Academic literature on the topic 'National Bolshevik Party'
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Journal articles on the topic "National Bolshevik Party"
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Fenghi, Fabrizio. "Making post-Soviet counterpublics: the aesthetics ofLimonkaand the National-Bolshevik Party." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 2 (March 2017): 182–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1266607.
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This article focuses on the shaping of the aesthetics and ideology of Eduard Limonov's National-Bolshevik Party (NBP) through the pages of the radical newspaperLimonka.In order to study the making of the NBP as a political and intellectual community, the piece discussesLimonka's editorial line, its graphic style, and the alternative cultural canon that this radical publication promoted, as well as several interviews with National-Bolshevik activists involved in this process. During its first years of existence,Limonkaproposed a selection of controversial artistic, literary, and political role models, and the creation of an alternative fashion and lifestyle. The article argues that by provocatively combining totalitarian symbols, the aesthetics and posture of the historical avant-gardes, and Western counterculture,Limonkaproduced a collective narrative that contributed to the shaping of a new language of political protest in post-Soviet Russia. This resulted in a complex combination ofstiob, a form of parody that involves an over-identification with its own object, and a neo-romantic impulse. This new discursive mode, which the article defines as “post-Soviet militantstiob”should be seen as part of a series of tactics of radical resistance to what the National-Bolsheviks saw as the dominant neoliberal discourse of the mid-1990s.
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Huttunen, Tomi, and Jussi Lassila. "Zakhar Prilepin, the National Bolshevik Movement and Catachrestic Politics." Transcultural Studies 12, no. 1 (November 22, 2016): 136–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23751606-01201007.
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This article examines the Russian writer and publicist Zakhar Prilepin, a visible representative of Russiaʼs patriotic currents since 2014, and a well-known activist of the radical oppositional National Bolshevik Party (nbp) since 2006. We argue that Prilepinʼs public views point at particular catachrestic political activism. Catachresis is understood here as a socio-semantic misuse of conventional concepts as well as a practice in which political identifications blur the distinctions defining established political activity. The background for the catachrestic politics, as used in this article, was formed by the 1990s post-Soviet turmoil and by Russiaʼs weak socio-political institutions, which facilitate and sustain the space for the self-purposeful radicalism and non-conformism – the trademarks of nbp. Prilepinʼs and nbpʼs narrated experience of fatherlessness related to the 1990s was compensated by personal networks and cultural idols, which often present mutually conflicting positions. In Pierre Bourdieuʼs terminology, Prilepin and the Nationalist Bolshevik’s case illustrate the strength of the literary field over the civic-political one. Catachrestic politics helps to conceptualize not only Prilepin’s activities but also contributes to the study of the political style of the National Bolshevik Party, Prilepinʼs main political base. As a whole, the paper provides insights into the study of Russiaʼs public intellectuals who have played an important role in Russiaʼs political discussion in the place of of well-established political movements.
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Brandenberger, David, and Mikhail V. Zelenov. "Stalin's Answer to the National Question: A Case Study on the Editing of the 1938 Short Course." Slavic Review 73, no. 4 (2014): 859–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.73.4.859.
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As a cornerstone of early Bolshevik propaganda, nationality policy allowed the revolutionary regime to cast the Soviet “experiment” as emancipatory in both ethnic and class terms. Paradoxically, much of the attention paid to the national question vanished from the party canon in 1938, for reasons that have never been fully explained. In this article we investigate this dramatic turnabout by examining how party historians and Iosif Stalin himself drafted what was to be the official narrative on nationality policy in the infamous Short Course on the History of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). In so doing, we not only supply a new answer to the national question but also highlight a key new source for other investigations of the Stalin period.
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Kolesnyk, V. "SOCIO-POLITICAL LITERATURE OF THE 1920'S ON THE “KORENIZATION” OF NATIONAL MINORITIES IN THE UKRAINIAN SSR." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 133 (2017): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2017.133.2.06.
