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Kumar Sarma, Pranjit, and Rituparna Bhattacharyya. "Assembly Elections of India, 2021: Revisiting Assam." Space and Culture, India 9, no. 1 (June 24, 2021): 6–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v9i1.1189.
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In India, Assembly Elections were held in Assam, West Bengal, Kerela, Tamil Nadu and Puducherry in the first half of 2021. Driving this study is an attempt to analyse the election results of the state of Assam where Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its allies, Mitrajot or National Democratic Alliance (NDA), successfully defeated the Indian National Congress (INC), and its allies, Mahajot (Grand Alliance). Drawing primarily upon secondary data and applying GIS techniques, the study makes a critical analogy of how Mitrajot managed to accomplish victory.
This is a solicited article. Submitted: 10 May 2021; Accepted: 24 June 2021.
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Sharma, J. C. "Diaspora Policy of NDA (National Democratic Alliance) Government of India." Diaspora Studies 2, no. 2 (October 9, 2009): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/09763457-00202004.
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Nair, Deepa. "The “Imagined Other”." Journal of Educational Media, Memory, and Society 13, no. 2 (September 1, 2021): 72–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/jemms.2021.130204.
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In 2014, the National Democratic Alliance, led by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), won the general election with the highest number of seats won by any party since 1984 and went on to win a second term victory in 2019. Since the rise of the BJP, Hindu nationalist interventions into education have increased. Their agenda has been to “indigenise, nationalise and spiritualise” education in India. To this end, textbooks were written to promote a Hindu majoritarian idea of India that sees Hindus as the primary citizens of India and categorizes Muslims as the “other”. This article outlines the political context in which Hindu nationalists have recently attempted to rewrite Indian history by focusing on the period of Muslim rule in India. It looks at textbooks published by the National Council of Educational Research and Training (NCERT) and media reports about regional history rewriting in India.
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Rashmi, ,., and Garima Nijhawan. "Inter-Organizational Networks in Politics: A Case Study of the National Democratic Alliance in India." Prabandhan: Indian Journal of Management 8, no. 9 (September 1, 2015): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.17010/pijom/2015/v8i9/77187.
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Ogden, Chris. "Norms, Indian Foreign Policy and the 1998–2004 National Democratic Alliance." Round Table 99, no. 408 (June 2010): 303–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00358533.2010.484146.
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Karani, Anushree, and Rasananda Panda. "‘Make in India’ Campaign: Labour Law Reform Strategy and Its Impact on Job Creation Opportunities in India." Management and Labour Studies 43, no. 1-2 (January 31, 2018): 58–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0258042x17753177.
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The need of employment generation has never been more pressing than now when youth is occupying larger share in the pie of demographic profile of the country. There are several employment challenges such as adequate skill requirement and large-scale employment generation, flexibility of employer to cope up with turbulent global manufacturing environment and social security programme to cater to the need of employees. Development of manufacturing sector is always at the centre irrespective of NDA (National Democratic Alliance) led government or UPA (United Progressive Alliance) led government. To create jobs for the manufacturing sector is always a challenging task. This article throws some light on the manufacturing employment scenario in the pre-reform and post-reform era. This article also tries to explore the impact of recent proposed labour law reforms on the job creation opportunities. It follows exploratory—secondary data—research design. The scope of this research is limited to two major laws, namely, Factories Act, 1948 and Apprenticeship Act, 1961, and other law reforms in the country. With the support of the recent 26th Quarterly Employment Survey by labour ministry and the analysis of the labour law reforms, this article leads to the conclusion that these reforms have not had any significant impact on the job creation opportunities.
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Jeeva, S., and D. Sivakumar. "Prime Minister Narendra Modi visit to Sri Lanka and its impacts on Indo-Sri Lankan relations." Linguistics and Culture Review 5, S2 (November 15, 2021): 1236–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/lingcure.v5ns2.1791.
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In Globe, no nation is not an isolate it depends upon one another to fulfill their needs as a result of these multilateral relations build-up. Such a strong relationship we need to maintain means we need strong leadership. Such strong leaders are there before and after independence also. The several party leaders and their alliances are formed and implemented the policies for the development of India at the Internal level as well as external level. The National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government was formed under two prominent leaders known as Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Narendra Modi. After Vajpayee, the NDA Government under the leadership of Narendra Modi realized the importance of foreign policy and maintaining a good relationship. Sri Lanka is also one of the closest neighboring countries; Prime Minister Narendra Modi from 2014 to 2019 he officially visited Sri Lanka three times within these three visits he used to make several new initiatives in many fields.
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Kashin, V., and T. Shaumyan. "Рarliamentary Elections in India 2014: the New Political Realities." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 104–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-104-114.
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Parliamentary elections in India were held from April 7 to May 12, 2014 and ended with a convincing victory of conservative Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), leader of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), and a crushing defeat for the Indian National Congress (INC) from the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) created in 2004. BJP won 282 seats in Parliament for the first time in 30 years which was sufficient for the formation of a single-party government, while Congress has only 44 seats – the lowest result for all years of the independence of Republic of India. The election results are natural and reflect the real balance of power in the political arena of the country at the moment. BJP victory was largely achieved thanks to the wide support its leader Narendra Modi received from the Indian electorate. The defeat of the Congress shows a deep and prolonged crisis in the party and the inability of the current representatives of the dynasty of Nehru-Gandhi to cope with it due to lack of political will and constructive ideas that meet the modern needs of the society. Numerous regional parties are still limited in scope, which narrows the chance of their political influence to the borders of one state and prevents the creation of a coalition that is ready to compete with the NDA and UPA. The key issue for Narendra Modi as Prime Minister will be the problem of development, economic growth and achievement of economic self-sufficiency – the slogan is highly attractive to the younger generation of voters. Being an explicit pragmatist, Modi is going to manage the country on the principle that if something does not serve the interests of India, especially the interests of economic growth, India would not do this. According to many experts, his government in the short and long term context will focus on such areas as agriculture, energy, law and order, administrative reform and international relations. Narendra Modi describes Russia as a "time-tested and reliable friend, who supported India in difficult periods of its history, and a major partner in building the foundations of India's defense capability." He intends to raise the Russian-Indian relations to a higher level and is looking for a meeting with V. Putin before the end of this year.
