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1
Fenghi, Fabrizio. "Making post-Soviet counterpublics: the aesthetics ofLimonkaand the National-Bolshevik Party." Nationalities Papers 45, no. 2 (March 2017): 182–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2016.1266607.
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This article focuses on the shaping of the aesthetics and ideology of Eduard Limonov's National-Bolshevik Party (NBP) through the pages of the radical newspaperLimonka.In order to study the making of the NBP as a political and intellectual community, the piece discussesLimonka's editorial line, its graphic style, and the alternative cultural canon that this radical publication promoted, as well as several interviews with National-Bolshevik activists involved in this process. During its first years of existence,Limonkaproposed a selection of controversial artistic, literary, and political role models, and the creation of an alternative fashion and lifestyle. The article argues that by provocatively combining totalitarian symbols, the aesthetics and posture of the historical avant-gardes, and Western counterculture,Limonkaproduced a collective narrative that contributed to the shaping of a new language of political protest in post-Soviet Russia. This resulted in a complex combination ofstiob, a form of parody that involves an over-identification with its own object, and a neo-romantic impulse. This new discursive mode, which the article defines as “post-Soviet militantstiob”should be seen as part of a series of tactics of radical resistance to what the National-Bolsheviks saw as the dominant neoliberal discourse of the mid-1990s.
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Huttunen, Tomi, and Jussi Lassila. "Zakhar Prilepin, the National Bolshevik Movement and Catachrestic Politics." Transcultural Studies 12, no. 1 (November 22, 2016): 136–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23751606-01201007.
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This article examines the Russian writer and publicist Zakhar Prilepin, a visible representative of Russiaʼs patriotic currents since 2014, and a well-known activist of the radical oppositional National Bolshevik Party (nbp) since 2006. We argue that Prilepinʼs public views point at particular catachrestic political activism. Catachresis is understood here as a socio-semantic misuse of conventional concepts as well as a practice in which political identifications blur the distinctions defining established political activity. The background for the catachrestic politics, as used in this article, was formed by the 1990s post-Soviet turmoil and by Russiaʼs weak socio-political institutions, which facilitate and sustain the space for the self-purposeful radicalism and non-conformism – the trademarks of nbp. Prilepinʼs and nbpʼs narrated experience of fatherlessness related to the 1990s was compensated by personal networks and cultural idols, which often present mutually conflicting positions. In Pierre Bourdieuʼs terminology, Prilepin and the Nationalist Bolshevik’s case illustrate the strength of the literary field over the civic-political one. Catachrestic politics helps to conceptualize not only Prilepin’s activities but also contributes to the study of the political style of the National Bolshevik Party, Prilepinʼs main political base. As a whole, the paper provides insights into the study of Russiaʼs public intellectuals who have played an important role in Russiaʼs political discussion in the place of of well-established political movements.
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Brandenberger, David, and Mikhail V. Zelenov. "Stalin's Answer to the National Question: A Case Study on the Editing of the 1938 Short Course." Slavic Review 73, no. 4 (2014): 859–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5612/slavicreview.73.4.859.
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As a cornerstone of early Bolshevik propaganda, nationality policy allowed the revolutionary regime to cast the Soviet “experiment” as emancipatory in both ethnic and class terms. Paradoxically, much of the attention paid to the national question vanished from the party canon in 1938, for reasons that have never been fully explained. In this article we investigate this dramatic turnabout by examining how party historians and Iosif Stalin himself drafted what was to be the official narrative on nationality policy in the infamous Short Course on the History of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). In so doing, we not only supply a new answer to the national question but also highlight a key new source for other investigations of the Stalin period.
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Kolesnyk, V. "SOCIO-POLITICAL LITERATURE OF THE 1920'S ON THE “KORENIZATION” OF NATIONAL MINORITIES IN THE UKRAINIAN SSR." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 133 (2017): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2017.133.2.06.
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The article analyses the process, how the socio-political literature of the 1920s presented the Bolshevik policy of so-called “korenization” (supporting development of indigenous cultures) of national communities on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR. The Bolsheviks skillfully made use of national, ethnic, linguistic and cultural factors for their authority’s consolidation and gaining support among all national communities of the USSR, including ethnic minorities in particular Soviet republics. In the socio-political literature of the 1920's both goals of that policy and its practical implementation were propagated. Even the party’s and state’s leaders could be authors of publications on this subject, together with officials directly implementing above mentioned policy, members of the People's Commissariat for Education of the Ukrainian SSR, and publicists. The publications were based on Marxist ideology and on party programme and other documents of the Bolshevik Party related to the national question. At the same time, those documents contained materials illustrating the practice of “korenization” policy, including so-called "Soviet construction" among national minorities, national-territorial administration, creation of national, cultural-educational institutions, elimination of illiteracy among ethnic groups and minorities, activity of “village (cultural) houses”, reading-houses, clubs and libraries, as well as publication of newspapers and magazines in the languages of national minorities, preparation of national cadres, and, finally, successes and difficulties of “korenization”. However, the socio-political literature considered the temporary "national-cultural autonomy" of national minorities through the prism of the "cultural revolution", treating such policy as an important component of the plan for building socialism.
5
Rogatchevski, Andrei, and Yngvar B. Steinholt. "Pussy Riot’s Musical Precursors? The National Bolshevik Party Bands, 1994–2007." Popular Music and Society 39, no. 4 (October 21, 2015): 448–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03007766.2015.1088287.
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Griech-Polelle, Beth Ann. "Jesuits, Jews, Christianity, and Bolshevism: An Existential Threat to Germany?" Journal of Jesuit Studies 5, no. 1 (December 21, 2018): 33–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22141332-00501003.
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The long-standing stereotypes of Jesuits as secretive, cunning, manipulative, and greedy for both material goods as well as for world domination led many early members of the National Socialist German Workers’ Party to connect Jesuits with “Jewishness.” Adolf Hitler, Alfred Rosenberg, Dietrich Eckart, and others connect Jesuits to Jews in their writings and speeches, conflating Catholicism and Judaism with Bolshevism, pinpointing Jesuits as supposedly being a part of the larger “Judeo-Bolshevik conspiracy” aiming to destroy the German people. Jesuits were lumped in with Jews as “internal enemies” and this led to further discrimination against the members of the order.
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Berezutska, Maryna. "The Development of Bandura Music Art Between the 1920s and 1940s." Journal of Ethnology and Folkloristics 14, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 44–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jef-2020-0015.
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AbstractBandura art is a unique phenomenon of Ukrainian culture, inextricably linked with the history of the Ukrainian people. The study is dedicated to one of the most tragic periods in the history of bandura art, that of the 1920s–1940s, during which the Bolsheviks were creating, expanding and strengthening the Soviet Union. Art in a multinational state at this time was supposed to be national by form and socialist by content in accordance with the concept of Bolshevik cultural policy; it also had to serve Soviet propaganda. Bandura art has always been national by its content, and professional by its form, so conflict was inevitable. The Bolsheviks embodied their cultural policy through administrative and power methods: they created numerous bandurist ensembles and imposed a repertoire that glorified the Communist Party and the Soviet system. As a result, the development of bandura art stagnated significantly, although it did not die completely. At the same time, in the post-war years this policy provoked the emigration of many professional bandurists to the USA and Canada, thus promoting the active spread of bandura art in the Ukrainian Diaspora.
8
Tykhonenkov, D. A. "EXTRAORDINARY COMMISSIONS AND THE CONTROL OF THE BOLSHEVIKS FOR THEIR ACTIVITY IN UKRAINE DURING THE CIVIL WAR (1918–1920)." Actual problems of native jurisprudence, no. 4 (August 30, 2019): 26–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/391906.
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The article examines the connection between the Bolshevik political doctrine and the activity of the extraordinary commissions in the USSR in 1918–1920. The forms and methods of party control over the Cheka are shown. The mechanism of state terror in the context of the activity of the Cheka is investigated. The legal basis of the activity of the extraordinary commissions is analyzed. Comparatively, the legal regulation of the control of extraordinary commissions by the party bodies and the practice of enforcement. The author analyzes the powers and functions of party bodies in the control over the activities of extraordinary commissions. Information from archival sources on the activities of party control bodies of the CheK is provided. The author examines the mechanism of the formation of the Chekist bodies and the control of this activity by the Bolsheviks. Archival information on the national composition of a number of extraordinary commissions operating in the territory of Ukraine is provided. The normative basis for the formation of party bodies authorized to control the Chekist bodies is investigated. The author describes in the article the characteristics of the activities of extraordinary commissions in Ukraine from the side of real eyewitnesses, participants in those events, party figures, and publicists of those times. The provisions of the secret documents issued by the authorities of the Soviet government with the aim of manually managing the activities of the Chekist bodies and its correct coordination were provided. The author gives a number of statistical data on the results of the activity of party bodies in controlling the activities of the extraordinary commissions in Ukraine. The genesis of the development of party control by the Bolsheviks over the activities of the Chekist bodies on the territory of Ukraine is explored. The author analyzes the relationship between the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks and the extraordinary commissions. The process of involvement in the activities of extraordinary commissions of communist youth, the process of recruiting staff to their ranks is explored. The author presents archival information on the practice of bringing to justice the members of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks. The author considers this article as the first step towards rethinking the essence of “red terror”, its origins and mechanism of implementation from the standpoint of today.
9
Mathyl, Markus. "The National-Bolshevik Party and Arctogaia: two neo-fascist groupuscules in the post-Soviet political space." Patterns of Prejudice 36, no. 3 (July 2002): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/003132202128811493.
