’s Republic (Zakhidnoukrainska narodna respublika, in Ukrainian, abbreviated ZUNR), which in November 1918 was proclaimed in the Ukrainian ethnic lands of the former Austro-Hungarian Empire was among them. The young Ukrainian state had many personnel problems during the formation of its armed forces, named the Galician Army. To solve these problems Assembly Center of the Ukrainian National Army in Vienna was established. Its creators were Ukrainian politicians and soldiers of former Austro-Hungarian army. ZS UNA recruited for the Ukrainian military service non-Ukrainian soldiers and also transported at home Ukrainian soldiers, who after the end of First World War remained in Austria and other European countries. The research is based on a critical study of the working documentation of the Assembly Center of the Ukrainian National Army, other documents of the Western Ukrainian People’s Republic and the Galician Army, including published in newspapers of that period and in numerous memoirs of veterans of the Ukrainian revolution. Many of these documents have not been used in scientific practice yet.