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The article analyses the process, how the socio-political literature of the 1920s presented the Bolshevik policy of so-called “korenization” (supporting development of indigenous cultures) of national communities on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR. The Bolsheviks skillfully made use of national, ethnic, linguistic and cultural factors for their authority’s consolidation and gaining support among all national communities of the USSR, including ethnic minorities in particular Soviet republics. In the socio-political literature of the 1920's both goals of that policy and its practical implementation were propagated. Even the party’s and state’s leaders could be authors of publications on this subject, together with officials directly implementing above mentioned policy, members of the People's Commissariat for Education of the Ukrainian SSR, and publicists. The publications were based on Marxist ideology and on party programme and other documents of the Bolshevik Party related to the national question. At the same time, those documents contained materials illustrating the practice of “korenization” policy, including so-called "Soviet construction" among national minorities, national-territorial administration, creation of national, cultural-educational institutions, elimination of illiteracy among ethnic groups and minorities, activity of “village (cultural) houses”, reading-houses, clubs and libraries, as well as publication of newspapers and magazines in the languages of national minorities, preparation of national cadres, and, finally, successes and difficulties of “korenization”. However, the socio-political literature considered the temporary "national-cultural autonomy" of national minorities through the prism of the "cultural revolution", treating such policy as an important component of the plan for building socialism.
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Rogatchevski, Andrei, and Yngvar B. Steinholt. "Pussy Riot’s Musical Precursors? The National Bolshevik Party Bands, 1994–2007." Popular Music and Society 39, no. 4 (October 21, 2015): 448–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03007766.2015.1088287.
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Griech-Polelle, Beth Ann. "Jesuits, Jews, Christianity, and Bolshevism: An Existential Threat to Germany?" Journal of Jesuit Studies 5, no. 1 (December 21, 2018): 33–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00501003.
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The long-standing stereotypes of Jesuits as secretive, cunning, manipulative, and greedy for both material goods as well as for world domination led many early members of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party to connect Jesuits with “Jewishness.” Adolf Hitler, Alfred Rosenberg, Dietrich Eckart, and others connect Jesuits to Jews in their writings and speeches, conflating Catholicism and Judaism with Bolshevism, pinpointing Jesuits as supposedly being a part of the larger “Judeo-Bolshevik conspiracy” aiming to destroy the German people. Jesuits were lumped in with Jews as “internal enemies” and this led to further discrimination against the members of the order.
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Berezutska, Maryna. "The Development of Bandura Music Art Between the 1920s and 1940s." Journal of Ethnology and Folkloristics 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jef-2020-0015.
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AbstractBandura art is a unique phenomenon of Ukrainian culture, inextricably linked with the history of the Ukrainian people. The study is dedicated to one of the most tragic periods in the history of bandura art, that of the 1920s–1940s, during which the Bolsheviks were creating, expanding and strengthening the Soviet Union. Art in a multinational state at this time was supposed to be national by form and socialist by content in accordance with the concept of Bolshevik cultural policy; it also had to serve Soviet propaganda. Bandura art has always been national by its content, and professional by its form, so conflict was inevitable. The Bolsheviks embodied their cultural policy through administrative and power methods: they created numerous bandurist ensembles and imposed a repertoire that glorified the Communist Party and the Soviet system. As a result, the development of bandura art stagnated significantly, although it did not die completely. At the same time, in the post-war years this policy provoked the emigration of many professional bandurists to the USA and Canada, thus promoting the active spread of bandura art in the Ukrainian Diaspora.
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Tykhonenkov, D. A. "EXTRAORDINARY COMMISSIONS AND THE CONTROL OF THE BOLSHEVIKS FOR THEIR ACTIVITY IN UKRAINE DURING THE CIVIL WAR (1918–1920)." Actual problems of native jurisprudence, no. 4 (August 30, 2019): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/391906.
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The article examines the connection between the Bolshevik political doctrine and the activity of the extraordinary commissions in the USSR in 1918–1920. The forms and methods of party control over the Cheka are shown. The mechanism of state terror in the context of the activity of the Cheka is investigated. The legal basis of the activity of the extraordinary commissions is analyzed. Comparatively, the legal regulation of the control of extraordinary commissions by the party bodies and the practice of enforcement. The author analyzes the powers and functions of party bodies in the control over the activities of extraordinary commissions. Information from archival sources on the activities of party control bodies of the CheK is provided. The author examines the mechanism of the formation of the Chekist bodies and the control of this activity by the Bolsheviks. Archival information on the national composition of a number of extraordinary commissions operating in the territory of Ukraine is provided. The normative basis for the formation of party bodies authorized to control the Chekist bodies is investigated. The author describes in the article the characteristics of the activities of extraordinary commissions in Ukraine from the side of real eyewitnesses, participants in those events, party figures, and publicists of those times. The provisions of the secret documents issued by the authorities of the Soviet government with the aim of manually managing the activities of the Chekist bodies and its correct coordination were provided. The author gives a number of statistical data on the results of the activity of party bodies in controlling the activities of the extraordinary commissions in Ukraine. The genesis of the development of party control by the Bolsheviks over the activities of the Chekist bodies on the territory of Ukraine is explored. The author analyzes the relationship between the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks and the extraordinary commissions. The process of involvement in the activities of extraordinary commissions of communist youth, the process of recruiting staff to their ranks is explored. The author presents archival information on the practice of bringing to justice the members of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks. The author considers this article as the first step towards rethinking the essence of “red terror”, its origins and mechanism of implementation from the standpoint of today.
