Academic literature on the topic 'National Democratic Alliance (India)'
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Journal articles on the topic "National Democratic Alliance (India)"
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Kumar Sarma, Pranjit, and Rituparna Bhattacharyya. "Assembly Elections of India, 2021: Revisiting Assam." Space and Culture, India 9, no. 1 (June 24, 2021): 6–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v9i1.1189.
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In India, Assembly Elections were held in Assam, West Bengal, Kerela, Tamil Nadu and Puducherry in the first half of 2021. Driving this study is an attempt to analyse the election results of the state of Assam where Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its allies, Mitrajot or National Democratic Alliance (NDA), successfully defeated the Indian National Congress (INC), and its allies, Mahajot (Grand Alliance). Drawing primarily upon secondary data and applying GIS techniques, the study makes a critical analogy of how Mitrajot managed to accomplish victory.
This is a solicited article. Submitted: 10 May 2021; Accepted: 24 June 2021.
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Sharma, J. C. "Diaspora Policy of NDA (National Democratic Alliance) Government of India." Diaspora Studies 2, no. 2 (October 9, 2009): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/09763457-00202004.
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Nair, Deepa. "The “Imagined Other”." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 13, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 72–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2021.130204.
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In 2014, the National Democratic Alliance, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), won the general election with the highest number of seats won by any party since 1984 and went on to win a second term victory in 2019. Since the rise of the BJP, Hindu nationalist interventions into education have increased. Their agenda has been to “indigenise, nationalise and spiritualise” education in India. To this end, textbooks were written to promote a Hindu majoritarian idea of India that sees Hindus as the primary citizens of India and categorizes Muslims as the “other”. This article outlines the political context in which Hindu nationalists have recently attempted to rewrite Indian history by focusing on the period of Muslim rule in India. It looks at textbooks published by the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) and media reports about regional history rewriting in India.
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Rashmi, ,., and Garima Nijhawan. "Inter-Organizational Networks in Politics: A Case Study of the National Democratic Alliance in India." Prabandhan: Indian Journal of Management 8, no. 9 (September 1, 2015): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.17010/pijom/2015/v8i9/77187.
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Ogden, Chris. "Norms, Indian Foreign Policy and the 1998–2004 National Democratic Alliance." Round Table 99, no. 408 (June 2010): 303–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2010.484146.
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Karani, Anushree, and Rasananda Panda. "‘Make in India’ Campaign: Labour Law Reform Strategy and Its Impact on Job Creation Opportunities in India." Management and Labour Studies 43, no. 1-2 (January 31, 2018): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0258042x17753177.
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The need of employment generation has never been more pressing than now when youth is occupying larger share in the pie of demographic profile of the country. There are several employment challenges such as adequate skill requirement and large-scale employment generation, flexibility of employer to cope up with turbulent global manufacturing environment and social security programme to cater to the need of employees. Development of manufacturing sector is always at the centre irrespective of NDA (National Democratic Alliance) led government or UPA (United Progressive Alliance) led government. To create jobs for the manufacturing sector is always a challenging task. This article throws some light on the manufacturing employment scenario in the pre-reform and post-reform era. This article also tries to explore the impact of recent proposed labour law reforms on the job creation opportunities. It follows exploratory—secondary data—research design. The scope of this research is limited to two major laws, namely, Factories Act, 1948 and Apprenticeship Act, 1961, and other law reforms in the country. With the support of the recent 26th Quarterly Employment Survey by labour ministry and the analysis of the labour law reforms, this article leads to the conclusion that these reforms have not had any significant impact on the job creation opportunities.
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Jeeva, S., and D. Sivakumar. "Prime Minister Narendra Modi visit to Sri Lanka and its impacts on Indo-Sri Lankan relations." Linguistics and Culture Review 5, S2 (November 15, 2021): 1236–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/lingcure.v5ns2.1791.
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In Globe, no nation is not an isolate it depends upon one another to fulfill their needs as a result of these multilateral relations build-up. Such a strong relationship we need to maintain means we need strong leadership. Such strong leaders are there before and after independence also. The several party leaders and their alliances are formed and implemented the policies for the development of India at the Internal level as well as external level. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government was formed under two prominent leaders known as Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Narendra Modi. After Vajpayee, the NDA Government under the leadership of Narendra Modi realized the importance of foreign policy and maintaining a good relationship. Sri Lanka is also one of the closest neighboring countries; Prime Minister Narendra Modi from 2014 to 2019 he officially visited Sri Lanka three times within these three visits he used to make several new initiatives in many fields.
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Kashin, V., and T. Shaumyan. "Рarliamentary Elections in India 2014: the New Political Realities." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 104–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-104-114.