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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF VSEVOLOD HANTSOV." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 138 (2018): 50–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.138.11.
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At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th centuries the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Vsevolod Mykhailovych Hantsov. He worked at the Petersburg university until 1918, then, in February 1919, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Hantsov have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of V. Hantsov's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Hantsov came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of V. Hantsov's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD) 1920-1924, which sought to restore the UPR (Ukrainian People's Republic). In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP (New Economic Policy) and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including V. Hantsov, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.
11
Mohylnyi, L., and O. Liashchenko. "SOCIO-POLITICAL VIEWS OF HRYGORYI HOLOSKEVYCH." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 141 (2019): 27–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2019.141.6.
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At the end of the 19th and in the early 20th century the Ukrainian intelligentsia attached great significance to a personal contribution of everyone in the field of science and culture to the development of one’s homeland. One of those who shared this opinion was Hrygoryi Kostantynovych Holoskevych. He worked at the Petersburg publishing house ''Drukar'' until 1917, then, in August 1917, he moved to Kyiv and joined the Ukrainian Central Rada and the Ukrainian Party of Socialist-Federalists, which was headed by S. Yefremov. Also, he supported the Ukrainian People's Republic in the struggle against the Bolsheviks. In the Ukrainian and foreign historiography, the social and political views of Holoskevych have received little attention. Therefore, in the current research, the evolution of H. Holoskevych's views during the revolutionary events and the struggle for independence in 1917-1920's have been analyzed. His autonomous beliefs, which were formed under the influence of the Ukrainian community of St. Petersburg and his participation in the Ukrainian national movement, have been defined. The research has revealed that, like most participants in the Ukrainian national movement, Holoskevych came to a firm belief that the formation of an independent state, which could finally solve the national, social, economic, scientific, and educational issues of the Ukrainian people, became an urgent need in his time. One of the ways of such self-affirmation was his scientific work in the field of linguistics. The little-known side of H. Holoskevych's activities was his participation in the underground anti-Bolshevik associations, namely in the Brotherhood of Ukrainian Statehood (BUD), which sought to restore the UPR. In the article, it has been revealed that the members of the BUD tried to become the focal point of the national movement on the territory of Kyiv region, condemned the Bolshevik policy of war communism, treated the NEP and the policy of Ukrainization with a great deal of mistrust and caution. Taking into consideration the fact that so-called marginal representatives of the Ukrainian movement, including H. Holoskevych, have been little explored so far, the research on the socio-political views of the figures of the Ukrainian national movement is extremely urgent in a modern scientific discourse.
12
Kopczacki, Bartłomiej. "Pokolenie (bez) rewolucji. Świadectwo nacboli." Rusycystyczne Studia Literaturoznawcze 30 (December 29, 2020): 148–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rsl.2020.30.09.
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In this article, the author shows that Eduard Limonov’s social and political activity was directed not only at achieving short-term political goals, but also at educating a new generation of Russians. As the head of the National-Bolshevik Party, he was a “godfather” to young people disappointed by the Russian reality of the 1990s and the early years of the presidency of Vladimir Putin. The testimonies in the collections entitled “Лимонка” в тюрьму and “Лимонка” в войну demonstrate that Limonov ultimately achieved his goal of shaping a generation of ideologists ready to sacrifice for their homeland.
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Levin, David J. "Reading a staging/Staging a reading." Cambridge Opera Journal 9, no. 1 (March 1997): 47–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954586700005152.
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In February of 1929, the German National Party raised a matter of pressing concern in the Prussian State Parliament: the party requested a parliamentary investigation into ‘the transformation of the State Opera at the Platz der Deutschen Republik (popularly known as the Kroll Opera) into a laboratory for Bolshevik art experiments’. The crisis had become particularly acute in the wake of the Kroll Opera's production of Der fliegende Holländer, which had been premièred a few weeks earlier on 15 January 1929 and which, according to the party, brazenly ‘mocked the spirit of Richard Wagner’. For anyone who has worked on Wagner or, for that matter, simply attended performances of his works, the sentiments come as no surprise. Indeed, the fact that they arose in the wake of Otto Klemperer's and Jiirgen Fehling's famously abstract production (with sets by Ewald Dülberg) make them almost predictable. Fehling and Klemperer incurred the wrath of the National Party for producing what I want to call a ‘critical reading’ of Wagner's text. In Klemperer's and Fehling's reading, the Dutchman's ship may be anchored in the mid-nineteenth century, but it is not permanently mired there. And that is precisely what enraged the National Party, just as years later Patrice Chereau would incur the wrath of countless like-minded Wagnerians, whose recourse to the official channels of government for the redress of their aesthetic grievances was, however, no longer so direct.
14
Podoksenov, A. M. "M. M. Prishvin and B. E. Kalmykov (Concerning the Background of a Would-Be Novel about the «True Bolshevik»)." Russkaya literatura 2 (2020): 201–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.31860/0131-6095-2020-2-201-206.
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The acquaintance with a Soviet party leader and politician B. E. Kalmykov made a signifi cant impact on the worldview and work of M. M. Prishvin in the mid-1930s. The writer even intended to make him the key fi gure of his novel — a fighter for national happiness who leads the Soviet Kabardino-Balkaria to Socialism; the alleged title of the work, "The Happy Mountain", is most indicative.
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Zhytariuk, Mar’yan. "Ukraine-Czechoslovakian and Ukraine-Romanian Relations in the Interpretation of the Magazine “Dilo” (Lviv)." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 20, 2018): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.198-207.
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The Lviv daily “Dilo”, as well as the Ukrainian press in Galicia, Bukovina, Volyn and Transcarpathia in the interwar period, could not keep a way from the numerous and systematic facts of Ukrainophobia and immediately responded to the form available to it, mainly as digest and translations of foreign publications about Ukrainians and Ukrainian ethnic land.
Thirties of the Twentieth century entered the Ukrainian history under the sign of Polish “pacification” in Eastern Galicia (there were also the petitions of Ukrainian and British representations to the League of Nations), artificially created famine and genocide in Soviet Ukraine, the Bolshevik terror (not only against the national Ukrainian intellectuals, but also against the Ukrainian leadership of the Communist Party of the Bolsheviks), the German propaganda concerning the prospects of independent Ukraine and other significant phenomena, which formed together the basis of the "Ukrainian problem". All this in general was reflected by the European press (Great Britain, Germany, France, Switzerland, Belgium, Austria, Italy) and the US press, Canada, Japan. At the same time, from the standpoint of advocacy and sympathy, there was hardly any publication in the press of Czechoslovakia, Poland, Romania (except for Ukrainian-language editions), in the Soviet periodicals, however the governments of these countries were interested in further weakening and leveling of Ukrainian ethnic, mental, religious, historical and other factors that could cement Ukrainians nationally.
Keywords: magazine “Dilo” (Lviv), interethnic relations, Bukovyna, Galychyna, interwar period
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Kamenskikh, Mikhail S. "1921 in the History of Discussions about the Establishment of the Komi-Permyatsky District." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 1 (December 15, 2020): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-1-47-62.
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Using the example of discussions on the building of the Komi-Permyak district, the author analyzes the features of national state building in the RSFSR in the 1920s. The article focuses on one of the turning points in the process of establishing the Komi-Permyak district, namely the situation in 1921, when the initially unpopular idea of separating the Permyak region from Perm province unexpectedly became popular among the local population in the course of just a few months. Previously unpublished archival material allows us to assess the course of the discussion about the future of the Permyak region in 1921. Of particular value are the transcripts of a January 1925 closed meeting of a special commission on the Permyak issue; this commission was established on the order of the secretariat of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks). The commission decided to establish the Permyak region, and analyzed the developments in this territory in 1921. The situation refl ected the confrontation between the “national” and “economic” blocs within the Bolshevik leadership in the process of territorial delimitation. The documents furthermore demonstrate that the methods of local authorities relating to border disputes were cynical and uncompromising. The authorities of the Komi autonomous region were agitating among the population of the Permyak region to secede from Perm province without coordinating their activities with the local authorities. In turn, the authorities of Perm province launched a large-scale repressive campaign against activists of the national and cultural Permyak movement. Politically-motivated deception, bribery, and persecution became integral parts of the discussion regarding the self-determination of the Permyak population. While seeking the support of the “center,” the opposing parties did not pay a lot of attention to recommendations from Moscow and acted only in their own interests. The process of building the Komi-Permyak district in many ways demonstrates the essence of the early Soviet national policy as a system of checks and balances aimed at gaining the loyalty of diff erent nationalities under the umbrella of Soviet statehood.
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Trapeznik, Alexander. "“Agents of Moscow” at the Dawn of the Cold War: The Comintern and the Communist Party of New Zealand." Journal of Cold War Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2009): 124–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2009.11.1.124.
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This article explores an important aspect of New Zealand's Cold War history—the impact of directives from Moscow on the Communist Party of New Zealand (CPNZ) until the dissolution of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1943. Drawing on the Comintern papers relating to New Zealand, the article largely reaffirms traditional interpretations of the Comintern. Although indigenous Communist parties operated in a specific local context that resulted in tensions between Bolshevik universalism and national specificity (the central dilemma of twentieth-century international Communism), they in the end functioned as compliant tools of Soviet foreign policy and Stalinist ideology. Although CPNZ officials did not openly cooperate with Soviet intelligence, the Comintern engaged in clandestine operations with New Zealand Communists. The CPNZ invariably deferred to Moscow, altered its policies to accord with Soviet objectives, aligned its policy to suit ideological pronouncements from the Comintern, kept Moscow informed of internal developments, and sought and received financial assistance from Moscow.
