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Journal articles on the topic 'National Assembly'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 29 July 2024

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1

Long, Simon. "Taiwan's National Assembly Elections." China Quarterly 129 (March 1992): 216–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000041308.

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The elections held on 21 December in Taiwan for seats in the National Assembly were unprecedented in a number of respects. But they prolonged the more than 40 years of overwhelming dominance of the island's politics by the ruling Kuomintang (KMT). They represented a huge leap towards a genuinely pluralist political system in Taiwan, but were marred by electoral malpractice, and distorted by the prominence of the “independence” issue, and the intervention of Beijing leaders.

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2

Zemlyanskiy, Vadim Leonidovich. "National Democratic Faction of the Priamursky National assembly." Петербургский исторический журнал, no. 1 (2023): 72–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.51255/2311-603x_2023_1_72.

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3

Sm, Sm. "Who Controls the National Assembly?" NACLA Report on the Americas 27, no. 2 (September 1993): 23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.1993.11723016.

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4

Zajc, Drago. "Slovenia's National Assembly, 1990–2004." Journal of Legislative Studies 13, no. 1 (March 2007): 83–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572330601165329.

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5

Enyiazu, Chukwuemeka, Ukandu Suleiman, Ukata Eze Stanley, and Chima Ndubuisi Kalu. "Nigeria’s Bloated Recurrent Expenditure: Interrogating the National Assembly’s Proposed Additional Constituencies for Women." Journal of Business and Economics 13, no. 02 (February 2023): 82–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.15341/jbe(2155-7950)/02.13.2022/003.

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Women representative in Nigeria executive and parliament has since 1999 continuously beaten a spiral downward trend from 35/7% in 2014 to 19/6% in 2021. This has generated debates on the need for mechanisms to engender gender inclusiveness in Nigeria. Therefore, the stride of the National Assembly to proffer a modus Vivendi to this political malaise is a welcome development. However, there are already two contending debates which the National Assembly’s additional constituencies will compound in Nigeria: over bloated recurrent expenditure and National Assembly budget. This paper examines the problems and prospects of the National Assembly’s proposed additional constituencies for women in an era of bloated recurrent expenditure in Nigeria. Using the post-colonial state and women’s empowerment framework of analysis and qualitative method of research, the paper argues that rather that filling the gap of women participation in Nigeria politics, additional constituencies for women shall aggravate two already existing problems in Nigeria: bloated recurrent expenditure, National Assembly budget and two other new ones. This paper concludes that Nigeria’s First Past the Post Electoral System has never engendered inclusive participation anywhere in the world and recommend that the National Assembly should rather change the electoral system to the Proportional Representative System.

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6

정종선. "Influence of National Assembly Budget Office Establishment on National Assembly Budget Deliberation: Focusing on Revision Rate of Budget Bill by the National Assembly." Journal of Budget and Policy 6, no. 1 (May 2017): 40–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.35525/nabo.2017.6.1.002.

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7

Nzouankeu, Jacques mariel. "L’administration de l’Assemblée nationale de la République du Sénégal — La théorie... et la pratique." Revue française d'administration publique 68, no. 1 (1993): 589–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rfap.1993.2747.

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The Administration of the National Assembly of the Republic of Senegal — Theory ... and Practice. The organization of the senegalese National Assembly is not very developped. This is due to the subordination of the Assembly to Government. Some legal texts, such as articles 51 and 52 of the Constitution of 1963 or the Internal Regulations of the Assembly are setting the framework of the organization and functionning of the Assembly’s administrative organs, and the status of its personnel. Practice however differs largely from the principles. But the senegalese authorities are conscious of the institution’s deficiencies and try to put them right by way of recent reforms.

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8

Choi, Yongjeon, and Bong-Ki Shin. "Public law permissible limits of parliamentary privileges- Including the discussion of dropping privileges -." Korea Anti-Corruption Law Association 5, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 3–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.36433/kacla.2022.5.2.3.