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Mathyl, Markus. "The National-Bolshevik Party and Arctogaia: two neo-fascist groupuscules in the post-Soviet political space." Patterns of Prejudice 36, no. 3 (July 2002): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/003132202128811493.
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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF VSEVOLOD HANTSOV." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 138 (2018): 50–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.138.11.
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At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th centuries the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Vsevolod Mykhailovych Hantsov. He worked at the Petersburg university until 1918, then, in February 1919, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Hantsov have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of V. Hantsov's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Hantsov came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of V. Hantsov's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD) 1920-1924, which sought to restore the UPR (Ukrainian People's Republic). In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP (New Economic Policy) and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including V. Hantsov, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.
Books on the topic "National Bolshevik Party"
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Fischer, Nick. Here Come the Bolsheviks! University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252040023.003.0003.
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This chapter examines how the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia contributed to the rise of the Red Scare. On November 7, 1917, revolutionaries from the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party seized power in Petrograd and proclaimed the world's first socialist government. The Bolsheviks endorsed violent, class-based insurrection and policies of land and resource nationalization. News of the Bolshevik uprising intensified the wartime atmosphere in the United States, in which fear of treachery was rampant. This chapter first considers American intervention in Russia during the period 1917–1920 before discussing the emergence of the Red Scare in 1919–1920 and of anticommunism in the labor movement. It also looks at the strikes, bombings, and deportations in 1919 that offset whatever prestige the American Federation of Labor (AFL) accrued during the First World War. Finally, it describes the end of the Red Scare following US attorney general A. Mitchell Palmer's fall and the release of the National Popular Government League report.
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Roeber, A. G. The Orthodox Christians and the Bible. Edited by Paul C. Gutjahr. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190258849.013.37.
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Orthodox Christians (Eastern or Oriental) regard the Bible as an integral but not exclusive part of tradition. They have historically encountered the Bible primarily through their liturgical worship. No fixed “canon” describes the role of the Bible in Orthodoxy. The history of the Orthodox Bible in America moved in stages that reflected the mission to First Peoples, arrival of Middle Eastern and Eastern European immigrants, and the catastrophic impact of the Bolshevik Revolution in Russia on Orthodox communities in America. Recovery from the fragmented, ethno-linguistic expressions of Orthodoxy occurred only after World War II. Orthodox biblical scholarship began in earnest in those years and today Orthodox biblical scholars participate in national and international biblical studies and incorporate scholarly approaches to biblical study with patristic commentary and perspectives. Parish-level studies and access to English translations have proliferated although New Testament studies continue to outpace attention given to the Hebrew Bible.
Book chapters on the topic "National Bolshevik Party"
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Smith, Jeremy. "The Twelfth Party Congress and The Sultan-Galiev Affair." In The Bolsheviks and the National Question, 1917–23, 213–38. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230377370_8.
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"3 Eduard Limonov’s National Bolshevik Party and the Nazi Legacy: Titular Nations vs Ethnic Minorities." In Cultural and Political Imaginaries in Putin’s Russia, 63–83. BRILL, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004366671_005.
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Polonsky, Antony. "Jews in Soviet Russia and the Soviet Union, 1921–1941." In Jews in Poland and Russia: A Short History, 274–307. Liverpool University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781906764395.003.0009.