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Pate, Tanvi. "Re-(Modi)fying India’s Israel Policy: An Exploration of Practical Geopolitical Reasoning Through Re-representation of ‘India’, ‘Israel’ and ‘West Asia’ Post-2014." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 7, no. 1 (March 30, 2020): 7–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797020906647.
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Narendra Modi became the first Prime Minister of India to undertake a stand-alone visit to Israel from 4 to 6 July 2017. Although India–Israel relations had been normalised in 1992, the nature of this bilateral relationship remained murky as India avoided any explicit recognition. However, with Modi’s visit, the policy of ‘equidistance’ or ‘de-hyphenation’ of ‘Israel’ and ‘Palestine’ was formally operationalised proclaiming that India’s relations with one country will have no impact on relations with the other. Conventional academic wisdom attributes causal determinants to Indian foreign policy vis-à-vis Israel as guided by international and domestic factors. This article contends that a constitutive approach to understanding India’s foreign policy towards Israel and the Middle East offers a viable alternative. Adopting Gearoid O Tuathail’s theoretical framework of practical geopolitical reasoning, this article critically explores the geopolitical representations of ‘India’, ‘Israel’, ‘Palestine’, ‘West Asia’, ‘South Asia’ and ‘Middle East’ in the National Democratic Alliance government’s foreign policy discourse through an analysis of ‘grammar of geopolitics’, ‘geopolitical storylines’ and ‘geopolitical script’. The article demonstrates that re-representation of ‘India’ as a ‘global actor’ and re-representation of ‘Israel’ as a country in ‘West Asia’ have enabled the Modi-led government to implement India–Israel bilateral partnership which underscores strategic cooperation in full visibility via overt normalisation.
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Sridharan, Kripa. "Explaining the phenomenon of change in Indian foreign policy under the National Democratic Alliance Government." Contemporary South Asia 15, no. 1 (March 2006): 75–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584930600938073.
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Alam, Shamsher. "Revisiting the Pasmanda Political Discourse: Feasibility, Failure and the Way Forward." Social Change 52, no. 1 (March 2022): 76–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00490857211068552.
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This article attempts to revisit the Pasmanda political discourse (PPD) which is grounded on the premise that there exist a number of backward and dalit Muslims who remain under-represented and whose demands remain unheard in contemporary India. In recognising this reality, this article tries to understand the PPD from three perspectives. First, the feasibility and importance of the PPD in the context of the resounding victory of the National Democratic Alliance which has indicated that the present dispensation managed to dismantle caste-based politics in the last 2019 general elections. Second, it tries to explain the reasons for the failure of Pasmanda politics which could not make a headway in the Muslim community in general and Pasmanda Muslims in particular and also in other socio-religious groups and political parties, despite it being a century-old political discourse. Third, it seeks to articulate the way forward to strengthen and rejuvenate the idea of Pasmanda in India today which is witnessing a domination of majoritarian politics.
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De GOURDON, Côme Carpentier. "The Rise of the Hindu Religious Factor in Indian Politics and State Theory." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 11, no. 4 (October 16, 2018): 219–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2018-11-4-219-232.
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We are living in an age of reaffirmation and revival of religious/national and cultural identities as a reaction to the sweeping onslaught of socio-economic, cultural and technological globalization. In India the demand for a definition of national identity based on Hinduism or on Hindutva (Hinduness) predates the achievement of independence in 1947 and it was gradually reinforced by successive political crises, such as the partition between India and Pakistan, successive wars with Pakistan, the continuing separatist agitation in the Kashmir Valley and the rise of large-scale Islamist terrorism since the 11th of September 2001 if not before. Historically a distinction has been made between Hinduism, as the religion and way of life of more than a billion people in India and in other countries and Hindutva, a cultural ideology and a sociopolitical doctrine which defines a modernized version of Hindu or in broader sense Indic civilisation (encompassing Buddhism, Jainism, Sikhism and other indigenous minority religions). Many Hindus do not accept the premises or least the political theory of Hindutva whereas Hindutva proponents may not be ‘believers’ in the ritual and theological aspects of Hindu Dharma and may define themselves as sceptics, materialists or atheists. However they conceive of the common Hindu national civilisation and millenary historical heritage as the cement that can bind the country’s diverse people together and they usually reject the ‘secular’ view that India is the home of a composite culture forged out of many domestic and foreign elements and consisting of diverse ethnic groups which were brought together as a nation by British colonization. This paper succinctly retraces the evolution and expansion of Hindu nationalism in the politics of the country and distinguishes between the various nuances of the ideology which is now the source of inspiration for the National Democratic Alliance led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi. It strives to answer the often asked question: Is India becoming a Hindu State?
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Kapoor, Mudit, and Shamika Ravi. "Poverty, Pandemic and Elections: Analysis of Bihar Assembly Elections 2020." Indian Journal of Human Development 15, no. 1 (April 2021): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0973703021995766.
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We analyse the Bihar assembly elections of 2020, and find that poverty was the key driving factor, over and above female voters as determinants. The results show that the poor were more likely to support the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). The relevance of this result for an election held in the midst of a pandemic is very crucial, given that the poor were the hardest hit. Second, in contrast to conventional commentary, the empirical results show that the All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen—‘AIMIM factor’ and the Lok Janshakti party—‘LJP factor’ hurt the NDA, while benefitting the Maha Gath Bandan (MGB), with their presence in these elections. The methodological novelty in this article has combined elections data with wealth data to study the effect of poverty on election outcomes.
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Gupta, Madhuparna. "The Nexus of India and the Gulf Cooperation Council: The Dynamics of Partnership and Dissension." Journal of Advanced Research in Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (December 20, 2021): 25–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.33422/jarss.v4i2.657.