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Our Constitution stipulates the president's criminal privilege (Article 84), the non-arrest privilege of the National Assembly member (Article 44), and immunity Privilege (Article 45), which are privileges for direct constitutional institutions' governing functions. The immunity and non-arrest privileges constitutionally granted by the Constitution are being criticized as indulgences for the politics of revelation or the bulletproof National Assembly that protects criminals. There is pressure to be However, since these powers and privileges are premised on the function of the National Assembly, depending on the case, individual members cannot renounce these privileges on their own, and their existence itself is so important that it cannot be restricted even by a resolution of the parliament. In the 16th presidential election around 2003, the attendance of lawmakers involved in the presidential slush fund case of candidates from both the opposition parties was postponed due to the convening of an extraordinary session of the National Assembly before the prosecution. Due to this incident, the privilege of non-arrest left a stigma as a tool to the 'Bulletproof National Assembly'. At the Constituent Assembly of the 1st Republic, a member of the National Assembly, who also served as the Minister of Agriculture and Forestry, was recommended to resign on the grounds that he had a different view on the president's grain purchase policy, and the arrest agreement was subject to him. There was also a positive case in which Congress protected a member of the parliament from government oppression by rejecting the arrest motion. The immunity privilege does not conform to equity with the general public by sculpting responsibility for criminal acts such as insults or defamation, but it can also be a powerful device to protect lawmakers from illegal government oppression, such as the case of Yoo Seong-hwan. . By the time of the 21st National Assembly's legislative period, all three motions for the arrest of a member of the National Assembly submitted for general crimes unrelated to their legislative activities were approved. This shows a fairly positive progress in that the lawmakers do not wrap themselves around and think about objective legitimacy. However, in general, the legislative activities of the National Assembly members are still being criticized for not reaching the level of the public, and they are being forced to lay down the contents of the various powers that have been given to them. In this situation, in order to systematically review the privileges and privileges of the members of the National Assembly and find ways to improve them, the powers and privileges of the members of the National Assembly will be reviewed, various methods for releasing the privileges will be introduced, and the discussion on the release of the privileges of members of the National Assembly will be briefly discussed. and (II), the most representative privileges of non-arrest and immunity, which are the most representative privileges of the National Assembly, are analyzed (III), and finally, measures to improve the privileges of the National Assembly are presented by dividing them into dropping privileges, non-arrest privileges, and immunity (IV).

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9

Campbell, Perea. "National Assembly of Local Arts Agencies." Festival Management and Event Tourism 2, no. 2 (June 1, 1994): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.3727/106527094792292041.

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10

Pehlivanov, Konstantin. "Governmental Acts of the National Assembly." De Jure 13, no. 1 (June 27, 2022): 34–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.54664/kfgp3021.

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Аccording to Art. 1, Para. 1 of the Constitution of the Republic of Bulgaria, it is a republic with a parliamentary government. The article examines the way in which the National Assembly (the Bulgarian Parliament) manages the processes in public life through special ad hoc laws, laws in the formal sense, and management decisions in cases that are particularly important to public life. It provides examples of the most important and interesting decisions like the ones in question.

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11

Lee, Hyun-Chool, and EunKyung Kim. "Institutionalization of the National Assembly Formation." Korean Party Studies Review 21, no. 3 (September 30, 2022): 117–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.30992/kpsr.2022.09.21.3.117.

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12

Kim, Hyeonjeong. "National Assembly Recall and Democracy Realization." Justice 167 (August 31, 2018): 5–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.29305/tj.2018.08.167.5.

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13

Copper, John F. "Taiwan’s 1991 second national assembly election." Journal of Northeast Asian Studies 11, no. 1 (March 1992): 33–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03025132.

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14

Park, Eun-Cheol. "Health policy for 20th National Assembly." Journal of the Korean Medical Association 59, no. 10 (2016): 750. http://dx.doi.org/10.5124/jkma.2016.59.10.750.