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Parliamentary elections in India were held from April 7 to May 12, 2014 and ended with a convincing victory of conservative Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), leader of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), and a crushing defeat for the Indian National Congress (INC) from the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) created in 2004. BJP won 282 seats in Parliament for the first time in 30 years which was sufficient for the formation of a single-party government, while Congress has only 44 seats – the lowest result for all years of the independence of Republic of India. The election results are natural and reflect the real balance of power in the political arena of the country at the moment. BJP victory was largely achieved thanks to the wide support its leader Narendra Modi received from the Indian electorate. The defeat of the Congress shows a deep and prolonged crisis in the party and the inability of the current representatives of the dynasty of Nehru-Gandhi to cope with it due to lack of political will and constructive ideas that meet the modern needs of the society. Numerous regional parties are still limited in scope, which narrows the chance of their political influence to the borders of one state and prevents the creation of a coalition that is ready to compete with the NDA and UPA. The key issue for Narendra Modi as Prime Minister will be the problem of development, economic growth and achievement of economic self-sufficiency – the slogan is highly attractive to the younger generation of voters. Being an explicit pragmatist, Modi is going to manage the country on the principle that if something does not serve the interests of India, especially the interests of economic growth, India would not do this. According to many experts, his government in the short and long term context will focus on such areas as agriculture, energy, law and order, administrative reform and international relations. Narendra Modi describes Russia as a "time-tested and reliable friend, who supported India in difficult periods of its history, and a major partner in building the foundations of India's defense capability." He intends to raise the Russian-Indian relations to a higher level and is looking for a meeting with V. Putin before the end of this year.
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Pate, Tanvi. "Re-(Modi)fying India’s Israel Policy: An Exploration of Practical Geopolitical Reasoning Through Re-representation of ‘India’, ‘Israel’ and ‘West Asia’ Post-2014." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 7, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797020906647.
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Narendra Modi became the first Prime Minister of India to undertake a stand-alone visit to Israel from 4 to 6 July 2017. Although India–Israel relations had been normalised in 1992, the nature of this bilateral relationship remained murky as India avoided any explicit recognition. However, with Modi’s visit, the policy of ‘equidistance’ or ‘de-hyphenation’ of ‘Israel’ and ‘Palestine’ was formally operationalised proclaiming that India’s relations with one country will have no impact on relations with the other. Conventional academic wisdom attributes causal determinants to Indian foreign policy vis-à-vis Israel as guided by international and domestic factors. This article contends that a constitutive approach to understanding India’s foreign policy towards Israel and the Middle East offers a viable alternative. Adopting Gearoid O Tuathail’s theoretical framework of practical geopolitical reasoning, this article critically explores the geopolitical representations of ‘India’, ‘Israel’, ‘Palestine’, ‘West Asia’, ‘South Asia’ and ‘Middle East’ in the National Democratic Alliance government’s foreign policy discourse through an analysis of ‘grammar of geopolitics’, ‘geopolitical storylines’ and ‘geopolitical script’. The article demonstrates that re-representation of ‘India’ as a ‘global actor’ and re-representation of ‘Israel’ as a country in ‘West Asia’ have enabled the Modi-led government to implement India–Israel bilateral partnership which underscores strategic cooperation in full visibility via overt normalisation.
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Sridharan, Kripa. "Explaining the phenomenon of change in Indian foreign policy under the National Democratic Alliance Government." Contemporary South Asia 15, no. 1 (March 2006): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584930600938073.
Full textDissertations / Theses on the topic "National Democratic Alliance (India)"
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Kundu, Apurba. "How will the return of the Congress Party affect Indian Foreign and Security Policy?" Thesis, EIAS Policy Brief, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/2985.
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NoThe 2004 Indian general elections stunned observers when, contrary to expectations, the ruling National Democratic Alliance (NDA) coalition government led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Prime Minister Atul Behari Vajpayee was defeated by an electoral coalition led by the Indian National Congress (INC) headed by Sonia Gandhi. A further surprise came when Gandhi declined to become India's first foreign-born prime minister, opting instead to back party stalwart Dr Manmohan Singh for this office. Dr Singh, India's first Sikh prime minister, now heads a United Progressive Alliance (UPA) coalition government headed by a cabinet containing 19 INC members and 10 members of smaller parties. Will the return to power of the INC after eight years in opposition (during three years of Left Front then five years of BJP/NDA rule) result in a shift of India's foreign and national security policies?
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Taxén, Sara. "Jämställdhet på pappret? : En analys av ANC:s, DA:s och EFF:s valmanifest inför de sydafrikanska lokalvalen 2016." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-316503.
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Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka jämställdhetsfrågors aktualitet och betydelse i den sydafrikanska politiken. Detta görs med förhoppningen att kunna säga någonting om landets potentiella jämställdhetsutveckling, och om huruvida en sådan utveckling kan påverka den generella utvecklingen i ett land som är viktigt för regionen både ekonomiskt och inom jämställdhetsområdet. Studien undersöker därför Sydafrikas tre största partiers valmanifest inför de lokala val som hölls i augusti 2016 – ANC:s, DA:s och EFF:s - för att ta reda på hur jämställdhetsfrågor behandlas, alternativt icke behandlas. Undersökningen genomförs med hjälp av kvantitativ och kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Resultaten påvisar att valet, ur en partipolitisk synvinkel, inte genomsyrades av jämställdhet eller av en jämställdhetsinriktad diskurs. Därför är undersökningen pessimistisk till Sydafrikas vidareutveckling inom jämställdhetsområdet inom den närmaste framtiden, och därmed även till dess positiva inverkan på den generella utvecklingen i landet. Detta trots ett skiftande politiskt landskap.