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Strategic partnership represents one of the essential tools of inter-state engagement in International Relations, primarily from the post-Cold War period. Contrary to the erstwhile partnership agreements, the nature of alignment in this rubric demands more cooperation, interaction, flexibility and encompasses both strategic and non-military attributes at a much wide-ranging dimension, by defying the conventional understanding of alliance networks. Within this broad setting, India and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) seek to redefine their partnership with a fresh orientation and nurture a reciprocal relationship through their shared political, historic and cultural linkages. As an emerging economy, India harps on the geo-strategic and geo-economic primacy of the GCC and acknowledges this regional bloc as its promising source of energy and reliable partner in pursuit of its national interest vis-à-vis China and Pakistan. Likewise, the Gulf monarchs are attracted to India’s democratic political tradition and ever-growing significance in world politics and recognize New Delhi’s unequivocal cooperation and support in advancing the politico-economic necessities of the region. This paper examines the efficacy of strategic, energy, maritime and economic security realms, and cultural quotients as crucial determinants behind the success of strategic partnership that these two regional powers seek to solidify in this polycentric world, drawing from the theoretical framework of alliance formation both from the Cold War and post-Cold War perspectives. This article also unravels the presence of divergences that affect their relationship and concludes by highlighting the significance of India-GCC partnership as the representation of South-South cooperation in this critical world scenario.
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Srinivas, Junuguru. "Modi’s Cultural Diplomacy and Role of Indian Diaspora." Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 13, no. 2 (June 26, 2019): 74–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a130201.
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Ever since Prime Minister Narendra Modi came into the helm of affairs, he has stressed the role of the Indian Diaspora in Indian foreign policy making because he had realized the importance of the Diaspora in his development strategy. More than 25 million members of the Indian Diaspora are scattered around the world, which includes more than 3 million Indian origin Diaspora in the United States (US). According to the Ministry of Indian Overseas Affairs [This Ministry has been scrapped during National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government], the Indian Diaspora is the second largest in the world after China. Thus, it is imperative to give importance to Indian foreign policy framing. This trend is new in Indian policy making as India had hardly focused on its Diaspora to tap their resources, potential and assets that they have. In 2015, former Indian Foreign Ministry’s spokesperson Syed Akbaruddin said that ‘India’s soft power diplomacy now goes beyond books, culture and cinema’. Mr Modi made a total of 49 foreign trips by May 2017 to woo the Indian Diaspora. In almost every meeting during his foreign visit, he urged the Indian Diaspora to be a part of Indian development by investing in the Indian economy, by donating to the clean river Ganges program, and participating in Indian rural development programmes as well. In this context, this article expounds the role of the NDA government’s cultural diplomacy in Indian foreign policy making. This article also seeks to answer what the Indian government’s strategy to tap the ‘resources’ of the Indian Diaspora is. Finally, the article examines the role of the Indian Diaspora in the development strategy of India.
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Bobbio, Tommaso. "Never-ending Modi." Focaal 2013, no. 67 (December 1, 2013): 123–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2013.670109.
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This article proposes a non conventional analysis of the most significant phenomenon that has marked Indian political life in the past decade. The electoral competition for the 2014 general election is played around two main elements, namely, the selection of convincing prime ministerial candidates and the definition of electoral coalitions. In this perspective, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the main party of the right-wing coalition (National Democratic Alliance, NDA), has taken a decisive step by selecting Narendra Modi as its front man for the electoral campaign, and thus the “natural” candidate for the post of prime minister in case of success. A highly controversial figure, Modi polarized the public debate for over a decade: he is either considered a fascist politician or he is praised for the high economic growth rates achieved by the state under his government. This article proposes to move beyond such a dichotomy to highlight Modi's complexity and success in promoting a political culture that merged religious traditionalism and neoliberal economic arguments. Whether his coalition will win the election or not, and whether he will become the next prime minister or not, is greatly significant to the future of India and to the possibility of the many contradictions and diversities that underpin the Indian democracy being conciliated.
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Sanders, A. J. G. M. "The Freedom Charter and Ethnicity— towards a Communitarian South African Society." Journal of African Law 33, no. 1 (1989): 105–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300008020.
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At national as well as international level the South African Freedom Charter has become a symbol of the long-standing struggle against apartheid. In this essay the emphasis will be on the charter's provisions relating to ethnicity. The question of ethnicity is a crucial one, for on its solution depends the outcome of the economic and other social problems which trouble South African society.The 1955 Freedom Charter, which was the outcome of a joint venture of the African National Congress (A.N.C.), the South African Indian Congress, the South African Coloured People's Organisation and the predominantly European South African Congress of Democrats, suggests a unitary, participatory welfare state, which will acccord equal rights to all “national groups and races”.For the A.N.C., the senior partner in the “Congress Alliance”, the reference in the charter to “national groups and races” soon became a major headache. Could it be said that the charter lent support to the creation of “four nations”? A number of people within the A.N.C. feared that much. Prominent among them were the “Africanists” who in April 1959 broke away from the A.N.C, and formed the Pan-Africanist Congress (P.A.C.) “Charterists” and “Africanists” are still at loggerheads, but the A.N.C.'s “Revolutionary Programme” of 1969 and its “Constitutional Guidelines for a Democratic
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Rahim, Lily Zubaidah. "The Gordian Knot of Ethno-Religious Nationalism: Unsettled National Questions and Contested Visions." Muslim Politics Review 1, no. 1 (December 25, 2022): 79–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.56529/mpr.v1i1.53.
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The early twenty-first century has witnessed a rising number of global crises. These include climate change, widening income inequality, military and nuclear tensions between the major powers, repeated outbreaks of global pandemics, and an ongoing democratic recession. In particular, the deepening democratic recession has afflicted ostensibly both mature and newer democracies – contradicting theories of political development. In many countries, the political alliance between ethno- and religious nationalists has reignited assaults against democratic institutions, processes, and norms. This comparative country-case study, principally of Malaysia and the United States of America (US), explores the alliance between ethno- and religious nationalists by examining the forces and factors that have contributed to this combustible dynamic within the context of unsettled national questions, contested constitutional orders, and foundational national visions. Also examined are the narratives of fear, victimhood and privilege that have galvanised religious and ‘sons of the soil’ ethno-nationalists in resisting the building of inclusive multiracial democracies.