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15

L'hommedieu, Randi. "Important Issues at the National Assembly." Journal of Music Teacher Education 9, no. 1 (September 1999): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/105708379900900101.

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16

Jones, J. Barry. "The First Welsh National Assembly Election." Government and Opposition 34, no. 3 (July 1999): 323–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1999.tb00484.x.

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THE WELSH LABOUR PARTY COULD HAVE ANTICIPATED THE FIRST elections to the National Assembly with a fair degree of equanimity, if not optimism. In the 1997 General Election, the party had won 55 percent of the vote and delivered on its promise of a devolution referendum which it won, albeit by a narrow majority. The architect of Labour's devolution policy, Ron Davies, the Welsh Secretary of State, who was widely respected within and beyond the Labour Party, had spoken of a new Welsh politics, with policy-making open to and inclusive of other Welsh parties. All this, however, was called into question by what Ron Davies subsequently described as his ‘moment of madness’ on Clapham Common in October 1998. Although the circumstances remain unclear, they resulted in his resignation from the post of Secretary of State and leader of the Welsh Labour Party. Alun Michael, a Cardiff MP and a minister at the Home Office, was appointed Welsh Secretary and subsequently endured a bitter and bruising leadership contest with Rhodri Morgan, during which claims were made that he was Blair's man, and not really an enthusiastic devolutionist but part of the Millbank control system. Large sections of the party were disillusioned by the process and serious questions were raised as to what extent disillusioned party activists would be involved in the Assembly election campaign.

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17

&NA;. "UAN Holds First National Labor Assembly." American Journal of Nursing 100, no. 9 (September 2000): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00000446-200009000-00013.

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18

Das, Hirak Jyoti. "National Assembly Elections in Kuwait, 2016." Contemporary Review of the Middle East 4, no. 2 (May 29, 2017): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347798917694758.

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Among the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, Kuwait not only has the oldest constitution but also has a vibrant parliament. Kuwait has sent elected representatives to the National Assembly since 1963 that shares the legislative responsibilities with the Amir. In the last decade Kuwait National Assembly has confronted the government on various issues, especially on corruption charges and incompetence of individual ministers. It has led to frequent disruptions and dissolution of the assembly five times since 2003. The 2016 elections has returned a large number of deputies with inclination to traditional opposition and though it bodes well for democratization in the oil-rich Gulf state, it raises questions about going back to the era of disruptions and dissolutions seen during 2008–2012.

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19

Uriu, Y. "The Grand Fear and National Assembly." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 41 (1990): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku1953.41.0_1.

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20

Laffin, M. "Designing the National Assembly for Wales." Parliamentary Affairs 53, no. 3 (July 1, 2000): 557–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/53.3.557.

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21

Fitzsimmons, Michael P. "The National Assembly and the abolition of guilds in France." Historical Journal 39, no. 1 (March 1996): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00020707.

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ABSTRACTThe hesitation with which the national assembly approached the issue of guilds has long puzzled historians. After apparently abolishing them on the night of 4 August 1789, the national assembly delayed any action on guilds for eighteen months. This study examines the reasons for the tentativeness of the national assembly and the factors that ultimately led it to take action in 1791. A fear of aggravating violence in the countryside led the national assembly initially to delay action against guilds. By the time the assembly was ready to act, however, it found itself stymied by one of its own committees, which refused to bring the matter forward. The equivocation of the assembly led to unrest in towns and villages, and that unrest, along with the need of the assembly to realize the new principles it had advanced, led to a pre-emptive manoeuvre by the assembly against the obstructionist committee that resolved the anomaly of guilds in the new polity created by the national assembly.

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22

Inhyuk Son. "The National Assembly Advancement Act andthe members’ of National Assembly power todeliberate and vote on legislative matters." Korean Lawyers Association Journal 65, no. 7 (August 2016): 461–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.17007/klaj.2016.65.7.010.