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Bowden, Zachary A. "Poriadok and Bardak (Order and Chaos)." Journal of Language and Politics 7, no. 2 (November 3, 2008): 321–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.7.2.07bow.
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This article argues that Russias various neo-fascist and ultra-nationalist groups are articulating a populism-in-formation around the signifiers order and people, and through the narrative of mischief. The process of signification and context are added to Ernesto Laclaus understanding of the process and politics of the articulation of hegemony. Texts, modes, symbols and narratives of various neo-fascist and ultra-nationalist groups are employed and analyzed to suggest the populism-in-formation that Russian neo-fascism represents. In concluding, the paper suggests that Russias National Bolshevik Party, insofar as they articulate a discourse that mobilizes resonant versions of order and people, and as their narrative mode highlights the mischievous version of masculinity which is dominant in Russian culture and politics, represents the potentiality of Russian neo-fascism to articulate a hegemonic populism.
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Anfertiev, Ivan A. "Methodological Frameworks and Methods of Studying the Role and Scope of Political Factor in the (A)-RCP (B) – AUCP (B) Activities in State Management of Social and Economic Process in 1920s – 1930s." Herald of an archivist, no. 1 (2018): 84–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2018-1-84-97.
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The article uses modern methods to substantiate the theory of role and scope of political factor in the (A)-RCP (B) – AUCP (B) activities in state management of social and economic process in 1920s-1930s. The study concludes that after the Civil War’s end, the RCP (B) leaders ruled out any possibility of civilizational development in the worldwide trend and turned the nation on its special path. There were no more reforms, but a fixation of nationalization of all property and non-economic methods of the national economy management. Thus, resolution of conflict of interests could be only forceful, which clinched the self-isolation of the nation in all spheres of life, cultural, scientific, educational, and strengthened the repressive policy. The origination and overcoming of the 1920s-1930s Russian crisis came from the (A)-RCP (B) – AUCP (B). Bolshevik social experiment in initiation of the communism failed, and power framework staggered. The old statehood that numbered several centuries and attained by 1917 the trappings of civilized state structure had its merits and disadvantages. In new social and political reality of early 1920, the basic elements of that state structure reappeared in a more implacable form due to the efforts of the ruling (A)-RCP (B). In 1920s the new institutions were in their nascent stage, and their personnel, lacking administrative experience necessary for successful social and economic transformations, found support in power structures. The situation required a tough authoritarian leader. Thus J. V. Stalin’s rose to individual power in the circumstances of V. I. Lenin’s illness and death. The author identifies main stages of the RCP (B) – AUCP (P) attaining leadership in Russia in post-revolutionary 1920s and 1930s; clarifies the circumstances of the Bolshevik leaders renunciation of the War Communism; studies causes of protest sentiments within and without the RCP (B) – AUCP (P) and increasing authoritative powers of the party apparatus; outlines the problems inherent in political and administrative resources of the ruling party. He focuses on work to overcome crises in the USSR, describes power struggles at the highest levels of party power and strengthening of intra-party repressions and disciplinary sanctions.
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Gaido, Daniel. "The Origins of the Transitional Programme." Historical Materialism 26, no. 4 (December 17, 2018): 87–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-00001323.
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AbstractThe origins of the Transitional Programme in Trotsky’s writings have been traced in the secondary literature. Much less attention has been paid to the earlier origins of the Transitional Programme in the debates of the Communist International between its Third and Fourth Congress, and in particular to the contribution of its largest national section outside Russia, the German Communist Party, which had been the origin of the turn to the united-front tactic in 1921. This article attempts to uncover the roots of the Transitional Programme in the debates of the Communist International. This task is important because it shows that the Transitional Programme’s slogans are not sectarian shibboleths, but the result of the collective revolutionary experience of the working class during the period under consideration, from the Bolshevik Revolution to the founding conference of the Fourth International (1917–38).
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Smith, Michael G. "The March Events and Baku Commune of 1918." Russian History 41, no. 2 (May 18, 2014): 197–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763316-04102006.
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This article investigates the March Events of 1918: city-wide fighting for control of Baku that involved the Bolshevik party, the Red Guards, and various Armenian and Azerbaijani militias. Besides many of these combatants, thousands of innocent Azerbaijanis and others (Caucasus peoples and Persians) perished in the hostilities. Focusing on the Events as an exercise of power and violence, I argue that the establishment of the Baku Commune (like the later formation of the multi-national Soviet Union) was indivisible from these circumstances of national and sectarian war. Drawing from Azerbaijani sources long-suppressed by the Communist regime, I recount some of the key contexts, mechanics, and legacies of the Events. As an elucidation of the facts, this study sets out to help historians calibrate their interpretations, better weigh the nature of Soviet power, and refine what we usually term “Armenian” or “Azerbaijani” aggression. These peoples were not preternaturally disposed to violence. Suffering was not the exclusive province of either community. Rather, political strategies have drawn them into cycles of violence and bonds of recrimination that have recurred sporadically into the present day.
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Yakhutl’a, Yuri A., and Valery V. Kasyanova. "The “Facing the Village” Policy as a Manifestation of NEP Contradictions in 1924-1926 (Based on Don and Kuban Materials)." RUDN Journal of Russian History 19, no. 2 (December 15, 2020): 403–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2020-19-2-403-417.
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The authors analyze one of the aspects of the New Economic Policy (NEP), which meant finding a compromise between the Bolshevik party-state power and the Russian peasantry. This policy course is studied with the example of the large agricultural regions of the Don and Kuban. Using new archival documents and published sources, the authors reveal causal relationships between trans formations and changes in the status of local Soviets on national level and in the southern region, and show the impact of reforms on the economic situation and political behavior of the peasantry in the South of Russia. The authors highlight the features of the implementation of the Face to the Village policy in the Don and Kuban, which combined class and estate tasks of civil reconciliation, a slower pace of land management while maintaining Cossack allotments, and an active attracting of Cossacks and middle peasants to cooperations and Soviets, among other things. The refusal to use administrative pressure and the provision of the voting right to deprived people (lishentsy) during the election campaign led to the victory of the Cossack opposition in a number of local Soviets and land societies in 1925-1926. The result was a dual power situation in which village councils (sel'skie sovety) stood opposite to party committees. The reforms of the NEP period in southern Russia brought well-to-do strata of the population the right to participate in cooperations and local authorities (Soviets); they also led to the introduction of long-term leasing of land, separated farmers from the peasant community, and started the elimination of the traditional land use order. Reforms consolidated the division of the rural population into Cossacks and nonresidents, which contradicted the goals of socialist construction in the countryside; the Bolsheviks saw themselves threatened by a loss of control over local authorities, and by a loss of support from the poor and nonresidents. As a result, in the south of Russia the Bolsheviks rejected the Face to the Village policy course much earlier and with more decisiveness than in the country as a whole.
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Ivanenko, Valentyn. "The chimera of the All-Russian»founder»and the collapse of the illusions of the Ukrainian Central Rada (end of 1917 – beginning of 1918)." Grani 23, no. 1-2 (March 16, 2020): 82–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/172017.
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The article deals with an interesting but insufficiently and not clearly enough discussed in the historiographical process research perspective, which is related to the reconstruction, from the present day viewpoint, of the efforts and attempts of the national political elite to implement the idea of state autonomy of Ukraine through the mechanism of the so-called All-Russian Constituency (Constituent Assembly) during the existence of the Ukrainian People’s Republic (UNR) and taking into account the choice of the model of democratic social progress in the late 1917 – early 1918. This storyline is considered in the context of political activity of the Central Rada and its leaders M. Hrushevsky, V. Vinnychenko, other participants of the national-liberation movement of the Ukrainian Revolution (I. Mazepa, D. Doroshenko, etc.), implementation of certain steps to legitimize this institute as the supreme body of government and governance on the territory of Ukraine of that time, the consolidation of the political party on the basis of the traditions and experience of national government.Considerable attention is paid to the analysis of universals of the Central Rada in the course of strengthening its power positions, search and realization of the optimal formula of national and territorial autonomy of Ukraine, exercisingits right of final approval as the All-Russian "founder" (2nd Universal), formation of the UNR (3rd Universal) etc. The article makes an emphasis on the aggravation of the UNR relations with the Bolshevik government of Russia as a result of its ultimatum to the Rada and the unleashing of war against the UNR.The results of the elections in Ukraine which took place before the All-Russian and Ukrainian Constituent Assembly are described in the article. In addition, the rating of the main political forces in the regional dimension, first to be formed through such a democratic procedure, is studied. The substantiated conclusion is made about the actual failure of the phenomenon of the Constituency being dismissed by the Bolshevik government as a long-awaited tool in the public and political sphere for resolving the Ukrainian issue, the rapid decline in society under pressure of many factors of authority and influence of the Central Rada, the final collapse of its illusions to achieve a real autonomy of Ukraine under Moscow’s supervision.
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Penter, Tanja, and Ivan Sablin. "Soviet federalism from below: The Soviet Republics of Odessa and the Russian Far East, 1917–1918." Journal of Eurasian Studies 11, no. 1 (January 2020): 40–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1879366520901922.