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Ogden, Chris. "A Lasting Legacy: The BJP-led National Democratic Alliance and India's Politics." Journal of Contemporary Asia 42, no. 1 (February 2012): 22–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2012.634639.
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Hassan, Salah. "The Sudan National Democratic Alliance (NDA): The Quest for Peace, Unity and Democracy." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 21, no. 1/2 (1993): 14. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1166281.
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Hassan, Salah. "The Sudan National Democratic Alliance (NDA): The Quest for Peace, Unity and Democracy." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 21, no. 1-2 (1993): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501607.
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Sudan is a typical case of many postcolonial nation-states in Africa characterized by multiethnic, multicultural and multi-religious societies. It is an example of a pluralistic society formed by people who have differences in their sense of belonging and national identity. As in other African countries, the Sudanese situation is caused to a large extent by inequalities in power sharing and access to wealth and unequal development opportunities. In Sudan, the outcome has been a constant crisis of governance, civil war, ethnic genocide, famine and other man-made disasters which have crippled the country since independence. Differing visions for the future of the country have been contested. At one extreme is the vision of separation (formation of two states), at the other, the preservation of the status quo by any means, including violent ones (the military solution), which in a way means the continuation of inequalities within a united country. Proposals such as decentralization of the power of the state through a federal system, autonomy for the South and other disenfranchised regions of the country, or the right of self-determination, have at times been propagated by one political group or another.
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Sokół, Jakub Jarosław. "Serbołużyckie Stronnictwo Narodowe / Łużycki Alians jako partia narodu i regionu." Sprawy Narodowościowe, no. 38 (February 18, 2022): 145–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sn.2011.011.
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Sorbian National Party / Lusatian Alliance as a National Minority and Regional PartyLusatian Sorbs are the smallest Slavic ethnic group. They live in Lusatia, which is part of the German states of Saxony and Brandenburg. The Lusatian Sorbs engage in political activities at the local, regional, state and national levels. In 2005, the Sorbian National Party (in the Lower Sorbian language: Serbska ludowa strona, SLS) was founded, and in 2010 its name was changed to the Lusatian Alliance (Łužyska alianca, ŁA). The Party’s leader is Hannes Kell. The organisation is both a national minority and a regional party. The Party’s programme includes the introduction of equal status of both German and Lusatian languages within the Sorbian territory, promotion of the Lusatian language in Lusatia, obtaining political autonomy for Lusatian Sorbs, as well as striving for the reduction and eventual closure of open pit lignite mining, which causes damage to the environment and destroys the region’s villages. The Lusatian Alliance desires to hold a democratic election and appoint Sorbian authorities that would have a budget at their disposal to financially manage and oversee Sorbian education.
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Grabevnik, M. V. "ELECTORAL REGIONALISM: CASE OF DEMOCRATIC ALLIANCE OF HUNGARIANS IN ROMANIA." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 16, no. 1 (2022): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2022-1-31-39.
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The article analyzes the dynamics of the regionalism strategy of the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians of Romania (UDMR), representing the interests of the Hungarian minority, in the 1990s-2010s. The study uses official policy documents and manifestos of the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in Romania, official electoral data, materials of coalition interactions and parliamentary debates, along with materials from the Manifesto Project Database. The results of the analysis show that the strategy of the regionalist party is transforming: from the rigid and consistent ethnolinguistic regionalism of the 1990s-2000s, in the 2010s the party is shifting to a more flexible adaptive strategy, which is a synthesis of moderate regionalism and competent positioning of the party as a coalition partner with a centrist social-economic agenda. The regionalist agenda is used by the party during the years of electoral activity, which serves as a tool for achieving institutional opportunities for participation in the national political process (shared-rule). The UDMR intention to expand the party's political subjectivity is not the main aim but the tool and opportunity for lobbying the interests of the regional community. The turn of the Hungarian regionalists from a strategy of confrontation with the Romanian unionist parties to a strategy of bargaining and cooperation is also the result.
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Mitra, Subrata K., and Jivanta Schöttli. "India’s 2014 General Elections." Asian Survey 56, no. 4 (July 2016): 605–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.4.605.
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Phrases like “watershed,” “historic,” and “epochal” were used to describe India’s 2014 general election. The Bharatiya Janata Party secured the first single-party majority in three decades, forming the government as the National Democratic Alliance. We argue that the 16th Lok Sabha elections marked a realignment, not a clean break with the past.
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Remi, Oussou Kouame. "Doctor The National Conferences and Their Outcome and the Future of Democracy in Africa: Evidence from a Comparative Study." European Journal of Education and Pedagogy 2, no. 2 (March 30, 2021): 33–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejedu.2021.2.2.44.
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In the 1990, taking advantage of the collapse of the Soviet Empire, many African States, mainly French speaking countries, the opposition elite in alliance with the civil society took to the streets for a national encounter in order to set new grounds for the political competition in almost 30 years. This paper tries and analyzes the impact of the so-called National Conferences on the current shape on the democratic transition and the democratic process in some of the States that hosted these public discussions. In contrast, it argues that countries failed to take advantage of these National Fora are less prone to embrace democracy, with for all of them a failure to bring substantial social changes in terms of well-being.
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Kántor, Zoltán. "National Minority Parties in Government: the Democratic Alliance of Hungarians in the Romanian government." Der Donauraum 41, no. 3 (December 2001): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7767/dnrm.2001.41.3.55.
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عباس فضلي, أ. م. د. نادية فاضل. "Community composition of India and its impact on national unity." مجلة العلوم السياسية, no. 52 (March 13, 2019): 149–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jj.v0i52.69.