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23

Pejić, Irena. "The composition of the National Assembly of Serbia: Challenges and obstacles." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta Nis 60, no. 90 (2021): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfn0-31854.

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Given that political parties participate in the formation, structuring and activity of the parliament, their presence has had a dual impact on the National Assembly of Serbia in the past three decades. On the one hand, their influence has been reflected on the internal structure and efficiency of parliamentary work. On the other hand, the party system combined with the electoral model has left its mark on the mode of political representation. The paper focuses on the impact the political parties have had on the National Assembly in the Republic of Serbia, particularly their influence on the internal organization of the Assembly and the effectiveness in the parliamentary process. The main goal is to explore the normative framework and parliamentary practice in order to analyze the actual prospects of the National Assembly to meet the basic postulates for exercising effective national representation. The main question is whether the Assembly, relying on its constitutional autonomy, is able to achieve the goals of the "working parliament" and the political representation of all citizens. The problem develops around the extent to which the people's representation is capable of exercising its constitutional functions if it does not support and protect the differentiated political will of the people. The aim is to point out to the possibilities provided by the normative framework and the need for successful parliamentary practice in exercising parliamentary autonomy. Parliamentary autonomy is necessary not only for good internal organization of parliament and effectiveness in the parliamentary process but also in terms of strengthening the National Assembly's external impact and position towards the holders of the executive power. The subject matter of analysis are the activities of political parties in parliament, observed through the work of parliamentary groups and parliamentary committees, as well as a lack of the parliamentary opposition guarantees.

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24

한정훈. "Absenteeism in the 18th Korean National Assembly." Korean Political Science Review 45, no. 2 (June 2011): 121–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2011.45.2.006.

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25

Ahn, T. K. "The 1949 National Assembly Spy Incident Revisited." Korean Political Science Review 55, no. 5 (December 31, 2021): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2021.55.5.003.

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26

Park, Kyoung Don. "Bill Adoption Efficiency and National Assembly Size." Journal of Parliamentary Research 14, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 103–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18808/jopr.2019.2.4.

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27

Beasley, S. "The National Assembly--'A Voice for Wales'?" Statute Law Review 24, no. 3 (March 1, 2003): 211–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/slr/24.3.211.

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28

Morriss, Peter. "The South Korean national assembly elections 1992." Representation 31, no. 115 (December 1992): 60–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899238439010.

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29

Morriss, Peter. "The South Korean national assembly elections 1996." Representation 34, no. 3-4 (September 1997): 180–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899708523012.

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30

Noobanjong, Koompong. "National Assembly: An Empty Promise to Democracy." Journal of Architectural/Planning Research and Studies (JARS) 4, no. 2 (September 3, 2018): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.56261/jars.v4i2.169237.

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Throughout history, architecture and urban design have been manipulated to serve politics. Capitals and capitols have become grand symbolic tools for the state, which should be understood in terms of their political and cultural contexts that helped bring them into being. Accordingly, by presenting a multi-dimension critical inquiry of the National Assembly in Bangkok, Thailand, this paper argues via semiology, or a study of signs that the design of the Assembly fails to signify its original purpose: democratic ideology and practice. Ironically, however, such symbolic deficiency precisely captures the reality of democracy in Thailand. Here, democracy does not function merely as an ideology, but as a political discourse full of incongruity, paradox, manipulation, and deception. In addition, through a critical urban study, this article reveals that the obscurity of the Assembly both in Thai architectural literature and in the urban fabric of Bangkok exemplifies the true state of the legislative branch of the government. A lack of integration between the Assembly and the physical condition of Bangkok notably the Rajadamnoen Avenue, ‘ the corridor of power,’ further demonstrates that the parliament is a rather weak and neglected institution. Significant political policies and decisions are formed and madeelsewhere. The parliamentary system acts merely as a tool for self-legitimization and authority-preservation in a game of power politics in Thailand.