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Baloch, Bilal Ali. "Crisis, credibility, and corruption : how ideas and institutions shape government behaviour in India." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a017adea-7dc4-45a2-9246-4df6adcabb9b.
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Anti-corruption movements play a vital role in democratic development. From the American Gilded Age to global demonstrations in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis, these movements seek to combat malfeasance in government and improve accountability. While this collective action remains a constant, how government elites perceive and respond to such agitation, varies. My dissertation tackles this puzzle head-on: Why do some democratic governments respond more tolerantly than others to anti-corruption movements? To answer this research question, I examine variation across time in two cases within the worldâs largest democracy: India. I compare the Congress Party government's suppressive response to the Jayaprakash Narayan movement in 1975, and the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance governmentâs tolerant response to the India Against Corruption movement in 2012. For developing democracies such as India, comparativist scholarship gives primacy to external, material interests â such as votes and rents â as proximately shaping government behavior. Although these logics explain elite decision-making around elections and the predictability of pork barrel politics, they fall short in explaining government conduct during credibility crises, such as when facing nationwide anti-corruption movements. In such instances of high political uncertainty, I argue, it is the absence or presence of an ideological checks and balance mechanism among decision-making elites in government that shapes suppression or tolerance respectively. This mechanism is produced from the interaction between structure (multi-party coalition) and agency (divergent cognitive frames in positions of authority). In this dissertation, elites analyze the anti-corruption movement and form policy prescriptions based on their frames around social and economic development as well as their concepts of the nation. My research consists of over 110 individual interviews with state elites, including the Prime Minister, cabinet ministers, party leaders, and senior bureaucrats among other officials for the contemporary case; and a broad compilation of private letters, diplomatic cables and reports, and speeches collected from three national archives for the historical study. To my knowledge this is the first data-driven study of Indian politics that precisely demonstrates how ideology acts as a constraint on government behavior in a credibility crisis. On a broader level, my findings contribute to the recently renewed debate in political science as to why democracies sometimes behave illiberally.
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Oliveira, Ueber José de. "Configuração político-partidária do estado do Espírito Santo no contexto do regime militar : um estudo regional acerca das trajetórias de ARENA e MDB (1964-1982)." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2013. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/956.
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Previous issue date: 2013-04-17Assuming that the Brazilian military regime, established in 1964, was based on maintaining two separate orders - the democratic order and exception (authoritarism) - this thesis has as main purpose to analyze this political party configuration, in Espírito Santo, between the years 1964 and 1982. The focus of this analysis is on the patch of the prevailing party associations in the period MDB and Arena - considering its constituent political groups, this specific federal unit, characterized as peripheral set in national development. The perspective taken for the analysis of this trajectory is the institutional framework set up by the Brazilian authoritarian regime (1964- 1985). It is analyzed, under this assumption and focus, the political election performance of the parties above in lawsuits aimed at filling vacancies in the legislative (Senate, House and Federal Legislature), according to electoral laws in force in each election and in own cyclical circumstances. It is also reconstituted, the different contexts succession, conducted indirectly since 1966, the choice of Governors, and exceptionally for Bionic Senator in 1978, examining the relationship between parties and governments formed in the period. The main hypothesis is that, despite the restrictions imposed by the military regime for the operation of the two-party system, it identifies certain lines of continuity between the pre-and post-1964. The results of the survey, which used a wide range of documents, and being based on the methodology multiple documentary research, demonstrate that the main political actors, be they individuals or groups within the political clubs in question, maintained certain positioning standards already verified in the political-electoral period of 1945-1964. In the case of capixaba Arena, the party met both members of the old PSD, with its two main wings - the urban-industrial and agro-land - as the political forces that gathered around the partisan front conventionally called partisan Democratic Coalition, that housed a wide range of political parties - UDN, PTB, PSP, PSB, PR, and others - which opposed the PSD. But MDB, since its beggining, rigged by a former member of the more conservative wing of the former PTB and its group, which sent to the opposition capixaba party the same conservative profile observed in regional PTB. The paper also analyzes the historical confluence between the development project that had been gestated in the Espírito Santo since the PSD governments, especially that of Jones dos Santos Neves (1943-1945/1951-1954) - whose political heirs of the Governor put into practice - and the implementation of the developmental project of the Military Governments. To this confluence of agendas - which proved to be a crucial element of legitimacy and permanence in positions of regional power, of alumni figures of urban-industrial portions of the old PSD, during most of the duration of the military regime - we call the Ideal Platform. The final part of the work is inclined to identify the realignments of those aforementioned political actors in the new multiparty scenario wrought upon the establishment of the New Republic, as well as the election campaign of 1982.