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India is today the largest democratic state in the Third World and has been able to maintain its national unity in the near future. The history of Indian civilization is more than 5,000 years old. It has achieved its heritage, culture, philosophy, traditions, national unity and unity and has taken its place among nations seeking progress and progress. Which are still visible to the present day, because of their history of civilization and achievements, and the fusion of cultures of invading peoples over the centuries with the culture of diverse Indian society, but despite being a secular state, Has put into place through its governments various forms of exclusion and marginalization towards the people of India, especially Muslims, and this has affected the performance of the State and credibility since independence in 1947 and to this day, but this does not mean that it is a country that does not have the elements of national unity and practices of democratic action so far at least, Democratic, in terms of elections and voting in the Indian states is still in place, but the social, religious and class divisions overlap to produce conflicts that surfaced from time to time, threatening to be dismantled if political leaders do not come to improve the measure So that the extent of conflicts in India to the extent of the outbreak of war in various denominations sectarian, religious, social and economic.
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Mancebo, Ainara. "Stability and Governability the Benign Effects of Party Dominance in South Africa." Insight on Africa 13, no. 1 (December 14, 2020): 56–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0975087820965172.
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A tripartite alliance formed by the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions has been ruling the country with wide parliamentarian majorities. The country remains more consensual and politically inclusive than any of the other African countries in the post-independence era. This article examines three performance’s aspects of the party dominance systems: legitimacy, stability and violence. As we are living in a period in which an unprecedented number of countries have completed democratic transitions, it is politically and conceptually important that we understand the specific tasks of crafting democratic consolidation.
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Baylor, Christopher A. "First to the Party: The Group Origins of the Partisan Transformation on Civil Rights, 1940–1960." Studies in American Political Development 27, no. 2 (August 22, 2013): 111–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x13000072.
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One of the most momentous shifts in twentieth-century party politics was the Democratic Party's embrace of civil rights. Recent scholarship finds that this realignment began as early as the 1940s and traces it to pressure groups, especially organized labor. But such scholarship does not explain why labor, which was traditionally hostile to African Americans, began to work with them. Nor does it ascribe agency to the efforts of African American pressure groups. Focusing on the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) and the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), this article attempts to fill these gaps in the literature. It explains why civil rights and labor leaders reassessed their traditional animosities and began to work as allies in the Democratic Party. It further shows how pressure from the new black-blue alliance forced the national Democratic Party to stop straddling civil rights issues and to become instead the vehicle for promoting civil rights. NAACP and CIO leaders consciously sought to remake the Democratic Party by marginalizing conservative Southerners, and eventually succeeded.
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Haesebrouck, Tim. "National Behaviour in Multilateral Military Operations." Political Studies Review 16, no. 2 (April 19, 2016): 102–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929915616288.
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What accounts for the diverging contributions to multinational military operations? Over two decades ago, Bennett, Lepgold and Unger published a seminal study that aimed to explain the division of the burdens of the Desert Storm Coalition. This article reviews four recent monographs on national behaviour in multinational operations against the backdrop of their conclusions. While the four reviewed titles suggest that the bulk of the conclusions of Bennett, Lepgold and Unger’s study hold beyond the scope of the Desert Storm Coalition, each of them also makes a distinct contribution to the literature. Baltrusaitis offers three excellent case studies on burden sharing in the 2003 Iraq War, Davidson provides essential insights on the impact of alliance value and threat and the studies of Auerswald and Saideman and Mello invoke important domestic variables that were not structurally examined by Bennett, Lepgold and Unger. Altogether, the reviewed titles provide convincing explanations for the behaviour of democratic states in US-led operations. Consequently, the article concludes by arguing that the most promising avenue for future research would be to focus on military operations in which the United States has a more limited role and on the contributions of non-democratic states to multinational operations. Auerswald DP and Saideman SM (2014) NATO in Afghanistan: Fighting Together, Fighting Alone. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Baltrusaitis DF (2010) Coalition Politics and the Iraq War: Determinants of Choice. Boulder, CO: First Forum Press. Davidson J (2011) America’s Allies and War: Kosovo, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Mello P (2014) Democratic Participation in Armed Conflict Military Involvement in Kosovo, Afghanistan and Iraq. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.
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ALLISON, MICHAEL E. "Why Splinter? Parties that Split from the FSLN, FMLN and URNG." Journal of Latin American Studies 48, no. 4 (July 26, 2016): 707–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x1600136x.
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AbstractFollowing the ends to the civil wars in Nicaragua, El Salvador and Guatemala, the revolutionary coalitions that had led the fight against authoritarian regimes began to fracture. However, none of the splinter parties that broke from the Sandinista National Liberation Front, Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front, and Guatemalan National Revolutionary Unit has succeeded on their own as political parties. In this article, I argue that there is no single reason to explain the poor performances of the Democratic Party (PD), the Renovating Movement (MR), and the Democratic Front Party (FDR) in El Salvador, the Sandinista Renovation Movement (Renovate-MRS) and the Movement to Rescue Sandinismo (Rescue-MRS) in Nicaragua, and the New Nation Alliance (ANN) in Guatemala. However, their limited financial resources, alliances with non-revolutionary centrist and centre-right parties, and voter tendency to overlook internal ideological and personal debates within the original political parties, especially the FSLN and FMLN, have not helped.
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Heller, Patrick. "Degrees of Democracy: Some Comparative Lessons from India." World Politics 52, no. 4 (July 2000): 484–519. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100020086.
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This article draws on the case of India to address the question of democratization by exploring the dynamic interplay of the formal, effective, and substantive dimensions of democracy. Fifty-three years of almost uninterrupted democratic rule in India have done little to reduce the political, social, and economic marginalization of India's popular classes. Within India the state of Kerala stands out as an exception. Democratic institutions have effectively managed social conflict and have also helped secure substantive gains for subordinate classes. Kerala's departure from the national trajectory is located in historical patterns of social mobilization that coalesced around lower-class interests and produced forms of state-society engagement conducive to democratic deepening. Contrary to much of the transition literature, this case suggests that high levels of mobilization and redistributive demands have democracy-enhancing effects.
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Shah, Shanon. "Spontaneous humour and Malaysia’s democratic breakthrough in 2018." European Journal of Humour Research 9, no. 3 (November 1, 2021): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/ejhr2021.9.3.526.