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31

Kang, Sinjae, Ji-Young Park, and Sangjoon Ka. "Analyses of Waffling Behavior of Korean National Assembly Members : Focusing on Conflict Bills in the 20th National Assembly." Korean Political Science Review 56, no. 1 (March 31, 2022): 261–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.18854/kpsr.2022.56.1.009.

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32

Park Gyung- Chul. "A Study on the National Assembly Act(so-called “National Assembly Advancement Act”), revised on May 2. 2012." kangwon Law Review 48, no. ll (June 2016): 307–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.18215/kwlr.2016.48..307.

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33

Mikail, Elnur Hasan. "Turkish Grand National Assembly and Azerbaijani relations in the national struggle period (1920-1923)." E3S Web of Conferences 258 (2021): 05039. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202125805039.

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In this study, the political relations between the Atatürk Era, the Turkish Grand National Assembly and Azerbaijan are analyzed. After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in 1918, the Turkish Grand National Assembly was established under the leadership of Great Leader Mustafa Kemal Pasha Atatürk. Historical developments between Turkey and the historical importance of the study period and brother country Azerbaijan are discussed in depth. Azerbaijan Soviet leader Neriman Nerimanov’s rational and logical real politics of the Soviet leader Vladimir Ilyich Lenin Russia Period to persuade him to help Turkey are examined on the basis of the archive records.

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34

Pejić, Irena. "The constitutive session of the National Assembly: Between the normative and the real." Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta Nis 63, no. 101 (2024): 13–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrpfn0-49749.

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When examined within the normative framework, the constitutive (convening) session of of the National Assembly gives rise to numerous questions pertaining to the complete legitimization of the constitutive process of the highest representative body. According to the parliamentary Rules of Procedure, the first session of the National Assembly encompasses activities that are categorized into two groups. The first group of activities includes: the confirmation of mandates of parliamentary deputies (MPs), the election of the President and Vice Presidents of the National Assembly, and the appointment of the Secretary General of the National Assembly. The second group of activities typically unfolds during the inaugural session: the election of the working bodies of the National Assembly, and the appointment of members to permanent parliamentary delegations in international organizations. Consequently, the Rules of Procedure establish a distinction in the power of constitutive acts and actions, considering that the verification of mandates and the election of the National Assembly leadership are mandatory during the first session, while the selection of parlimentary working bodies and the formation of parliamentary groups may occur, "as a rule", without binding deadlines. The normative framework allows for a flexible interpretation of constitutional deadlines set for the constitutive session of the National Assembly (30 days) sand the election of the Government (90 days). Thus, conditions are created for a "political game" that may significantly jeopardize the constitutional mechanism of the organization of power, as evidenced in several parliamentary legislatures, including the current fourteenth legislature, where the President of the National Assembly was elected after the expiry of the 30-day deadline.

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35

Speight, Simon. "Finding Information from the National Assembly for Wales." Legal Information Management 1, no. 1 (2001): 46–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s147266960000027x.

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Following its General Election victory in 1997, the new Labour Government set out its plans for devolution in Wales, Northern Ireland and Scotland. The proposals for a National Assembly for Wales were outlined in A Voice for Wales, published as a White Paper in July 1997. A referendum on the proposals was held on 18 September and, as many people know, the result was very close, with the outcome not known until the very last result was declared. In the end, however, the people of Wales said “Yes” to the Assembly by a margin of just 0.6% – 50.3% voting in favour of the Assembly, with 49.7% rejecting the proposals.

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36

Ryu, Chang Ug, and Jae Hee Lee. "A Study on Ex-Health Professional National Assembly Members' Influences on Health Care Policy Making in the National Assembly." Health Policy and Management 25, no. 4 (December 31, 2015): 307–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.4332/kjhpa.2015.25.4.307.

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37

Palangurski, Milko, and Hristina Hristova. "The Second National Assembly: Elections, Establishment, and Composition]." Istoriya-History 32, no. 1 (January 20, 2024): 10–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/his2024-1-1-sec.