Partindo do pressuposto de que o Regime Militar Brasileiro, instaurado em 1964, baseou-se na manutenção de dois ordenamentos distintos a ordem democrática e a exceção (autoritarismo) a presente tese tem como principal propósito analisar esta configuração político-partidária, no Espírito Santo, entre os anos de 1964 e 1982. O foco dessa análise recai sobre a trajetória das agremiações partidárias vigentes no período Arena e MDB , considerando seus grupos políticos constituintes, nesta unidade federativa específica, caracterizada como periférica no conjunto do desenvolvimento nacional. A perspectiva que se toma para a análise dessa trajetória é a do arcabouço institucional montado pelo regime autoritário brasileiro (1964-1985). Analisase, sob esse pressuposto e foco, o desempenho político-eleitoral dos partidos supramencionados, em pleitos voltados para o preenchimento de vagas nos poderes legislativos (Senado, Câmara Federal e Assembleia Legislativa), segundo legislações eleitorais vigentes em cada pleito e em circunstâncias conjunturais próprias. Reconstituem-se, também, os diferentes contextos sucessórios, realizados de forma indireta a partir de 1966, da escolha de Governadores, e excepcionalmente para Senador Biônico em 1978, examinando-se a relação entre os partidos e os governos constituídos no período. A principal hipótese é a de que, apesar das restrições impostas pelo regime militar ao funcionamento do sistema bipartidário, identificam-se certas linhas de continuidade entre os períodos pré e pós-1964. Os resultados da pesquisa, que utilizou uma variada gama de documentos, tendo sido pautada na metodologia da pesquisa documental múltipla, demonstram que os principais atores políticos, sejam eles indivíduos ou agrupamentos, no interior das agremiações políticas em apreço, mantiveram certos padrões de posicionamento já verificados no cenário político-eleitoral do período 1945-1964. No caso da Arena capixaba, o partido reuniu tanto os membros do antigo PSD, com suas duas principais alas a urbanoindustrial e a agro-fundiária , quanto as forças políticas que se juntavam em torno da frente partidária convencionalmente chamada de Coligação Democrática, que abrigava uma ampla gama de partidos políticos UDN, PTB, PSP, PSB, PR, entre outros os quais faziam oposição ao PSD. Já o MDB, foi, desde o início, aparelhado por um ex-membro da ala mais conservadora do antigo PTB e seu grupo, o que transmitiu ao partido oposicionista capixaba o mesmo perfil conservador verificado no PTB regional. O trabalho procura analisar, também, a confluência histórica entre o projeto de desenvolvimento que vinha sendo gestado no Espírito Santo desde os Governos pessedistas, especialmente o de Jones dos Santos Neves (1943-1945/1951-1954) que os herdeiros políticos do governador colocaram em prática e a implementação do projeto desenvolvimentista dos Governos Militares. A essa confluência de agendas que se revelou elemento crucial de legitimação e permanência, nos espaços de poder regional, de figuras egressas das parcelas urbano-industriais do antigo PSD, durante a maior parte de vigência do Regime Militar damos o nome de Plataforma Ideal. A parte final do trabalho se inclina a identificar os realinhamentos desses mesmos atores políticos supramencionados no novo cenário multipartidário forjado por ocasião da instauração da Nova República, bem como no pleito eleitoral de 1982.
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Kundu, Apurba. "The National Democratic Alliance and National Security." 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/3560.
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NoThis new collection examines the emergence of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in India and the ways in which its Hindu nationalist agenda has been affected by the constraints of being a dominant member of a coalition government. Religious influence in contemporary politics offers a fertile ground for political-sociological analysis, especially in societies where religion is a very important source of collective identity. In South Asian societies religion can, and often has, provided legitimacy to both governments and those who oppose them. This book examines the emergence of the BJP and the ways in which its Hindu nationalist agenda has been affected by the constraints of being a dominant member of a coalition government. The collected authors take stock of the party's first full term in power, presiding over the diverse forces of the governing NDA coalition, and the 2004 elections. They assess the BJP's performance in relation to its stated goals, and more specifically how it has fared in a range of policy fields - centre-state relations, foreign policy, defence policies, the 'second generation' of economic reforms, initiatives to curb corruption and the fate of minorities. Explicitly linking the volume to literature on coalition politics, this book will be of great importance to students and researchers in the fields of South Asian studies and politics.
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Cedras, Jody P. "The interface between public administration and alliance politics the ANC-SACP-COSATU dialogue in South Africa." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/32397.
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After three hundred and forty-two years of colonialism and apartheid, South Africans of all walks of life experienced their first democratic elections in 1994. Now, as the country is at the precipice of the 5th democratic elections, it has known no government other than the African National Congress (ANC). The ANC has had landslide victories at the ballot box and always managed to secure an electoral vote of around 66%. These victories have not been by accident and have been carefully managed through an Alliance Pact with the South African Communist Party (SACP) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). The nature of the Alliance has infiltrated and influenced the character of contemporary South African public administration.
This study postulates vigorously that an alliance is not a coalition, but rather a partnership of ideological semblance and political decorum. This is most significantly expressed through the National Democratic Revolution (NDR). The study further elucidates the notion that the NDR remains the main political artery of the ANC and is seminal in the policy debates and critical platforms for each of the Alliance Partners.