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The 2018 Malaysian general election was the first democratic change of government in the nation’s modern history. The victory of the Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope – PH) coalition surprised several observers within and outside the country, especially considering the intensified repression employed by the outgoing Barisan Nasional (National Front – BN) ruling coalition leading up to the polls, including media censorship, the silencing of political opponents, and the manipulation of Islamism and ethnic Malay nationalism. This article examines the role of spontaneous, conversational humour in constructing a viable political identity for the PH. It does this by considering humorous moments during press conferences and similar media events held by the PH coalition, led by its designated choice for prime minister, Mahathir Mohamad. This article aims to contribute to the scholarship on the role of humour in identity construction and political campaigning.
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de Silva, Chandra R. "Sri Lanka in 2015." Asian Survey 56, no. 1 (January 2016): 199–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2016.56.1.199.
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The year 2015 in Sri Lanka was characterized by a democratic transfer of power from the United People’s Freedom Alliance, led by President Mahinda Rajapaksa, to a coalition led by the United National Party. Constitutional changes restricting presidential power, and the growth of a new approach to human rights and ethnic reconciliation, accompanied this shift. Sri Lanka’s emphasis in its economic policy shifted from major infrastructural projects to a further strengthening of human capacities.
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Lisenkova, A. D. "The role of political parties in multi-level environmental governance in the European Union and Germany." UPRAVLENIE / MANAGEMENT (Russia) 9, no. 4 (January 5, 2022): 121–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.26425/2309-3633-2021-9-4-121-138.
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The subject of the study is the involvement of political parties in multi-level environmental governance in the European Union, using Germany and its federal states as an example. This article describes the theoretical and practical foundations of multi-level governance. The place of European parties and their national member parties from Germany in the institutional system and decision-making process of environmental policy has been defined. For practical illustration, the climate policy guidelines of Germany’s main national parties (the Christian Democratic Union of Germany and the Christian Social Union in Bavaria, the Social Democratic Party of Germany, the Alternative for Germany, the Free Democratic Party of Germany, the Left and the Alliance 90 / The Greens) and their European affiliations (the European People’s Party, the Party of the European Socialists, the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, the European Green Party and the Party of European Left) were compared with an emphasis on the new targets for reducing greenhouse gas emissions. The unique opportunity for parties to participate in environmental policymaking at all key levels, which is not limited to parliamentary institutions has been highlighted. Appointments to environmental positions at different levels often correlate with membership of the most environmentally oriented parties, although the level of environmental involvement may differ between national parties and their European affiliations. Among other things, this has to do with participation in governing coalitions and dependence on a senior partner in them, as shown by the examples of the Bundestag and the Landtag of Baden-Württemberg. The final decision depends heavily on the unity of the coalition at federal and state level, whereas in the European Parliament there is a great differentiation of opinions, which allows even the most influential European People’s Party to be blocked from voting.
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Lee, Dong Sun. "Democratization and the US-South Korean Alliance." Journal of East Asian Studies 7, no. 3 (December 2007): 469–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800002599.
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This article explains why, in the wake of South Korea's democratization, the US-Republic of Korea alliance has suffered a steady decline while avoiding an abrupt collapse. The author argues that democratization weakened this asymmetric alliance by increasing the political influence of nationalism in South Korea. New South Korean democratic elites, subscribing to nationalist ideals, demanded an autonomous, equal relationship with the United States regardless of the de facto power disparity between the two countries. These elites also deemphasized the security threat from North Korea—with which they perceived a shared national identity—and adopted an unconditional engagement policy with that nation. The United States, in turn, resented the apparently unrealistic policies of these elites and showed a decreased interest in the alliance. Democratization, however, did not cause an abrupt end to the alliance, for two reasons. First, North Korea's military strength preserved a significant strategic need in South Korea for allied support. Second, as the result of a measured transition process, old pro-alliance elites in South Korea retained enough political clout to proscribe a radical shift in foreign policy away from the alliance with the United States, while new elites had opportunities to reconcile their nationalist ideals with strategic realities.
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Darab, Rabia. "Centre-state relations under Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) Led NDA (National Democratic Alliance) Post 2014 elections." Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities 12, no. 6 (2022): 89–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-7315.2022.00347.1.
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Tang, Min, Narisong Huhe, and Qiang Zhou. "Contingent Democratization: When Do Economic Crises Matter?" British Journal of Political Science 47, no. 1 (May 20, 2015): 71–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123415000095.
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This article argues that the effect of economic crises on democratic transition is contingent on economic structure. Specifically, a high level of state engagement in the economy makes social forces dependent on the ruling elites for patrimonial interests and, therefore, the authoritarian regime liable for economic failure. Moreover, when authoritarian elites own a high share of economic assets, this aggravates the economic loss of both the business class and the masses when economic crises occur, which in turn makes defection of the business class, the revolt of the masses and the alliance of the two social classes more likely. Cross-national analyses show that economic crises trigger democratic transition only when state engagement in the economy is above a certain level.
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Naveen, _______, and _____ Priti. "The Right to Information in India Implementation and Impact." International Research Journal of Management, IT & Social Sciences 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/irjmis.v2i1.55.
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The Right to Information Act 2005 was passed by the UPA (United Progressive Alliance) Government with a sense of pride. It flaunted the Act as a milestone in India’s democratic journey. It is five years since the RTI was passed; the performance on the implementation frontis far from perfect. Consequently, the impact on the attitude, mindset and behaviour patterns of the public authorities and the people is not as it was expected to be. Most of the people are still not aware of their newly acquired power. Among those who are aware, a major chunk either does not know how to wield it or lacks the guts and gumption to invoke the RTI. A little more stimulation by the Government, NGOs and other enlightened and empowered citizens can augment the benefits of this Act manifold. RTI will help not only in mitigating corruption in public life but also in alleviating poverty- the two monstrous maladies of India.
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Bhattacharyya, Rituparna. "Life Under Lockdown: Lived Experiences and Lessons Learnt, Sanjai Bhatt, 2021, Papyrus Scrolls Publication, ISBN: 9788195385102 , INR 999, Ebook: $14.99." Space and Culture, India 9, no. 4 (March 29, 2022): 43–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v9i4.1234.