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The Bulgarian parliamentary system came into being with the formation of the First National Assembly in the fall of 1879. Political inexperience, constitutional opposition, as well as disagreements between the monarch, parliament and executive led to the first political crisis in the country, which had several possible outcomes. Ultimately, the idea was embraced that it was necessary to seek the vote of the people once again, in order to strike a balance between the three disputing authorities. The young state administration managed to develop what was achieved and to provide conditions for Bulgarian citizens to successfully and democratically declare their intention. The Second National Assembly was established after one general election and two additional elections were held for a period of one calendar year. The territorial scope of the electoral colleges was improved, and access to the polls and integrity of the electoral process were ensured. The vote took place in accordance with the Provisional Rules for the Election of Representatives to the First Ordinary National Assembly, adopted in April 1879. However, the election results unequivocally showed that the large voter turnout sought through them could not be achieved, and that the high electoral threshold on the first day of the vote was unrealistic and therefore necessary to be removed. Violations in the electoral process remained almost the same as those established during the vote for the previous Assembly, but quite frequently overexposed or neglected for political purposes. The electoral process related to the Second National Assembly triggered a rapid and definitive formation of the Liberals and Conservatives’ party structures at both the national and regional levels.

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38

Yim, Song-ja. "Constituent Assembly Legislator Hwang Du Yeon’s Activities in Suncheon and the National Assembly." Centre for Namdo Culture 35 (December 31, 2018): 39–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31929/namdo.2018.34.39.

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Yim, Song-ja. "Constituent Assembly Legislator Hwang Du Yeon’s Activities in Suncheon and the National Assembly." Centre for Namdo Culture 35 (December 31, 2018): 39–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.31929/namdo.2018.35.39.

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40

Onyeaku, Chukwuka, and Tonye Clinton Jaja. "Teaching Constitutional Law Using Real-life Examples: An Example from the Practice of Assent to Bills Passed by the National Assembly After the Tenure of Office of the President and the Assembly." Asian Journal of Legal Education 7, no. 2 (April 9, 2020): 140–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2322005820914567.

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As a matter of tradition and necessity, teachers of constitutional law within Nigeria (and elsewhere) are often compelled to refer to case law to provide illustrations of principles of constitutional law as enshrined in the constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 (as amended). However, in some instances, where the said constitution does not provide explicit provisions, teachers of constitutional law are compelled to cite foreign case law as persuasive precedents. Still there are instances wherein there are neither foreign case law nor indigenous case law as precedents. In such situations, teachers of constitutional law are compelled to examine existing case law and relevant legislation until there is a pronouncement from either the Supreme Court or an alteration of the constitution by the National Assembly. One such situation is the subject of the analysis in this article: the situation whereby a president provides assent to bills after the expiration of the tenure of the National Assembly. As legislative tradition, the last session of each Chambers of the Nigeria’s National Assembly culminating each legislative term is usually a valedictory Session. Accordingly, Thursday, 6 June 2019 witnessed the last Session of the eighth National Assembly. As the president transmitted a Proclamation letter terminating the term of the eighth National Assembly inaugurated on 9 June 2015, it becomes paramount to examine the legal and constitutional implications of bills passed by the eighth National Assembly between 2016 and 2018 and up to 5 June 2019, which were assented to by the president after the tenure of the Assembly and office of the president. Thus, this article examines the constitutionality or otherwise of assenting to bills passed by the National Assembly and assented to by the president after the expiration of tenure of their offices. The article argues that the provisions of the 1999 Constitution had been violated when the president signed into law bills passed by the eighth National Assembly after the tenure of office of the president and the eighth National Assembly. It concludes that bills rejected by the president will require another legislative process of being passed into law again by the same Assembly or subsequent one before it can be assented to by the president. Failure to follow this constitutional process will render the assent unconstitutional.