The study affirms that irrespective of this convergence of ideology, there is periodic divergence on the leadership role of the ANC viz a viz that of the Alliance as the strategic centre for policy and governance issues. However, the ANC has over the years successfully challenged this assertion and through practice, led the Alliance in a politically driven manner that is predicated on consultation, due diligence and functional purpose. However, any member of the SACP or COSATU who desires to be part of parliament or the executive is required to be a member of the ANC. This, the study asserts, is the new formation of a political partnership. The study adumbrates that the SACP (even though it is registered as a political party with the Independent Electoral Commission) and COSATU do not contest elections separately. As part of the agreement, only the ANC contests elections and as such leads the Alliance. While COSATU and the SACP provide advice through Alliance structures on the deployment of cadres in the public service, the deployment committee is an ANC structure and the final decisions in regard to deployment resides with the ANC. This study has reinterpreted the dialogue within the Tripartite Alliance and how this has moulded the political nomenclature of the ANC, and the solidified impact on the way in which public administration is affected and effected in South Africa and vice versa. The study presents with equanimity how the practice, for example, of dual membership of two political organisations (ANC and SACP) enriches the public service and the policy-making process in a developmental state. It furthermore points to the imperative for a clear underlying ideology (as provided for through the NDR) and certainty as to who leads in such an arrangement. This study finds that it is through the Alliance structures that individual leaders within the Governing Party (ANC) are held to account for their actions – and after a hundred years of existence, the ANC and Alliance structures have managed to address the challenges of time, the pressures of political stress and the coalition of a “broad-based political church”. The logic of maintaining this political marriage and developmental triangulation, and also interpreting the essence of consolidating party manifestos to its membership, and further to preserving democratic principles, while at the same time translating this into the action of good governance in South Africa, is complex, yet manageable.Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2013.
am2013
School of Public Management and Administration
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Nnadika, Chimezie Amara. "The prospects for a vigorous parliamentary opposition in a democratic South Africa." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/2179.
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Student Number: 0516477F
DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL STUDIES
THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTSThis research report is a probe into prospects of meaningful political opposition in the parliamentary system South Africa. Political oppositions play a very constructive role in the entrenching of democracy. A free and open democratic system owes a lot to politics of opposition. The political landscape in South Africa is characterized by one dominant ruling party opposed by small and fragmented opposition. Thus there is a challenge in South Africa’s democracy due to poor opposition politics. The importance of opposition cannot be overstated, democracy thrives when there is healthy deliberation and contestation in parliament. Thus different goals, values and ideas are given the chance to be argued for or against. In South Africa, the African National Congress (ANC) enjoys large support that dwarfs even the official opposition party, the Democratic Alliance (DA). There are other opposition parties inside and outside parliament. However the fact that the opposition is still relatively weak, is a call for concern. Although relatively weak, the opposition in South African politics is of vast importance. The effectiveness of the opposition can be measured in the debates in parliament and the positions that the opposition adopt to counter the ruling party. Currently there is the reality of a very loose and weak opposition. The opposition is not being effective enough to be of considerable substance in the political landscape. The fact that much of the policies the ANC adopts are in principle similar to the beliefs and ideas of the opposition renders the opposition ineffective and the electorate is left with no real alternative. The point of departure of this research report is that the opposition should assume policies that are an alternative to the ruling party so that they can attract the electorate and thus boost democracy in South Africa.
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Udayaadithya, A. "Implementation Of A Democratic Decentralized Welfare Scheme : An Institutional Perspective." Thesis, 2012. http://etd.iisc.ernet.in/handle/2005/2529.
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Decentralization leads to functional and financial devolution of authority, induces more transparency in the system and puts emphasis on local needs. It creates platforms to voice and institutionalize the interests of various groups, and comes nearer to the public by making all tiers of government accountable directly to the people. However, several complexities govern this effort in India. First, implementation involves several official agencies, creating administrative gaps, lack of coordination and fiscal complexities. Second, Indian society is largely agrarian and rural marked by divisions of religion, caste and economic class. Third, the socially vulnerable and poor are often trapped in interlocking economic transactions with affluent landlords making it difficult for them to go for collective change.
This research critically evaluates these dynamics taking the case example of the Mahatma Gandhi Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme (MGREGS). We followed a threefold methodology in order to understand the policy dynamics, namely, stakeholders’ interviews, primary survey data analysis and secondary data analysis. Case studies were useful in understanding policy implementation dynamics through field observations. The multi-level regression results reflected co-existence of agriculture and MGREGS dynamics, with their own rules and objectives, apparently contradictory, but leading to social and economic equilibrium. Searching explanations for these contradictory results led us to two larger understandings: 1) Actors are seen to take rational decisions based on local socio-politico-economic understandings of the world. 2) These decisions are, however, at multiple levels and at multiple action spaces. Institutional rational choice perspective proposed by Ostrom (1999) corroborated these findings.
Latent variable path analysis results indicated the dynamics of civil society and administrative bureaucracy as a negotiated equilibrium that has the potential to transform governance. The process of institutional evolution was through endogenous institutional change process as proposed by Grief and Laitin (2004). Furthermore, the effect of socio-structural factors on institutional structures was observed. The results indicated two major understandings: 1) the formation and effectiveness of institutional structures were dependent on social capital and in turn on social structures and networks 2) the influence of formal institutional structures on local governance and social dynamics affect the governance network formation (Hertting, 2001).