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In early 1918, the Bolshevik-dominated Third Congress of Soviets declared the formation of a new composite polity—the Soviet Russian Republic. The congress’s resolutions, however, simultaneously proclaimed a federation of national republics and a federation of soviets. The latter seemed to recognize regionalism and localism as organizing principles on par with nationalism and to legitimize the self-proclaimed Soviet republics across the former Russian Empire. The current article compared two such non-national Soviet republics, those in Odessa and the Russian Far East. The two republics had similar roots in the discourses and practices of the Russian Empire, such as economic and de facto administrative autonomy. They also took similar organizational forms, were run by coalitions, and opposed their own inclusion into larger national and regional formations in Ukraine and Siberia. At the same time, both of the Soviet governments functioned as ad hoc committees and adapted their institutional designs and practices to the concrete—and very different—social and international conditions in the two peripheries. The focus of the Odessa and Far Eastern authorities on specific problems and their embeddedness in the peculiar contexts reflected the very idea of federalism as governance based on decentralization and nuance but contradicted the party-based centralization and the exclusivity of the ethno-national federalism in the consolidated Soviet state.
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Kodintsev, Alexander Ya. "Problems of the organization and activities of bodies of the Soviet justice in the national regions of the north of the Tyumen Region Tobol District in 1920-1927." Tyumen State University Herald. Social, Economic, and Law Research 6, no. 1 (2020): 110–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2411-7897-2020-6-1-110-128.
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This article reveals the history of the formation of the early Soviet justice authorities in the northern regions of Western Siberia and the Urals in the 1920s using archival materials. The activities of the first judges, investigators, bailiffs, and prosecutors show the state policy in introducing the principles of Soviet law in an isolated region of Russia. This paper explains the role of the Soviet justice authorities in strengthening the new government in the isolated regions of the RSFSR. The information provided expands our knowledge about the process of establishing the law enforcement system in Russia. The purpose of the article is to identify the specifics of the activities of the Soviet justice authorities in the conditions of the North of Russia in the 1920s. Native justice authorities are not the subject of research in this article. The sources of the research include the documents of the bolshevik, Soviet, and law enforcement agencies stored in the archives of Tyumen, Tobolsk, Yekaterinburg, Omsk, Khanty-Mansiysk, and Surgut. This article has used the system-structural and the comparative analysis methods. The territorial scope of the study includes two northern districts of the Tyumen Region and five northern areas of the Tobolsk District of the Ural region. The chronological framework is defined by the period in 1920-1927. The first date is the moment of the creation of the first Soviet judicial bodies in the Tyumen province. The second date is related to the beginning of the Cultural Revolution and the transfer of managerial powers to the district courts. This moment starts the rejection of the model of Soviet justice created in 1922. This study has revealed the inability of the Soviet state to establish a permanent system of repressive organs in the north of the Urals. The management structure, territorial structure, and staff changed with kaleidoscopic speed. Young communists, mobilized to serve in courts and as prosecutors, tried to pursue the Bolshevik policy. Yet the outrageous illiteracy and severe climatic conditions forced them to leave the North, and the party bodies could not stop this process.
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Trygub, O. P., and O. V. Osypenko. "South Ukraine Greek community under revolutionary upheavals and armed conflicts (1917–1920)." Rusin, no. 63 (2021): 156–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/63/8.
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The revolutionary changes of 1917 contributed to the intensification of the political, national, and cultural life of the Greek community of the entire Black Sea and Azov Sea coasts, where the national states emerged on the shards of the former Russian Empire. In contrast to the Azov Sea region, where the Greeks had an active social and political life and by the end of 1917 had formed the Mariupol Union of the Hellenic People, the Greeks of the Northern Black Sea region were quite apolitical and inactive. Their attitude to the Ukrainian and Soviet powers was rather ambiguous, and during 1917 they maintained, mainly, a wait and see position. Only individual representatives of the Greek people were affiliated with one or another party, which was more an exception than a typical feature of the Greek community. The Greeks fought in the ranks of the Imperial Army, N. Makhno’s Rebel Army, in the Red Army, in regular units and partisan detachments of the Volunteer Army. In contrast to the rural population, which opposed the Volunteer Army and its policies, the urban communities of Odessa, Nikolaev, and Kherson actively supported both the French-Greek Entente troops and Denikin’s Volunteer Army. Most urban Greeks were well-to-do middle-class persons running small and medium businesses (restaurants, hotels, grocery stores, various workshops, etc.) and did not accept the ideas of social and property equality proclaimed by the Bolsheviks. The article draws on the periodical press and undefined documents of the Soviet Special Services to define the role of the Greek communies of the Ukrainian Black Sea Region cities in the revolutionary events. The authors analyze the role of the Greek community members in the military and political events of 1917–1920 and their attitude to the changing powers, participation in the revolutionary struggle, the reasons for the emigration of 1919–1920, and Bolshevik repressions against the Greek ethnos. It is concluded that the Greek community of the Northern Black Sea region suffered the greatest losses as a result of mass emigration, rather than civil confrontation during the revolution time.
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Teliachyi, Yurii V., Viktor R. Adamskyi, and Bogdan S. Kryshchuk. "The Problem of Emigration and Deportation in the Fate of Academician Community of the Kamianets-Podilskyi State Ukrainian University." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 2, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26190109.
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The problem of further development of the national university structure in the context of the European integration processes of the Ukrainian educational system and its internal transformation significantly foregrounds research studios, in which the subject of retrospective approaches has being developed various aspects of the topic, including the fate of representatives of professorial teaching corporations and studentship in the event of defeat of national liberation struggles the beginning of the 20th century and the establishment of the Soviet form of statehood in Ukraine. This process has been analyzed on the example of the Kamianets-Podilskyi State Ukrainian University, which was founded on the eve of Hetman P. Skoropadskyi with the direct participation of representatives of government structures, local self-government and public institutions. The authors used the problem-chronological and historical-typological methods, which provided a distinction in the topic of research of certain problems. The change of political regimes in Ukraine has led to the use of the historical-comparative method, and the biographical has allowed to ascertain the activity of concrete activists in a fractious period of history. It was emphasized that at the end of 1920, the academician community of the Kamianets-Podilskyi State Ukrainian University faced the problem of further life choices. It has been noted that a part of the staff of the educational institution, based on the previous experience of Bolshevik governance in Podillia, has made a decision in favor of emigration. It has been proved that 18 members of the corporation sent abroad from among the professors, private associate professors and assistants, were headed by rector I. Ohiienko. Students were a separate group. The challenges of everyday life have been described in the conditions of emigration being, and attempts have been demonstrated to overcome them. I. Ohiienkoʼs active position in solving urgent questions concerning the assignment of members of the professorial corporation to European scientific centers has been shown with purpuse to complete the researches begun at home and their employment in educational institutions organized in the camps of the interned. Great efforts were also made by I. Ohiienko to help students continue their studies at European Higher Education Centers. Despite the unstable political and difficult financial situation, these tasks have been successfully implemented to a certain extent. With the rest of the projects and programs it looked less important. It has been demonstrated that the expectations of those representatives of the corporation that remained in Ukraine, in order to contribute to the development of the educational system in its national forms by its own work, in view of the general strategy of the Bolshevik Party to unify all spheres of social and political life, have not been justified. Some representatives of the corporation were included in the list of prominent figures of science and culture, which the Soviet authorities preferred to deport abroad at the end of 1922 – early 1923 has been shown. The precondition of this process has been proved by the fact that the communist education system was oriented to satisfy the needs of the state, Bolshevik model of socialism, but much less to improve social relations. As a result, political purges and permanent terror, including deportation, have become an inalienable and key method of «sovietization» of the intelligentsia in scientific and educational institutions.
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Sukhonos, V. V. "THE SOVIET MODEL OF LOCAL GOVERNANCE OF THE FATE OF THE NEW ECONOMIC POLICY: THE POLITICAL AND LEGAL ASPECTS." Legal horizons, no. 18 (2019): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/legalhorizons.2019.i18.p20.
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The article is devoted to the constitutional and legal issues of local government organizations. The main attention is paid to the Soviet model of local government, which, in the period of the industrialization of the country, focused on the further strengthening of the Soviet state apparatus, the deployment of the so-called “Soviet democracy” and the fight against bureaucratic defects. However, such a situation as a whole was not typical of the Soviet system. That is why the Bolsheviks attempts to attract the poor sections of the rural population. However, success in this direction was caused not so much by the strengthening of the Soviet economy as a whole, but by the opportunity for the rural poor to plunder wealthy peasants, which had developed because of the dictatorship of the proletariat existing in the USSR. Subsequently, the Bolshevik Party raised the issue of organizing special groups of poverty or factions for an open political struggle to attract the middle peoples to the proletariat and to isolate wealthy peasants (the so-called “kulaks”) during the elections to the Soviets, cooperatives, etc. With the onset of socialist reconstruction, there was a need to organize poverty, because it was an important element and the establishment of “Soviet democracy in the countryside.” The Stalin Constitution of 1936 transformed the Soviets. From 1918, they were called the Soviets of Workers’, Peasants’ and Red Army Deputies, and now, with the entry into force of the Stalin Constitution, the Soviets of Workers’ Deputies. This transformation of the Soviets reflected the victory of the socialist system throughout the national economy, radical changes in the class composition of Soviet society, and a new triumph of “socialist democracy”. In addition, the “victory of socialism” in the USSR made possible the transition to universal, equal, and direct suffrage by secret ballot. On December 24 and 29, 1939, citizens of the Soviet Union elected their representatives to the local Soviets of Workers’ Deputies. 99.21 % of the total number of voters took part in the vote. The election results are another testament to the growing influence of the Bolshevik Party on the population of the Soviet Union, which has largely replaced the activities of the Soviets themselves, including the local ones. Holding elections to the regional, regional, district, district, city, village and settlement councils of workers’ deputies completed the restructuring of all state bodies in accordance with the Stalin Constitution and on its basis. With the adoption in 1977 of the last Constitution of the USSR, the councils of workers’ deputies were renamed the councils of people’s deputies. In 1985, the last non-alternative elections were held for 52,041 local councils, and in 1988, their structure became more complicated: there were presidencies organizing the work of regional, regional, autonomous regions, autonomous districts, district, city and rayon in the cities of Soviets. People’s Deputies. Within the framework of the city (city subordination), village, and town councils, this work is carried out directly by the heads of the designated Councils. On December 26, 1990, the Congress of People’s Deputies of the USSR introduced regular amendments to the Constitution of the USSR, which formally abolished the Presidencies, but did not prohibit their existence. On September 5, 1991, the Constitution of 1977 was effectively abolished. Finally, it happened after December 26, 1991, when the USSR actually ceased to exist. Thus, existing in the USSR during the period of socialist reconstruction and subsequent transformations that began with the processes of industrialization and ended as a result of the collapse of the USSR, the model of local government organization remained ineffective due to its actual replacement by the activities of the governing bodies of the ruling Communist Party. Keywords: Local Government; the system of Councils; local Councils; Council of Deputies of the working people; Council of People’s Deputies; Soviet local government.