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This chapter describes the situation of the Jews in Soviet Russia and the Soviet Union in the years between 1921 and 1941. Here, their victory in the civil war enabled the Bolsheviks to apply the ideological principles they had developed for dealing with the ‘Jewish question’. National issues were seen by all the Bolsheviks as instrumental. They were to be judged on how they advanced the interest of the world revolution and the Soviet state. Where national groups were supported, this was a tactical alliance, like the alliance with the peasantry. The ultimate goal was the creation of a new socialist man who would be above petty nationalist divisions, and a single world socialist state. All those responsible for Jewish policy within the Bolshevik party sought this final goal; the only difference between them was their view on how long Jewish separateness could be tolerated. The aim was assimilation—a new version of the view that the Jews were to be given everything as individuals and nothing as a community.
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Szaynok, Bożena, and Gwido Zlatkes. "The Bund and the Jewish Fraction of the Polish Workers’ Party in Poland after 1945." In Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 13, 206–23. Liverpool University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781874774600.003.0016.
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This chapter explores the General Jewish Workers' Union, the Bund, which was established in Vilna in 1897. After the Bolshevik Revolution, the Bund in the USSR was forcibly united with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. In independent Poland, the Bund by the 1930s moved to a less revolutionary and more social-democratic position and established itself as one of the principal parties on the ‘Jewish street’. It retained its basic programme of establishing ‘national-cultural’ autonomy for the Jews in Poland, once a democratic socialist state had been achieved. After the Second World War, it was also active in countries other than Poland. Although the activists of Bund chapters outside Poland supported the Polish Bund with funds, the Polish Bund remained fully independent in its work in Poland. The Bund in post-war Poland began its activity in the autumn of 1944. Like other parties, the Bund started its work in Poland by searching for its pre-war members and taking care of Jewish youth regardless of orientation.
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Tromly, Benjamin. "Builders and Dissectors." In Cold War Exiles and the CIA, 121–43. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198840404.003.0005.
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This chapter examines a series of meetings of anti-communist organizations in West Germany from 1951 to 1953 devoted to creating a united-front organization of Soviet exiles. The project, supported by a CIA front organization called the American Committee for Liberation from Bolshevism, Inc. (Amcomlib), had the unanticipated consequence of launching a many-sided debate about national identities. Inadvertently, the Americans spearheaded a virtual dismemberment of Russian nationhood, as ethnic Russians promoted a conception of Russia as a multiethnic nation and non-Russian exile groups invited to take part defended national self-determination for their peoples.
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Neumann, Franz. "The Free Germany Manifesto and the German People." In Secret Reports on Nazi Germany. Princeton University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691134130.003.0013.
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This chapter examines the significance of the Free Germany Manifesto to the German people. Three facts made the Free Germany Manifesto significant: the backing it apparently received from the Soviet Union; the revolutionary implication of the manifesto; and its appeal to the desire for national self-preservation. The chapter first provides an overview of the content of the Free Germany Manifesto before discussing its target groups, which included workers, peasants, those strata of the middle classes which have been proletarized in the process of total mobilization, and a large part of the intelligentsia. It then considers National Bolshevism and its two origins, one in the Communist Party of Germany and the other in the nationalistic organizations, especially the Free Corps. It also analyzes the strength of communism and of other anti-Nazi groups in Germany.
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Perović, Jeronim. "State and Society." In From Conquest to Deportation, 185–226. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190889890.003.0007.
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The focus of this chapter is on the difficult state-society relations in the North Caucasus developing during the 1920s. Despite the Bolsheviks’ disarmament campaigns and the purges of Muslim leaders, the rural and non-Russian-populated areas remained largely detached from the modernizing processes that characterized developments in the few Russian- and Slavic-populated cities such as Groznyi and Vladikavkaz. During most of the 1920s, Soviet state institutions and party organizations were still practically non-existent in the countryside. One way in which the Bolsheviks sought to establish their rule over the rural areas was through their program of korenizatsiia (“indigenization”), the promotion of national languages and cultures and the creation of a Soviet-trained indigenous elite. Another was to draw young North Caucasians into the industries of the cities and merge individual ethnic territories into larger units. Through the fate of a contemporary, Abdurakhman Avtorkhanov, some aspect of life in Chechnia during the 1920s are exemplified.
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Urbansky, Sören. "The Soviet State at the Border." In Beyond the Steppe Frontier, 123–49. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691181684.003.0005.