Scenario-wise regression analyses results revealed that the effort to improve social capital of the groups through governance procedures need to be mediated through ‘local’ social structures. Agent based model results indicated the following: 1) regulatory dynamics need not necessarily follow the trend of socio-economic dynamics. Instead, they were in line with advocacy dynamics (Sabatier, 1988), which in turn depend on the social structures and networks. 2) regulatory strategies were endogenous institutional rational choices, given the existing socio-economic structures and networks of the society. Hence, Institutional theories were observed to be instrumental in understanding the policy implementation dynamics in democratic decentralization setup.
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Msiza, Nkosinathi. "Editorial politricks : a content analysis of selected newspapers' coverage of the ANC, DA and EFF during the 2016 local government elections in South Africa." Diss., 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/24733.
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Global research shows that media owners tend to influence the editorial direction of their newspapers. Such influence generally tends to be in line with the media owner’s economic and / or political interests. Naturally, this is a challenge because media is regarded as the fourth estate and is supposed to be an objective yet effective channel for the citizenry to make informed decisions about their world. The study seeks to find out if the owners of four daily newspapers in South Africa, based on their political proximity; may have influenced their newspapers to be biased in favour or against any of the three biggest political parties contesting the 2016 Local Government Elections. This study is an exploratory and descriptive content analysis based on an Agenda Setting theoretic framework – supported by framing analysis and game framing. Findings reveal the correlation between the media owner’s interests and the biased reporting within their respective newspaper. This suggests that although media may not be directly or explicitly forced to adopt a specific ideology, it can be argued that political relations with media owners can influence editorial decisions. Therefore, it can be inferred that media owners of The New Age, The Citizen and The Star influenced editorial content of their newspapers during the 2016 local government elections. Given the findings of this study and the elections scheduled for 2019 in South Africa, it is important for more political communication studies to be conducted in order to establish guidelines for unbiased news reporting across all media – including newspapers. Alternatively, to compel media owners to declare their bias towards and against specific political parties in each news content, upfront. Particularly important during election period, is the need for each media (including newspapers) to have an independent editor – potentially one from the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) to ensure that each piece of content produced is validated as bias or impartial.Communication Science
M.A. (Communication Science)
Books on the topic "National Democratic Alliance (India)"
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Raju, Kane, and Shivdasani Menka 1961-, eds. Transforming India: Five years of NDA government. Mumbai: Shree Multimedia Vision, 2004.
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Dayāmanī, Baralā, and INSAF (Organization), eds. Rājaga sarakāra kā eka sāla, Jhārakhaṇḍa disuma jāra-bejāra: Insāpha kī riporṭa / [sampādaka Dayāmanī Baralā]. Mumbaī: Insāpha, 2002.
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(India), National Democratic Alliance. Election manifesto, Lok Sabha election, 1999. [New Delhi: National Democratic Alliance, 1999.
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John, Zavos, Wyatt Andrew 1966-, and Hewitt Vernon Marston, eds. The politics of cultural mobilization in India. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2004.
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van, Minnen Cornelis A., Praaning Rio D, Atlantische Commissie, and Roosevelt Study Center, eds. The European Democratic Left and the Atlantic Alliance. Middelburg, the Netherlands: Roosevelt Study Center, 1989.
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Nasreen, Faiyaz, Roy Anusua, and National Alliance of Women (India), eds. The National Alliance of Women (NAWO): Report of PFA implementation in India--NAWO, 1995-2000. New Delhi: The Alliance, 2000.
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(Malawi), National Democratic Alliance. 2004 manifesto: Towards a prosperous Malawi : unity, peace, justice, and prosperity. Blantyre, Malawi]: National Democratic Alliance, 2004.
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Mehra, Ajay K. Emergence of regional parties in India: Implications for national parties, policies, and the democratic system. New Delhi: Konrad Adenauer Stiftung, 2008.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "National Democratic Alliance (India)"
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Chatterjee, Deen K. "National Alliance for Tribal Self Rule (NATSR), India." In Encyclopedia of Global Justice, 740. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-9160-5_1072.
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Perry, Brian, Bernard Bett, Eric Fèvre, Delia Grace, and Thomas Fitz Randolph. "Veterinary epidemiology at ILRAD and ILRI, 1987-2018." In The impact of the International Livestock Research Institute, 208–38. Wallingford: CABI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1079/9781789241853.0208.