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Lebedeva, Nataliia. "Deportations from Poland and the Baltic States to the Ussr in 1939–1941: Common Features and Specific Traits." Lithuanian Historical Studies 7, no. 1 (November 30, 2002): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-00701005.
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The aim of this article is to compare repression policies of the Stalinist regime on the territories annexed by the Soviet Union in September 1939 and June–August 1940. The planning and implementation of deportations from the west of Ukraine and Belorussia, Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia had much in common. All the deportations were prepared and carried out on the basis of decisions carefully worked out by the Politburo of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist (Bolshevik) Party and was an important element of the sovietization policy on these territories. Deportation was a part of measures designed to destroy political, judicial, social, economic, national, cultural and moral fundamentals and to impose the Soviet order in the annexed territories. Methods of their organization and implementation were absolutely identical. All these deportations were crimes against humanity. At the same time there were certain differences. The planned capture of armies did not take place at the time of the Soviet invasion of the Baltic states. There were no such mass shootings of officers, policemen and jail inmates as in case of Poland. The scale of deportation was not as large as on territories of eastern Poland. This could be explained by the fact that the peoples of the Baltic states considered Sovietization as national humiliation to much larger extent than the peoples who had suffered under Polish or Romanian yoke. It forced the Stalinist ruling elite of the USSR at first to demonstrate a certain respect towards local customs, carry out nationalization of industry and banking slowly and more cautiously, to refrain from collectivization and not carry out mass deportation until the very eve of war between the Soviet Union and Hitler’s Germany.
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Zaseev, George A. "Periodicals as a Factor of Strengthening Soviet Power During the Transition Period (by the Materials of the North Caucasian Press)." Vestnik of North-Ossetian State University, no. 2(2021) (June 25, 2021): 36–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.29025/1994-7720-2021-2-36-43.
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The article examines the processes of the formation of mass periodicals in the North Caucasus in the first years of the existence of Soviet power. Its relevance is due to the poor study of the Soviet press of the 1920s, especially its development in the national regions of the state. It is shown that the functions of the Soviet press at the first stages of its existence were reduced to the ideological struggle against counter-revolution and party opposition. At the same time, the newspapers covered topics relevant to early Soviet everyday life: peasant and school issues, the life of auls, food appropriation, food tax, etc. The purpose of the article is to examine the process of development of the Bolshevik policy in the field of mass media in the post-revolutionary period. It is emphasized that for a number of regions of the North Caucasus, the appearance of their own periodicals is associated with the arrival of the Soviet regime, which is pursuing a protectionist policy in relation to the press. It was within the framework of this policy that a number of local publications were published in the languages of the peoples of the North Caucasus, for example, the Ossetian «Rastdzinad». The list of newspapers published in the region during the period under study is presented, among which, in terms of the duration of the issue, the thematic content, one can single out such newspapers as «Krasnaya Kabarda», «Kommunist», «Sovetskaya Autonomnaya Chechnya», and «Gorskaya Pravda». Special attention is paid to the substantive analysis of the «Kommunist» newspaper for 1920, which made it possible to identify the most relevant plots and topics related to the coverage of the events of the Civil War, as well as the processes taking place within the framework of the emerging new economic policy and nation-building. In the conclusion, it is concluded that the important role played by both the Soviet periodicals and the press of the national regions in the ideological support of the activities of the organs of Soviet power.
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Bykova, Tetiana. "Central and Local Authority Policy in the Sphere of Land Management and Crimean Resettlement in the 1920s." Ukrainian Studies, no. 1(78) (May 20, 2021): 156–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.30840/2413-7065.1(78).2021.224859.
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The problem of demographic processes in Crimea is acutely relevant in the light of recent political events. Besides, this issue is gaining more scientific importance due to the fact that during the Soviet period, Crimea conducted special demographic and migration policy, different from all adjacent regions. The consequences of the Soviet demographic and migration policy now impact the elaboration of a stable position and action plan of Ukraine on the deoccupation of the peninsula, the development of state policy towards the indigenous peoples of Crimea, etc. It is worth mentioning that Crimea was of special strategic importance for the USSR, and therefore the demographic structure of the population of the peninsula constituted a subject of particular attention as for the Union leadership so for the heads of local executive and party bodies. In addition, Crimea had special conditions for economic activity, different from other regions, and thus migration processes within the peninsula were to be planned and carried out according to the policy of the Soviet government and the Crimean socioeconomic situation. The scholarly research has not yet properly reflected the problem of the migration policy of the USSR in Crimea in the 1920s, so this blank space must be filled.
The article considers the policy pursued by the Bolshevik Party and its subordinate Soviet authorities on the issue of relocation and resettlement of the Crimean population within the peninsula. The research is based on the analysis of materials of the State Archives of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, which are currently inaccessible to Ukrainian scholars due to the occupation of the peninsula. The article also provides the analysis of the Soviet leaders’ plans on relocating the population to Crimea and its settlement, the prerequisites and factors that influenced the development and implementation of local demographic and migration policies. It studies some aspects of the Soviet leadership plans on resolving the national question in the USSR in general due to the resettlement policy in Crimea, namely creating there a Jewish republic. Special attention is paid to the resettlement of Tatar families to Crimea. It is noted that the migration policy of the Soviet government within the Crimean peninsula had a contradictory character, which led to the overall failure of the developed large-scale plans.
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Kardela, Piotr. "Professor Waclaw Szyszkowski — a Lawyer, Anticommunist, One From the Generation of Independent Poland." Internal Security Special Issue (January 14, 2019): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8401.
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The article presents the activity of Wacław Szyszkowski, a lawyer, an emigration independence activist and an outstanding scientist, who fought in the Polish-Bolshevik war of 1920 and, after Poland regained independence, was active in a secret Union of the Polish Youth “Zet” and a public Union of the Polish Democratic Youth. Until 1939 W. Szyszkowski was a defence lawyer in Warsaw, supporting the activities of the Central Union of the Rural Youth “Siew” and the Work Cooperative “Grupa Techniczna”. Published articles in political and legal journals, such as “Przełom”, “Naród i Państwo”, “Palestra”, “Głos Prawa”. During World War II — a conspirator of the Union for Defense of the Republic of Poland, soldier of the Union of Armed Struggle and Home Army, assigned to the Bureau of Information and Propaganda of the Home Army Headquarters. Fought in the Warsaw Uprising, after which he was deported by Germans to the Murnau oflag in Bavaria. For helping Jews during the occupation, the Yad Vashem Institute awarded him and his wife Irena the title of Righteous Among the Nations. After 1945, he remained in the West, engaging in the life of the Polish war exile in France, Great Britain and the United States. He received a doctorate in law at the Sorbonne. He belonged to the People’s Party “Wolność”, the Association of Polish Combatants. He was a member of the National Council of the Republic of Poland in Exile. As an anti-communist, he was invigilated by the communist intelligence of the People’s Republic of Poland. In the 1960s, after returning to Poland, as a lawyer and scientist, he was first affiliated with the Maria Curie-Skłodowska University of Lublin, and then with Nicolaus Copernicus University of Toruń. W. Szyszkowski is the author of nearly two hundred scientific and journalistic publications printed in Poland and abroad.
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Kuznets, Tetyana, and Olga Skus. "Political Repressions Against Polish Intellectual Class in the Uman Region in the 1920s-1930s." Eminak, no. 2(30) (June 26, 2020): 146–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2020.2(30).415.
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The article deals with the peculiarities of the national policy of the Bolshevik regime during the 1920s and 1930s in Ukraine. The main attention is paid to the mechanism of political repressions against representatives of the intellectual class of the Polish national minority in the Uman region. The article used not only problem-chronological and comparative-historical methods of research, but also the biographical method. The purpose of the work was to study and highlight the process of mass terror against the Polish intellectual class in the Uman region taking into consideration a personalized approach.