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41

Kim, Soo-tae. "National Assembly of Baekje in the Sabi Dynasty." Sogang Journal of Early Korean History 37 (April 30, 2021): 9–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.35160/sjekh.2021.04.37.9.

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42

박형준 and 김춘순. "Fiscal Governance, Accountability, and National Assembly Institutional Design." Journal of Budget and Policy 2, no. 1 (May 2013): 43–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.35525/nabo.2013.2.1.002.

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43

Izotova, Svetlana V. "National historiography about the All-Russian Constituent Assembly." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 195 (2021): 307–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2021-26-195-307-315.

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The analysis of scientific literature devoted to the direct history of the first popularly elected government body – the All-Russian Constituent Assembly. In the study, the chronological principle of classification is chosen. Thus, five periods of domestic post-revolutionary historiography are presented, distinguished on the basis of a gradual increase in the source base, as well as an expansion of the range of issues studied in the context of studying the history of the Constituent Assembly. The general conclusion of the historiographic analysis was the increased attention of researchers to the election results, as well as insufficient coverage of the course of the election campaign itself. In addition, it is worth noting the obvious influence of ideology on the shift in emphasis and research goals throughout the entire Soviet period, which manifested itself in the clear predominance of studying the activities of the Bolshevik party, while the issues of election campaigns of the entire spectrum of political forces are underrepresented.

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44

Yoon, Young O. "Policymaking activities of the South Korean National Assembly." Journal of Northeast Asian Studies 5, no. 1 (March 1986): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03026487.

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Amakali, Justina Meluwa Latenda. "Persuasive speech acts in the Namibian National Assembly." JOURNAL OF ADVANCES IN LINGUISTICS 7, no. 2 (November 8, 2016): 1205–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jal.v7i2.5156.

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Abstract:

This paper examined the speech acts used by Namibian Members of Parliament (MPs) during parliamentary proceedings. The main aim of this paper was to explain speech acts and show their intended persuasive effects in parliamentary discourse. Austin (1962) introduced three types of speech acts, locutionary, illocutionary and perlocutionary. The paper attempted to critically demonstrate how MPs use persuasion strategies in their debates. These speech acts were uttered through assertives, directives, commissives, expressives, and declaratives, as classified by Searle (1969). A qualitative approach was used in this paper whereby the Hansard were used to collect data. A purposeful sampling focusing on some MPs was used. This paper was guided by two theories, Austins Speech Act Theory and Aristotles Theory of Rhetoric. The need to apply rhetorical skills in debates is widely advocated for. Although not all members of parliament have a wide knowledge of rhetoric, acquiring and employing skills on rhetoric are prominent aspects of parliamentary debates. The findings of the paper revealed that members of parliament have the potential to use a variety of persuasive strategies in their speech acts by means of some rhetorical devices. It was concluded that most MPs deliberately make use of these speech acts as a persuasive mechanism in their discourse. Being the first study in parliamentary discourse in Namibia with regards to rhetoric, it is considered to be unique and adds value in the field of linguistics. It also serves as a pioneering research to researchers in political rhetoric.

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Yun, Ki-Jung. "A Study on National Assembly Regulations in Japan." Kyung Hee Law Journal 53, no. 4 (December 3, 2018): 247–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.15539/khlj.53.4.8.

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Eme, Okechukwu I., and Okwueze Felicia. "National Assembly and its Controversial Pension : A Critique." Singaporean Journal of Business , Economics and Management Studies 3, no. 1 (August 2014): 14–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0006814.

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Kang, Kyung-Tae, and Scott Walker. "The 2000 national assembly elections in South Korea." Electoral Studies 21, no. 3 (September 2002): 480–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0261-3794(01)00035-x.

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Park, Chan Wook. "The national assembly of the republic of Korea." Journal of Legislative Studies 4, no. 4 (December 1998): 66–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572339808420573.

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Bouandel, Youcef. "Algerian national popular assembly election of December 1991." Representation 32, no. 117 (December 1993): 10–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00344899338439028.

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