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This chapter considers further breakdowns in Sino-Soviet relations. It introduces collectivization and other radical early Soviet programs of domestication that prohibited rather than regulated cross-border contacts and shows how they altered the political, ethnic, economic, and social landscapes in the upper Argun basin. After 1917, the new leadership in Moscow professed commitment to anti-imperialism, declaring equality with China. When the Soviet regime started consolidating its power along its borders with China, disregarding earlier promises to renounce tsarist privileges in that nation, it continued down the avenue that the tsarist government had pursued decades earlier. For its part, ignoring Bolshevik diplomatic maneuvers, the Chinese sought to exploit the roiling disorder of revolutionary Russia.
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Kirk, Neville. "Introduction." In Transnational Radicalism and the Connected Lives of Tom Mann and Robert Samuel Ross. Liverpool University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5949/liverpool/9781786940094.003.0104.
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To what extent did Mann’s and Ross’s notions of working-class and labour-movement unity, socialist solidarity and internationalism include women and people of colour, or, to adopt the terminology of their times, ‘coloureds’? Did their attitudes and practices towards gender and race amount to what many recent historians have seen as the dominant patriarchal and white-racist attitudes of labour movements throughout the British, Anglophone and even global worlds of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries? What were the overlaps between gender and race? How did Mann’s and Ross’s commitments to unity and solidarity fare during the period of World War I and the post-war years? This was a highly turbulent and volatile period when their opposition to the war in particular and militarism in general, combined with their warm welcome for the Bolshevik Revolution and post-war labour’s sharp move to the left, were severely tested by the dominant pro-war and anti-German sentiments of the labour movement and working-class people in Britain and Australasia, and by the increasing importance of the conservative ‘politics of loyalism’. What were the differences, as well as the commonalities and similarities, of their attitudes and actions and how do we explain them? Finally, what light do their experiences shed on more general labour and other positions towards gender, race, class, war, nation, empire, revolution and reaction? These are the key questions to be addressed in Part III. ...
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Toal, Gerard. "The Novorossiya Project." In Near Abroad. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190253301.003.0013.
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In breaking apart a sovereign territorial state, it is helpful, if not always necessary, to have an alternative geopolitical imaginary at the ready and for this ersatz replacement to have some degree of local credibility and support. When Putin decided to annex Crimea, the move was intuitively presented as a historic Russian territory rejoining the motherland and, further, as the correction of an arbitrary and capricious historical wrong. The demographics of Crimea were such that this storyline resonated with most but not all Crimeans. But when it came to the rest of Ukraine, the Putin administration faced a dilemma. Ukraine’s modern history was intimately entangled with that of Russia. Tsarist and Russian Orthodox Christian discourse rendered it the homeland of a common Rus(s)ian people, its capital Kyiv as the mother of all Russian cities, and its land as a Little Russia populated by little Russians. The Bolsheviks recognized Ukrainians as a distinctive nation, constituting it as a fraternal Slavic nation alongside Russians. The Great Patriotic War bound the countries together, first in trial and suffering, and then in redemption and victory. Putin evoked these very discourses—“we are one people, Kiev is the mother of Russian cities. Ancient Rus is our common source and we cannot live without each other”—in his speech recommending annexation of Crimea. Holding that Ukrainians and Russians are one people while, at the same time, seizing territory from Ukraine required a hyperbolic fascist-threat storyline to make sense. According to this scenario, anti-Semitic nationalists from western regions not part of the Russian Empire were Nazi collaborators during the Great Patriotic War. Now, in the seventieth year of Ukraine’s liberation from Nazi rule, these forces were back on the streets and through violent protests on the Maidan managed to oust a legitimate government and seize power in a military coup. Ukraine, as a consequence, was in territorial crisis as ordinary ethnic Russians and Russian-speaking people, concentrated particularly in the southeast, sought protection from the fascist junta now ensconced in Kyiv. In these circumstances, it was understandable that former tsarist and Soviet identities in regions historically close to Russia resurfaced.
Conference papers on the topic "National Bolshevik Party"
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Kuras, Leonid, Norovsambuu Khishigt, and Bazar Tsybenov. "From «Revolution in Kolchakia» to the Mongolian Revolution, 1921." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.42.
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In the frame of transnational history the article examines the connection between the Russian revolution, 1917 with Civil war in Siberia and the Mongolian revolution, 1921. Along with it, the article reveals cooperation of Bolshevik party, Comintern and leaders of Buryat national movement with Mongolian leaders of national liberation movement for introduction of revolutionary ideas in Mongolia. The special attention is given to the ideologists and leaders of the Mongolian revolution, and Mongolian-Tibetan department in the section of Asian peoples.