It has been established that political repressions in the Uman region date back to the early 1920s, just when the policy of «localization» was introduced. At the same time, giving impact to the cultural and educational development of the national minority, the government controlled the manifestations of local nationalism. Starting from the case of «Umanska pliatsuvka» on accusation of G.Z. Yagodzinska and 26 other residents of the Uman Region, the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs periodically made arrests of people of Polish nationality. Given the previous activities of Polish intellectual class in the territory of Ukraine, the penal authorities had a convenient reason for further substantiation and investigation of the so-called «counter-revolutionary nationalist organizations». Based on a study of previously unavailable archival and investigative cases of the Departmental State Archive of the Security Office of Ukraine, the facts of mass falsifications on accusations of the Polish intellectual class of the Uman region for espionage in favor of Poland were revealed. Simultaneously with the closing up process of the policy of «localization» in 1933, political repressions gained extraordinary activity and were carried out in order to execute successive resolutions and decisions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party(b) of Ukraine, inclusive until 1938. In the territory of Ukraine and the Uman Region, in particular, the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs falsified criminal case materials mainly on the basis of the mythologization of the activities of the former Polish military organization – «PMO». In addition to the central Ukrainian cities, in particular, Kyiv, Kharkiv, the formation of this organization was also «revealed» in various regions. An archival investigative case No. 64463 on the accusation of the Uman citizens F.P. Budzylevych and others was revealed and may serve as an example. According to the decision of the Special Meeting of the People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs of the USSR of November 28, 1937 P.I. Sulyma-Saliichuk and S.F. Kravchuk were executed by shooting and F.P. Budzylevych was sentenced to 10 years of labor camps.
According to the of the author’s study generalization the conclusion has been made of the multi-faceted historical problem, which actualizes further study and analysis of the crimes mechanism of the totalitarian communist system in national, regional and social aspects.
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TROFIMOVA, NATALIA N., and ALEXEY S. TIMOSCHUK. "Chrono-discrete monogeographic comparative jurisprudence on the example of the penal system of the Russian Federation." Vedomosti (Knowledge) of the Penal System 229, no. 6 (2021): 16–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.51522/2307-0382-2021-229-6-16-31.
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The article analyzes the possibilities of the methodology of the school of chrono-discrete monogeographic comparative jurisprudence in relation to the penal policy, which is considered in the context of the Soviet period of modernization of Russia. The subject of the article is the arrays of social and legal information in the field of the criminal law, the history of the penitentiary system, the history of the establishment of public control institutions, the genesis of the Russian language in the political and legal sphere. The purpose of the study is to demonstrate that the penitentiary policy is of a chrono-discrete nature, which is due to the peculiarities of Russia's civilizational backwardness at the early 20th century and the requirements of catching-up modernization of its technological structure. The methodological basis of the study was a chrono-discrete monogeographic comparative legal approach, which, in addition to the wellknown comparative, historical, formal legal types of analysis, proceeded from the following research attitudes and assumptions: 1) the object is taken in the same topology, but in different periods; 2) the scholar believes that there is a chronological gap in socio-legal and political processes. As a result of the work carried out, national characteristics in the evolution of penitentiary policy from the end of the 19th to the end of the 20th centuries were studied. A retrospective analysis of the penal policy humanization is presented and the reasons for the Soviet chronopause in the observance of human rights are named, the historical heterodynamics of the penal system in the system of state and law is substantiated. Problems of interaction of the penitentiary system with civil society institutions are implicitly touched upon. It is concluded that the current humanistic trend in the development of the penal system is a natural continuation of the penitentiary reforms of the 19th century, continued after the necessary socio-technological modernization of Russia, carried out by the Bolshevik party. Key words: penal system, punishment, time gap, chronopause, chrono-discrete monogeographic comparative legal approach (HMSP), industrialization, modernization, nonlinear cliodynamics
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Malanchuk, Larisa, and Tetyana Chubok. "Organization of protest against the holodomor 1932 - 1933 in Volyn in autumn 1933." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, no. 27 (2020): 20–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-27-20-27.
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The article deals with the conduct of protests against the policy of famine in Ukraine by Western political parties and non-governmental organizations. The complex of materials devoted to the coverage of the tragic events of the Holodomor in the Ukrainian SSR in 1932-1933, much of which were published by the Lviv newspaper Novy Chas, is analyzed. It is found that information about the situation in the USSR outside the USSR began to emerge in the spring of 1933, when the famine was already gaining ground. This was due to the fact that measures to prevent the leakage of information about the terrible famine taken by the Bolshevik government proved to be quite effective. Also addressed were letters sent to western Ukraine, possibly to relatives, asking for help, which was an important source of information about the tragedy in Ukraine. Separate Western press reports published in European newspapers informing about the famine in the USSR were translated and published in Ukrainian also in Western Ukrainian newspapers. On the basis of documents stored in the State Archives of Rivne region, the features of protest actions in the Volyn Voivodeship were investigated, where the influence of Ukrainian national political groups was not so significant. It was revealed that the protest organizers were participants of Western Ukrainian cultural, educational and political organizations. Representatives of the Catholic, Greek Catholic and Orthodox clergy did not stay away from these events. The main forms of protest actions in Volyn against the policy of famine on the territory of the Ukrainian SSR were prayer, party meetings, and meetings. The resistance of the local administrative authorities in organizing protests was not only about Volyn. The same happened in the provinces of Galicia. In addition, it was found that the Aid Committees were also active in the context of Ukrainian political emigration. Particular attention is paid to the activities of nationalists in the fight against communism and the holding of a terrorist action in the Soviet consulate, which to some extent hindered the holding of legal protests and informing the public outside the Soviet Union about the famine in the Ukrainian SSR.
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Dzyra, Olesya. "THE SPLIT IN THE UKRAINIAN COMMUNIST MOVEMENT IN CANADA IN THE 1930s." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 28 (2021): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2021.28.9.
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The article substantiates the reasons of the split in the Ukrainian communist movement in Canada in the mid-1930s at the peak of its popularity. They consisted of acquainting of its supporters with information about dekulakization, the Holodomor of 1932–1933, the Bolshevik repressions on the territory of the Ukrainian Socialist Soviet Republic, and so on. It clearly describes how this conflict took place in the Ukrainian labour-farmer temple association, which united Ukrainian communists, how it was perceived by its members, what consequences it led to and how it affected on spreading of communist views among Ukrainians in Canada. The society was divided into those who unquestioningly believed or knew the truth and equally supported Stalin's policy in Ukraine and those who condemned it and saw a different way of further life in the workers 'and peasants' state. It shows how the communist movement developed in the 1930s, how the so-called socialist segment stood out from it, who its supporters were and what ideas they professed. It is worth noting that for some time the "opportunists", that formed Federation of Ukrainian Labour-Farmer Organizations, could not decide on their socio-political position and hesitated on whose side to stand and whether to join the Ukrainian national-patriotic bloc of organizations or to function separately, despite the small number. The leading members of the newly created organization were D. Lobay, T. Kobzey, S. Khvaliboga, Y. Elendyuk, and M. Zmiyovsky. In August 1928, M. Mandryka arrived to Canada, delegated by the Ukrainian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries in Prague to seek financial support for Ukrainian socialist institutions in Czechoslovakia. It was to be a short-term mission, that transformed into a permanent staying overseas. M. Mandryka managed to unite Ukrainian socialists who had nothing to do with the ULFTA. The research also describes the directions of activity of Ukrainian socialists in Canada, their ties with other public organizations, political parties and future relations with former like-minded people. An attempt is made to evaluate the socialist movement and establish its significance for the social and political life of the diaspora.
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Filatova, Irina, and Apollon Davidson. "‘We, the South African Bolsheviks’: The Russian Revolution and South Africa." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 4 (October 2017): 935–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417722399.
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In South Africa, the Russian Revolution was admired by socialists and nationalists alike. The National Party soon stopped praising the Bolsheviks, but the effect of the Revolution on the nascent Communist Party was important and lasting. South African communists closely watched developments in Soviet Russia and established relations with the Communist International (Comintern) even before the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) was born. The Party’s ideology and policy were shaped by the Comintern’s ideas and instructions. In the 1920s and 1930s the struggle around the Comintern-imposed slogan of the independent native republic and the Comintern’s campaigns for ‘bolshevization’ nearly brought the party to its demise. But it survived, and its leadership took the Comintern’s ideals and ideas into the postwar era. The Comintern’s theoretical legacy, particularly its idea of a two-stage (national and socialist) revolution proved long-lasting. This idea became entrenched in the programs of the African National Congress, the party of national liberation and since 1994, the party of government. Even today a significant proportion of South Africa’s black population cherishes the vision of a radical revolution and demands its implementation.
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O’Connor, Emmet. "Bolshevising Irish communism: the Communist International and the formation of the Revolutionary Workers’ Groups, 1927–31." Irish Historical Studies 33, no. 132 (November 2003): 452–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021121400015935.
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During the 1920s the Communist International, or Comintern, attached exceptional importance to Ireland for the potential of its anti-imperialist forces to foment revolution at home, enlist the Irish diaspora, and encourage unrest in Britain and the Empire. In this way the Comintern might strengthen its relatively feeble bridgehead in the anglophone world and embarrass Britain, the keystone of Russia’s enemies. However, the Comintern encountered repeated frustration in attempting to direct its Irish sections until 1929 when it approved an initiative to create a Bolshevised party. At national level, Bolshevisation meant the application of the Leninist principles of unity, discipline and democratic centralism. Crucially, Bolsheviks understood their national sections to belong to a world party directed by the Executive Committee of the Communist International (E.C.C.I.) in Moscow. In the global context, it also meant the subordination of the Comintern to the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) (V.K.P./b.), as the Soviet party was called, and the interests of the Soviet Union. Both levels of Bolshevisation went hand in hand in Ireland, where a new party was built from scratch between 1929 and 1933.
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Waters, Elizabeth. "The Bolsheviks and the Family." Contemporary European History 4, no. 3 (November 1995): 275–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300003489.