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Abstract This chapter describes the activities of the International Livestock Research Institute (ILRI) and its predecessor, the International Laboratory for Research on Animal Diseases (ILRAD) from 1987 to 2018. Topics include scientific impacts; economic impact assessment; developmental impacts; capacity development; partnerships; impacts on human resources capacity in veterinary epidemiology; impacts on national animal health departments and services; impacts on animal health constraints in developing countries; impacts on ILRI's research and strategy; the introduction of veterinary epidemiology and economics at ILRAD; field studies in Kenya; tick-borne disease dynamics in eastern and southern Africa; heartwater studies in Zimbabwe; economic impact assessments of tick-borne diseases; tick and tick-borne disease distribution modelling; modelling the infection dynamics of vector-borne diseases; economic impact of trypanosomiasis; the epidemiology of resistance to trypanocides; the development of a modelling technique for evaluating control options; sustainable trypanosomiasis control in Uganda and in the Ghibe Valley of Ethiopia; spatial modelling of tsetse distributions; preventing and containing trypanocide resistance in the cotton zone of West Africa; rabies research; the economic impacts of rinderpest control; applying economic impact assessment tools to foot and mouth disease (FMD) control, the southern Africa FMD economic impact study; economic impacts of FMD in Peru, Colombia and India; economic impacts of FMD control in endemic settings in low- and middle-income countries; the global FMD research alliance (GFRA); Rift Valley fever; economic impact assessment of control options and calculation of disability-adjusted life years (DALYs); RVF risk maps for eastern Africa; land-use change and RVF infection and disease dynamics; epidemiology of gastrointestinal parasites; priorities in animal health research for poverty reduction; the Wellcome Trust Epidemiology Initiatives; the broader economic impact contributions; the responses to highly pathogenic avian influenza; the International Symposium on Veterinary Epidemiology and Economics (ISVEE) experience, the role of epidemiology in ILRAD and ILRI and the impacts of ILRAD and ILRI's epidemiology; capacity development in veterinary epidemiology and impact assessment; impacts on national animal health departments and services; impacts on animal health constraints in developing countries and impacts on ILRI's research and strategy.
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French, Patrick. "On the Ground." In The Algebra of Warfare-Welfare, 290–308. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199489626.003.0011.
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Based on a personal journey through states in south, west, and north India, starting from Bengaluru and ending with Banaras, this chapter examines popular and elite conceptions of electoral politics during the 2014 Indian general election campaign. It argues that the National Democratic Alliance’s success was not monocausal, but arose from effective targeting of ‘winnable’ seats, high turnout by new voters, the professionalism of the BJP’s national campaign, and limits in the success of appeals to caste identity in favour of voter preference based on economic self-interest and aspiration. Using interviews with individuals, ‘On The Ground’ looks at the ways local, regional, or state factors can affect voting decisions.
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Echeverri-Gent, John, and Kamal Sadiq. "Centrism, Political Leadership, and the Future of Indian Politics." In Interpreting Politics, 318–59. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190125011.003.0011.
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Echeverri-Gent and Sadiq investigate the implications of the Rudolphs’ scholarship for the challenges of contemporary Indian politics. They contend that two of the Rudolphs’ most seminal, but contradictory, contributions help explain India’s transformational change under Narendra Modi and the National Democratic Alliance government. The authors apply the Rudolphs’ contentions that India’s social pluralism produces centrist politics and their innovative study of transformational political leadership to the 2014 and 2019 general elections and the NDA government. They show how the multilayered nature of Modi’s political leadership enables the prime minister to accommodate the forces of centrism while transforming India’s political mainstream. They show how the ascendance of Modi has simultaneously positioned the BJP at the centre of India’s political system while transforming Indian democracy in majoritarian and illiberal directions.
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Chakrabarty, Bidyut. "The National Democratic Alliance (NDA), 1999–2004*." In FORGING POWER, 168–97. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780195676761.003.0005.
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Suval, John. "Squatter Democracy." In Dangerous Ground, 14–46. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197531426.003.0002.
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Abstract Squatter Democracy, the alliance between Democrats in Washington and settlers in the West, shaped antebellum politics and the map of North America. Jacksonian Democrats broke with precedent by championing settlers who illegally claimed US public lands, Indian domains, and the territory of neighboring nations. Their florid tributes to squatters put a heroic white face on territorial conquests, engendered solidarity between elites and the poor, and enabled northerners and southerners to skirt the explosive issue of slavery by rallying behind an expansionist platform framed as simply giving “hardy pioneer” farmers their due. Prompted by their frontier constituents, Democrats in the 1830s took the lead in passing Indian removal and preemption laws, which enabled squatters to retroactively obtain title to lands they had occupied, fostering a settle-first-legalize-later mentality. By decade’s end, the once vilified squatter figure had become the darling of the Democratic Party and preemption the law of the land.
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Ganguly, Sumit, and William R. Thompson. "Democratic Institutions." In Ascending India and Its State Capacity. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300215922.003.0009.
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This chapter looks at Indian democratic institutions. Contrary to popular belief, the British did little or nothing to promote the growth of democratic institutions in India. Instead, Indian nationalists from the late nineteenth century onward successfully appropriated liberal-democratic principles from the United Kingdom and infused them into the Indian political context. Under the influence of Mohandas K. Gandhi in the 1930s, these beliefs and principles were disseminated to a broad swath of India's population via the Indian National Congress, the leading nationalist political party. As this was occurring, the British colonial regime was losing few opportunities to thwart or at least contain the growth of democratic sentiment and practice in India. The Indian nationalists can justifiably claim that each step toward self-rule and democratic governance was the result of sustained and unrelenting political agitation against authoritarian colonial rule.