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This article is dedicated to doing a detailed review of the aforementioned book entitled Life Under Lockdown: Lived Experiences and Lessons Learnt by Professor Sanjai Bhatt, Department of Social Work, University of Delhi,3, University Road, Delhi 110007, India; Immediate Past President, National Association of Professional Social Workers in India; Immediate Past President,(South Asia), International Council on Social Welfare, Alliance Ambassador, GSSWA.
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Sardesai, Shreyas. "The Religious Divide in Voting Preferences and Attitudes in the 2019 Election." Studies in Indian Politics 7, no. 2 (November 6, 2019): 161–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023019874892.
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This article attempts to empirically test the claims made by several commentators that religious polarization was at the core of the 2019 Lok Sabha election verdict. Relying heavily on the National Election Study (NES) data sets, it finds that the election result was in large measure an outcome of massive vote consolidation on religious lines, with the majority Hindu community preferring the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in unprecedented proportion and the main religious minorities largely staying away from it, although there were some exceptions. It shows that, for two national elections in a row, the Narendra Modi- and Amit Shah-led BJP has been able to overcome the caste hierarchies among Hindus and systematically construct a Hindu category of voters versus others. This chasm between Hindus and the minorities is also seen with respect to their attitudes regarding the government, its leadership and contentious issues like the Ayodhya dispute. This article, however, does not find sufficient evidence with regard to the claims that a large part of the Hindu support for the BJP-led alliance may have been on account of anti-minority sentiments.
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Talukdar., DR Subhash. "CHAPTER: ROLE OF ALL INDIA UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT (AIUDF) IN ASSAM." International Journal of Modern Agriculture 9, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 357–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/ijma.v9i3.158.
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Party system is the important factor in the working of representative form of Government. India is a democratic state. In the democratic state, political parties are said to be the life – blood of democracies. Modern democracies are indirect in character. They can function with the help of political parties. In the absence of political parties democracy cannot deliver the goods. Well organized political parties constitute the best form of democracy. India has the largest democracy in the world. It introduced universal adult franchise as the basis of voting right in the country. Now the voting age has been lowered down to 18. Most of the Indian voters are not politically matured and they do not have the political education in the proper sense. Political parties in India are classified by the Election Commission of India. It was classified for the allocation of symbol. The Election Commission of India classified parties into three main heads: National parties, State parties and registered (unrecognized) parties.
The Regional Political Parties are playing a very significant role in Indian political system, particularly in the post Congress era and in coalition politics. As far as the national level politics is concerned, the regional political parties play a ‘king maker’ role. Whereas, the politics at state level is concerned, the regional political parties have been playing an effective role for working of government machinery. The Assam has also not lagging behind this context. Although the state has produces some small political parties before 1985, but formation of the AGP, BPPF, BPF and the AIUDF playing a very significant role in the politics of Assam. The AGP and the AIUDF not only emerge as an alternative of the Congress party at the state politics but also could able to participate in the national politics. Following are the reasons for the growth of regional parties in Assam -
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Pandita, Ramesh. "Public Participation in the General Elections of India: An Overview since 1951." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 64 (November 2015): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.64.17.
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Democratic process of any country is based on the participation of the public to form the government through their elected representatives, and the nation having an electoral system in place to choose their representatives can be termed as a nation living true to its democratic essence, while as, the nation elusive of ground level public participation in forming governments can never be termed as living true to democratic colour. The present study is an attempt to understand the electoral process of India, the public participation in the democratic process of the country, which is already fifteen general elections old, lasted over the period 1951 to 2014. Attempt has been made to understand the areas like, growth of parties over the period of time, seat distribution, reservation of seats, electoral participation, polling stations, performance of major national political parties along with electoral turnout both collectively and on gender basis etc. Existence of the multi party system in India and the growth in parties over a period of time gets equally reflected by the fact that in 1951, 54 parties participated in the electoral process and the number grew up to 466 in 2014, reflecting a growth of over 792%. During all the general elections contested by candidates 77.43% contestants forfeited their deposits with an average of 135 political parties contested each general election. Over 80.45% elected candidates to the parliament during all the general elections held so far, represent national parties.
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Uwem, Samuel Umoh. "The use of social media by three political parties during South Africa’s 2014 general election." Digital Policy Studies 1, no. 2 (January 16, 2023): 40–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/dps.v1i2.2279.
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Since the first democratic election in South Africa in 1994, electoral campaigns have changed significantly, largely due to social media, which now play a vital role in influencing voters throughout the world. This study examines the social media campaigns of three major South African political parties, namely the African National Congress (ANC), the Democratic Alliance (DA) and the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF), prior to the 2014 general election. Data comprised interviews with members of Parliament (MPs) of all three parties, and an analysis of their Facebook pages, Twitter feeds and YouTube channels. The study finds that, while all three parties made active use of social media, the full potential of this form of communication was not exploited, as they continued to disseminate traditional political messages instead of interacting actively with voters.
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Rotberg, Robert I. "The Need for Strengthened Political Leadership." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 652, no. 1 (January 30, 2014): 238–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716213514163.
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South Africa desperately needs newly recommitted leadership capable of serving the entire nation, not a ruling class or a cohort of robber barons. It is conceivable that political leadership capable of building upon Mandela’s legacy and uplifting the nation and its people could come from within the ranks of the Democratic Alliance, from Agang, or from South Africa’s several other national political parties. But it is more likely to arise within the ANC, possibly through the deputy presidential and eventual presidential efforts of Cyril Ramaphosa or others within the dominant ANC not yet fully dedicated to assuming national leadership. But from wherever it comes, South Africa is ready and anxious to be renewed.
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FELDMAN, GLENN. "Southern Disillusionment with the Democratic Party: Cultural Conformity and “the Great Melding” of Racial and Economic Conservatism in Alabama during World War II." Journal of American Studies 43, no. 2 (July 31, 2009): 199–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875809990028.