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The Bolsheviks considered the family to be a minor matter. The ABC of Communism, a popular exposition of Bolshevik Marxism published shortly after the October Revolution, detailed the economic and political institutions of Soviet Russia with only a passing reference to the public services that would emancipate women in the future society.1 Its authors, Nikolai Bukharin and Evgenii Preobrazhenskii, understood the revolutionary process chiefly as the by-product of economic development and expected socialism to come through the manipulation of economic mechanisms by central government, and in this they echoed the views of their party. The Bolshevik scenario did not preclude the ‘participation of the masses’ to use the vocabulary of the times. Individuals, women as well as men, were to enjoy unprecedented access to the political process, and as masters of the nation's resources would decide matters of state, each acting as part of the whole, or more exactly as part of a number of collectivities, first and foremost as members of the proletariat, but also as members of other groups including nationality, youth and women. While families in the past had played a crucial role in the creation and transmission of private property, with the overthrow of the exploitative capitalist system they would cease to function as providers of economic and psychological welfare. Instead the individual's social place and action would be determined by class and, to a lesser extent, by ethnicity, age and gender. Families belonged to the superstructure and were symptom rather than cause; they adapted to the needs of society, changing in response to the transformation of economic relations. Families, in other words, could look after themselves, and appropriate forms of private life would evolve without much outside intervention.
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Ostapenko, Anna. "FROM THE PLEYADA OF ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR I. LVIV’S STUDENTS." Visnyk Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Pedagogy, no. 1 (7) (2018): 50–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-3699.2018.7.13.
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The article briefly analyzed the biography of the students of I.P.Lviv, the associate professor of the Chernihiv Pedagogical Institute. The purpose of our article was to show the biography of the students of the lecturer I.P.Lvov, who was known all the world. Our graduates were born and grew up in the Chernihiv region. We briefly wrote about the graduates of I.P.Lvov, and there are P. Tychyna, H. Verevka, F. Los and V. Dyadychenko. All of them grew up and lived in difficult times, when Ukraine was part of the Soviet Union. I. P. Lvov’s students made an outstanding contribution to science, culture of pedagogy in Ukraine. P. Tychyna was a famous Ukrainian poet, interpreter, public activist, academician, and statesman of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. He was born in a big family. His father was a village deacon and a teacher in the local grammar school. In 1900, he became a member of an archiary chorus in the Troitsky monastery near Chernihiv. Simultaneously P. Tychyna studied in the Chernihiv theological school. In 1907−1913 P. Tychyna continued his education in the Chernihiv Theological Seminary. In 1913−1917, he was studying at the Economics department of the Kiev Commercial Institute. At the same time, he worked on the editorial boards of the Kiev newspaper Rada and the magazine Svitlo. In the summer, he worked for the Chernihiv statistical bureau. In 1923, he moved to Kharkiv, entering the vibrant world of early post-Revolution Ukrainian literary organizations. Later he started to study Georgian, and Turkic language, and became the activist of the Association of Eastern Studies in Kyiv. P. Tychnya printed many works, but we viewed only Major works Clarinets of the Sun, The Plow, Instead of Sonnets or Octaves, The Wind from Ukraine, Chernihiv and We Are Going into Battle, Funeral of a Friend, To Grow and Act. H. Veryovka was a Ukrainian composer, choir director, and teacher. He is best known for founding a folk choir, and he was director it for many years, gaining international recognition and winning multiple awards. Veryovka was also a professor of conducting at the Kyiv Conservatory, where he worked alongside faculty including B. Yavorsky, M. Leontovych. H. Veryovka was born in town of Berezna. In 1916, he graduated from the Chernihiv Theological Seminary. In 1918−21 H. Veryovka studied at the Lysenko music school studying a musical composition by B. Yavorsky. In 1933, he received an external degree from the institute. Since 1923 Veryovka continued to work at the Lysenko institute and later Kiev Conservatory. In 1943 in Kharkiv, H. Veryovka organized his well-known choir and until his death was its art director and a main conductor. In 1948-52 he headed the National society of composers of Ukraine. F. Los was born in the village of Pivnivchyna. He studied at the Chernihiv Institute of Social Education. He taught at the secondary school of Volochysk then at the Gorodiansky Pedagogical College of the Chernihiv Region. In 1935, he was a post-graduate student to the Institute of History of the All-Ukrainian Association of Marxist-Leninist Institutes. He researched on the rural community of the early twentieth century. F. Los worked in institutes at such departments: the head of the Department of History of the USSR and Ukraine of the Kiev Pedagogical Institute, the lecturer of the Higher Party School by the Central Committee of the Communist Party (Bolshevik), Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv, and the professor of the History Department. He published over 200 scientific papers, such as: 15 textbooks on the history of Ukraine co-authored about 20 collective monographs, collections of articles, collections of materials and documents. He buried in Kiev. V. Dyadychenko was a researcher, lecturer and methodologist. He was born in Chernihiv in a family of statistician. He graduated from the Chernihiv Institute of Public Education. Having received a diploma of higher education, he taught at the Mykolaiv Pedagogical Institute. Later V. Dyadychenko moved to Kiev and worked at the Institute of History of Ukraine Academy of Sciences of the Ukrainian SSR. In the Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv V. Dyadychenko worked at such chairs: the Department of History of the USSR, the history of the Middle Ages and the ancient history, archeology and museology. Professor V. Dyadychenko collaborate in the writing of school-books on the history of Ukraine for students in grade 7-8. V. Dyadychenko was social and political active worker. In 1973, he died.
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KRUTIKOV, Anton. "“Until our government is stronger...”. Bolsheviks and the Ukrainian national question in 1917-1923." Perspectives and prospects. E-journal, no. 3 (2019): 115–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.32726/2411-3417-2019-3-115-129.
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The upheavals of the Russian revolution and Civil War had a decisive influence on the development of the Ukrainian nation. Given modern efforts to free Ukraine "from imperial layers", it is particularly useful to address real historical experience, namely that of the Bolsheviks, who implemented their own Ukrainian nation building project in 1917-1923. Generated by the party-state machine of the RSFSR, it was a cultural dimension of the “battle for Ukraine” and determined the character of Ukrainian statehood for many decades.
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Lisitsina, Yana Yu. "The Reverse Regional Effect of the All-Union Unification (On the Example of the East Siberian Regional Union of Soviet Artists)." Observatory of Culture 18, no. 2 (May 31, 2021): 212–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.25281/2072-3156-2021-18-2-212-223.
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The establishment of Soviet artists’ unions in remote parts of the country has not been fully studied, but it is of interest for understanding the processes of formation of national fine art. One of the most important documents for the Soviet cultural space of the 1930s was the resolution of April 23, 1932, of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks “On the restructuring of literary and artistic organizations”. Its impact is of a prolonged nature: artistic associations, originally created in the form of regulated unions, still exist, already having the status of entities exempt from direct government control. The main object of this research is the organization that united the masters of fine arts of a vast territory — the East Siberian Regional Union of Soviet Artists. The source base of the research is archival documents that make it possible to reconstruct the process of uniting provincial artists into a single regular organization and to assess the decisions of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks from the point of view of the development of the cultural space of the East Siberian Territory. Despite the regulatory actions common to the creation of such institutions, the process of organizing the association of Soviet artists in the peripheral parts of the country had a number of features that formed the final assessment of the outcome of the above-mentioned resolution. The article demonstrates that the geographic remoteness from the capital, the separation from the cultural centers, the harsh climatic conditions, the small population on a large territory, and technical communication difficulties had predetermined the specificity of the processes of Siberian social design, and the need for certain decisive actions and support from the authorities to create a viable association of fine art masters.
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Morozova, T. I., and V. I. Shishkin. "Communist Party of Bolsheviks as a Soviet Social Elevator in the Context of the New Economic Policy." Modern History of Russia 10, no. 4 (2020): 902–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2020.406.
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The authors analyze and interpret the processes that occurred during the New Economic Policy (NEP) period in the Russian Communist Party (bolsheviks) (RCP(b)) — All-Union Communist Party (bolsheviks) (AUCP(b)) as a “social elevator” from the standpoint of the theory of social mobility. The article takes into account the achievements of national historiography and is based on a wide range of published and unpublished sources. The authors reveal conditions that the party leadership imposed on those who wanted to “enter” the elevator; the number and social composition of replacements; the mechanisms, instruments, and procedures used to carry out movements between floors, as well as the volume of these movements; the transformation of the party as a social elevator; and its impact on mobility in Soviet society. The authors conclude that, thanks to the mass recruitment of workers, the height of the party pyramid quickly increased, and its structure and profile became more complex, which increased the potential for internal mobility. The forced promotion of young Communists into leading party bodies and the expansion of the number of party committees artificially caused upward intra-party mobility and the formation of a new generation of middle-level elites. The use of the nomenklatura system for appointing to the upper floors of the party hierarchy completed the process of rebuilding the RCP(b) — AUCP(b) as a social elevator controlled by Stalin’s Central Committee. As a result, by the end of NEP, the party’s influence social stratification in Soviet society became decisive.
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Smith, Michael G. "Cinema for the “Soviet East”: National Fact and Revolutionary Fiction in Early Azerbaijani Film." Slavic Review 56, no. 4 (1997): 645–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2502116.