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Ramani, Ramakrishnan. "Fourth Generation Warfare and the Challenges in Military-News Media Relations in India." In National Security, 754–72. IGI Global, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-7912-0.ch038.
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Can there be a symbiotic relationship between the armed forces and the private conventional news media in a country with a democratic setup? What are the issues that come between these two entities especially in a complex scenario such as Fourth Generation Warfare? The objective of this chapter is to study these challenges in the relationship between the two institutions in the setting of fourth generation warfare in India. It presents areas of divergence that have been critical in the efficient symbiotic functioning of these two institutions.
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"Managing the anti-corruption rhetoric: the National Democratic Alliance, transparency and corruption." In Coalition Politics and Hindu Nationalism, 152–68. Routledge, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203007792-18.
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Gupta-Carlson, Himanee. "Conclusion." In Muncie, India(na). University of Illinois Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041822.003.0008.
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This chapter analyzes a dispute over how to celebrate the National Day of Prayer in Muncie, Indiana, in 2003, in which a Christian evangelical pastor refused to participate in a multi-religious interfaith celebration. It situates the dispute in the context of the broader scholarship on racial and religious discrimination. It also looks closely at the participation of African American Muslims and South Asian American Hindus and Muslims in the event. It critiques the concept of tolerance, and it proposes a feminist inspired template of alliance building to create a sustained challenge to Christian dominance in America.
Conference papers on the topic "National Democratic Alliance (India)"
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Kuru, Ahmet T. "CHANGING PERSPECTIVES ON ISLAMISM AND SECULARISM IN TURKEY: THE GÜLEN MOVEMENT AND THE AK PARTY." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/mmwz7057.
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The debate between secularists and Islamic groups, a conspicuous feature of Turkish politics for decades, changed in the late 1990s when the political discourse of mainstream Islamic groups embraced secularism. The establishment elite advocate the existing French model of an ‘assertive secularism’, meaning that, in the public domain, the state supports only the ex- pression of a secular worldview, and formally excludes religion and religious symbols from that domain. The pro-Islamic conservatives, on the other hand, favour the American model of ‘passive secularism’, in which the state permits the expression of religion in the public do- main. In short, what Turkey has witnessed over the last decade is no longer a tussle between secularism and Islamism, but between two brands of secularism. Two actors have played crucial roles in this transformation: the Gülen movement and the Justice and Development (AK) Party. Recently the Gülen movement became an international actor and a defendant of passive secularism. Similarly, although the AK Party was originated from an Islamist Milli Görüş (National Outlook) movement, it is now a keen supporter of Turkey’s membership to the European Union and defends (passive) secularist, democratic regime. This paper analyses the transformation of these important social and political actors with regard to certain structural conditions, as well as the interactions between them.In April 2007, the international media covered Turkey for the protest meetings of more than a million people in three major cities, the military intervention to politics, and the abortive presidential election. According to several journalists and columnists, Turkey was experienc- ing another phase of the ongoing tension between the secularists and Islamists. Some major Turkish newspapers, such as Hürriyet, were asserting that the secularists finally achieved to bring together millions of opponents of the ruling Adalet ve Kalkınma (Justice and Development) (AK) Party. In addition to their dominance in military and judicial bureauc- racy, the secularists appeared to be maintaining the support of the majority of the people. The parliamentary elections that took place few months later, in July, revealed that the main- stream Turkish media’s presentation was misleading and the so-called secularists’ aspira- tions were unrealistic. The AK Party received 47 percent of the national votes, an unusual ratio for a multiparty system where there were 14 contesting parties. The main opposition, Cumhuriyet Halk (Republican People’s) Party (CHP), only received 21 percent of the votes, despite its alliance with the other leftist party. Both the national and international media’s misleading presentation of Turkish politics was not confined by the preferences of the vot- ers. Moreover, the media was primarily misleading with its use of the terms “Islamists” and “secularists.” What Turkey has witnessed for the last decade has not been a struggle between secularism and Islamism; but it has been a conflict between two types of secularism. As I elaborated else- where, the AK Party is not an Islamist party. It defends a particular understanding of secular- ism that differs from that of the CHP. Although several leaders of the AK Party historically belonged to an Islamist -Milli Görüş (National Outlook)- movement, they later experienced an ideational transformation and embraced a certain type of secularism that tolerates public visibility of religion. This transformation was not an isolated event, but part of a larger expe- rience that several other Islamic groups took part in. I argue that the AKP leaders’ interaction with the Gülen movement, in this regard, played an important role in the formation of the party’s new perspective toward secularism. In another article, I analyzed the transformation of the AK Party and Gülen movement with certain external (globalization process) and internal (the February 28 coup) conditions. In this essay, I will focus on the interaction between these two entities to explore their changing perspectives. I will first discuss the two different types of secularism that the Kemalists and conservatives defend in Turkey. Then, I will briefly summarize diverse discourses of the Milli Görüş and Gülen movements. Finally, I will examine the exchanges between the Gülen movement and the AK Party with regard to their rethinking of Islamism and secularism.