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This essay explores growing disillusionment with the national Democratic Party in the southern United States, disillusionment that led to third-party movements such as the Dixiecrats and George Wallacism, and eventually southern allegiance to the modern Republican Party. The essay focusses on Alabama during the first half of the 1940s, where a “Great Melding” between economic conservatism and racial conservatism came to maturity. The melding resulted in a cross-class and pan-white alliance in a state that had experienced periodic plain-white challenges to business and planter elite dominance. It also resulted in the use by economic conservatives of white supremacy and allied conservative norms on gender, class, religion, and militaristic hyper-patriotism to suppress future working-class insurgency, and set the stage for a more formal southern disassociation from the Democratic Party and eventual conversion to Republicanism.
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Motruk, Svitlana. "EURO-ATLANTIC INTEGRATION OF THE CZECH REPUBLIC AS A FACTOR OF MODERNIZATION AND NATIONAL SECURITY." European Historical Studies, no. 19 (2021): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2524-048x.2021.19.3.
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On the basis of a wide range of documents the article analyzes main stages and factors of the Czech Republic integration with the North Atlantic Treaty Organizations. The author emphasizes that transition into a full NATO member in March 1999 was the result of a long, complicated and controversial process of «European Come Back», which started in the beginning of 1990’s and allowed the state’s government to solve a number of problems in the military-political and military-technical spheres. The article draws special attention to the results and consequences of the Czechia NATO membership, its participation in the structures and activities of the Alliance. Numerous facts provided in the paper allow to evaluate the state’s gains from the integration processes and to emphasize key tendencies, main challenges and new opportunities for the country. The study proves that Euro-Atlantic integration has contributed to the institutional and legal reconstruction of the entire system of foreign relations of the Czech Republic, has become an important stimulus to the transition to a democratic model of political system, stability and national security. The article examines the defense strategy of the Czech Republic, reveals its goals and objectives in the field of European security and defense at the present stage. It is noted that NATO Allies supported the proposal to update the 2010 Strategic Concept. Since its adoption the Alliance has faced a new security environment and Russia has turned from a potential strategic partner into an aggressor state. The Czech experience has revealed the advantages and vulnerabilities of the Euro-Atlantic vector. Last but not lease the article studies the causes of polyvariety of the Euro-Atlantic realities and prospects for Alliance enlargement. Based on the results of public opinion polls conducted by the Czech research organizations, the article examines the attitude of Czech political parties and citizens towards their country’s membership in NATO, the role of the North Atlantic Alliance in ensuring the security of the Czech Republic and international relations in general.
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Buscher, Frank M. "The U.S. High Commission and German Nationalism, 1949–52." Central European History 23, no. 1 (March 1990): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900021075.
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The recent revolutionary changes in Eastern Europe represent a mixed blessing for the United States and the western alliance as a whole. On the one hand, the West has had good reason to rejoice, witnessing the triumph of democracy and economic liberalism after more than forty years of Cold War tensions. On the other hand, the fall of the Eastern European communist governments in 1989, including that of the German Democratic Republic, once again brought the German question to the forefront. The Bush administration approached the issue of German reunification in a very cautious manner, insisting that a unified Germany guarantee the finality of its eastern borders and remain committed to the West. This caution clearly demonstrated the apprehension on the part of U.S. policy-makers that nationalism and the push for national unity might prove stronger than the German commitment to NATO and the western alliance.
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Kashiem, Mustafa Abdalla A. "The Italian role in the Libyan spring revolution: is it a shift from soft to hard power?" Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no. 4 (October 1, 2012): 556–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.728396.
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While France, Britain, Qatar and the United States played crucial political and military roles in the alliance of countries backing Libya's ‘spring’ revolution from the beginning, Italy's early stance towards the Libyan revolution was somewhat hesitant and vague. Its initial reticence was due to national security considerations, Italy's calculation of its national interest and the complexity of contemporary international relations. However, as events unfolded, the Italian position became clearer and firmer, such that in time Italy played a leading role that helped the global efforts to rebuild the new contemporary democratic Libya post-Qadhafi. The focus of this study is on the Italian role during the course of the Libyan ‘spring’ revolution, known now as the revolution of 17 February 2011, after the agreed date of its inception. Notwithstanding Rome's initial hesitancy, Italy is considered among the leading actors that participated in the alliance galvanized to act under the terms of UN Security Council Resolutions 1970 and 1973. Here the contention is that Italy's full participation in the global alliance that carried out the UN mandates represented a process of transition in the Italian orientation from that of a soft power to that of a hard power as well. Thus, it is argued, when Italy's national security and interests are challenged in a global context, Italy is willing to use both soft and hard power. The findings of this study supported, by and large, the initial expectations concerning the important types of internal and external elements influencing the role of Italy in the Libyan crisis. Thus, Italy's position towards the Libyan revolution of 17 February 2011 may be attributed, among other factors, to its discernment of its national security and national interests in the context of competition in the Mediterranean region and the Middle East as well.
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Hayes, Jarrod. "Securitization, Social Identity, and Democratic Security: Nixon, India, and the Ties That Bind." International Organization 66, no. 1 (January 2012): 63–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818311000324.
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AbstractThe Democratic Peace stands as one of the most coherent and recognizable programs of study in international relations. Yet despite the pages of research devoted to the subject and claims about its law-like nature, the democratic peace remains a highly contested finding. In large part, this contestation arises out of an enduring question: What exactly keeps democracies from fighting? Drawing on the securitization theory of the Copenhagen School as well as social psychology, this article claims that a critical mechanism of the democratic peace lies at the political junction between policymakers and the public. I argue that the democratic identity of the public, grounded in basic democratic norms essential for the function of any democracy at any time, plays an independent role in the construction of security and foreign policy in the United States. To test the argument, I examine the difficult case of the 1971 Bangladesh War, when President Richard Nixon sent theUSS Enterprisecarrier group to the Bay of Bengal. Analysis of public statements as well as administration documentation reveals that, while Nixon and national security advisor Henry Kissinger actively saw India as a threat to U.S. interests, they were constrained by their belief that the public would not accept a security argument with respect to a fellow democracy.