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Before the eyes of the vast, ignorant masses of the eastern nationalities, the fast-moving frames of cinema will reproduce the many achievements of human knowledge. For the illiterate audience, the electric beam of the magic motion-picture lamp will define new concepts and images, will make the wealth of knowledge more easily accessible to the backward mind.Bakinskii rabochii, 18 September 1923Pictures, so the first Bolsheviks believed, speak louder than words. Visual propaganda was essential in their campaign to reach the illiterate and poorly literate masses, to engage them in a new Soviet style of life. By the end of the civil war, every leading member of the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party valued the political uses of film. As commissar of nationalities, Iosef Stalin recognized its potential; in his simple expression, film was “the greatest means of mass agitation.” Like cinema, the Bolsheviks appeared at the confluence of two worlds, the traditional and the modern. For them, film was the perfect medium by which to critique the old and celebrate the new. Film viewed the world as they did, with one measure of hard realism, another of soft utopianism.
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Акопян, Виктор. "К истории создания польских национальных секций при партийных и государственных органах власти на Юге России (1920-е гг.)." Acta Polono-Ruthenica 4, no. XXIV (December 30, 2019): 155–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/apr.4880.
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This article is devoted to the creation and main activities of the Polish national sections under the party and state authorities in the South of Russia (Don and North Caucasus) in the first Soviet decade (1920s). Special attention is paid to the sections under the committees of the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) – RCP (b), in 1925 renamed All-Union CP (b). In the historical literature on the history of Poles of the region, with rare exceptions, these structures did not attract the attention of researchers. This is due to the negative attitude towards their activities in regional Polish studies. The author considers that, for all the costs associated with the prevailing regime, the mere presence of the national sections in the system of power structures encouraged the authorities to take into account the problems of Diaspora groups.
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HELEY, Stepan. "THE WEST UKRAINIAN PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC IN HISTORICAL WORKS OF VASYL KUCHABSKYI." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 78–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-78-97.
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The aim of the article is to analyze V. Kuchabsky's historical views on the process of creation of the West Ukrainian People's Republic of 1918-1921. In his works of the first half of the 1930s the scientist highlighted the internal situation of Ukraine, in particular its political and military conditions, and at the same time revealed international relations that had a determinative influence on the future of Ukrainian statehood: Poland and Russia, the Bolsheviks and counterrevolution, the tendency for a new revival of the Russian Empire and the tendency for its collapse, the situation in Central Europe, the Paris Peace Conference and the Eastern European policy of the Western powers. The most significant work of V. Kuchabskyi, "Western Ukraine in the struggle against Poland and Bolshevism in 1918–1923," is a historical study, which objectively reflects the national history without a shadow of tenderness and political inspiration. More than eighty years have passed since its writing, but it still influences on the development of historical science in Ukraine, remains critical for the study of problems associated with the topic. V. Kuchabskyi tried to find out the reason for Ukrainians to lose their own statehood. For the first time in the 14th century, when the Principality of Galicia–Volhynia was conquered by Poland. And then in the 18th century when the Cossack state was annexed by Russia. The desire of Ukrainians to restore the united and independent state failed due to unjustified orientations to Moscow, then to Poland and Turkey. A similar situation, according to the historian, occurred in 1918–1921: while the Ukrainians fought against the Bolsheviks and the White Army, the Poles struck them back, capturing Galicia and Volyn. By signing the Treaty of Riga in 1921, they wanted to restore the division of Ukraine of 1667. The scientist called on the Galician to leave the inter-party controversy and unite for positive creativity and self-organization, to make a lasting peace between themselves, because external factors are often non-reliable and have their own aims, directly opposite to Ukrainian. V. Kuchabskyi warned not to rely on the rapid fall of Bolshevism, relying on the intervention of the capitalist world. On his thought, the damage of this view was disorienting citizens, turning their attention away from what actually was a question of life and death for Ukraine. Estimating the Ukrainian Galician Army, V. Kuchabskyi believed that it could be organized and turned into regular combat power only through significant victories in an actively waged war. But the Ukrainians did not have such commanders, which would turn the mechanically assembled army into a single military organism by their inspiration. According to V. Kuchabskyi, the political experience of the Ukrainian state of 1918–1921 remained undervalued, although it would have been enough to educate a new generation of state-oriented thinkers, creative people. That is why he put the realization of the state idea in direct dependence on the level of the political culture of the masses. This meant that the Galician intellectuals had to get rid of the conservative passivity, which manifested itself in a narrow worldview, the weakness of the will, and spiritual laziness. Only in this case, the national elite will build a democratic state, which will provide conditions for the cultural development of the people, will guarantee equal political and economic rights. Keywords Western Ukraine, Eastern Galicia, Lviv, National Revolution, November Action, ZUNR, UHA, Stanislav, Ukrainian National Council.
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von Hagen, MarK. "The Entangled Eastern Front and the Making of the Ukrainian State: a Forgotten Peace – a Forgotten War and Nation-Building." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XIX (2018): 45–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2018-2.
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In his article the author reproduced a picture of the Ukrainian state formation and described the stages of the independence movement deployment. Despite all the efforts — conscious or unconscious — of the numerous “authors” of Ukrainian statehood, there were always powerful forces who opposed the idea of Ukraine’s independence. The Bolsheviks and Whites showed the most hostile attitude towards the idea of the Ukrainian state and nation. This was confirmed by the devastating actions of the White Army and the Polish Republic in the western lands of Ukraine. A first war between Soviet Russia and Ukraine poisoned the relations of the two revolutionary governments and ruined the peace among the Ukrainian Bolsheviks. However, because of their state weakness and the urgent need for food for the starving Petrograd and other parts of Russia, Bolsheviks were supposed to pretend that they take their slogans of national self-determination seriously. Even recognizing the Ukrainian People’s Republic and at the same time putting ultimatums on it and threatening war, unless the UNR surrenders its armed forces and statehood to the subject of the Bolsheviks. The author explored the process of German-Austrian occupation of Ukraine, noting that the occupation in wartime is characterized by the features of colonial regimes of exploitation and subordination, which vividly and at the same time sadly demonstrates the presence of the Central Powers in Ukraine in 1918. By strengthening the Ukrainian government they had contracted with and promised military and political support, the Germans were simultaneously weakening and undermining it because of their inflated demands. The article also analyzes the limited sovereignty of the Ukrainian state, describes the attitude to the idea of the Ukrainian state and the nation of other peoples. Keywords: Ukrainian state, independence, sovereignty, occupation, Bolsheviks, Soviet Russia, Central states.
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Sokolova, Valentina I., Olga N. Galosheva, and Igor V. Kallin. "THE NATIONAL PROBLEM AND THE PROBLEM OF WOMEN’S MOVEMENT ACTIVATION IN THE CHUVASH AUTONOMOUS REGION ON THE EXAMPLE OF LIFE OF TATAR WOMEN OF BATYREVSKY UYEZD IN THE FIRST YEARS OF THE SOVIET POWER." Historical Search 1, no. 3 (December 21, 2020): 106–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.47026/2712-9454-2020-1-3-106-113.
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The article examines the national policy of the Soviet state in the early years of the Soviet power. It shows as well the importance of this issue for the state, the attention paid to it by supreme management bodies. The basic principles and directions of activity carried out by the Communist Party of Bolsheviks for implementing the national policy in the regions of the country are noted; successes and failures in implementing the Communist ideology are shown. The authors of the article indicate that the leadership of the state understood that success in building a new world can be achieved only due to the rise of the culture among the representatives of national minorities to the level of Russian regions inhabitants. It pursued this goal, structuring the policy in the sphere of national-state building. The authors examine the issues of improving tolerant ideas in the international relations on the example of women and youth movement activation in the Chuvash autonomous region in the first half of the 1920s. The analysis of the final materials of the report made by the RC of the ACP (b) representative, Bikchantaev, seconded to Batyrevsky uyezd to establish women’s social movement, shows the efforts of the party apparatus to promote the ideas of equality and freedom among Tatar women. It shows as well the importance of this issue for the state, the attention paid to it by supreme management bodies.
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Efimova, Larisa. "Did the Soviet Union instruct Southeast Asian communists to revolt? New Russian evidence on the Calcutta Youth Conference of February 1948." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2009): 449–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463409990026.
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This article uses recently declassified archival documents from the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (of Bolsheviks) concerning the Calcutta Youth Conference of February 1948. This evidence contradicts speculation that ‘orders from Moscow’ were passed to Southeast Asian communists at this time, helping to spark the rebellions in Indonesia, Malaya, Burma and the Philippines later that year. Secret working papers now available to researchers show no signs that the Soviet leadership planned to call upon Asian communists to rise up against their national bourgeois governments at this point in time. This article outlines the real story behind Soviet involvement in events leading up to the Calcutta Youth Conference, showing both a desire to increase information and links, and yet also a degree of caution over the prospects of local parties.
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SABLIN, IVAN, and ALEXANDER SEMYONOV. "AUTONOMY AND DECENTRALIZATION IN THE GLOBAL IMPERIAL CRISIS: THE RUSSIAN EMPIRE AND THE SOVIET UNION IN 1905–1924." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 2 (June 18, 2018): 543–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244318000252.
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This article brings the case of imperial transformation of the Russian Empire/Soviet Union into global discussions about empire, nationalism, and postimperial governance, and highlights the political and legal imaginaries that shaped this transformation, including their global and entangled character. This article argues that the legal and political discourses of decentralization, autonomism, and federalism that circulated at the time of the imperial crisis between the Revolution of 1905 and the adoption of the Soviet Constitution in 1924 contributed to the formation of an ethno-national federation in place of the Russian Empire, despite both the efforts of the Bolsheviks to create a unitary state, and the expectations of a different future among contemporary observers. At the same time, the postimperial institutional framework became a product of political conjunctures rather than the legal discourse. Its weakness before the consolidating party dictatorship made the Soviet Union a showcase of sham federalism and autonomism.