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Mosala, S. J., J. C. M. Venter, and E. G. Bain. "South Africa's Economic Transformation since 1994: What Influence has the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) Had?" Review of Black Political Economy 44, no. 3-4 (January 2017): 327–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12114-017-9260-2.
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Oldenburg, Fred. "From socialist to national‐democratic revolution." Journal of Communist Studies 6, no. 2 (June 1990): 187–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523279008415028.
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DZISIAK, Yaroslav. "DESCENDANTS OF THE NOBILITY ARE LEADERS OF THE UKRAINIAN ARMED FORMATIONS OF GALICIA OF THE FIRST QUARTER OF THE 20TH CENTURY." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 20–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-20-31.
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From the beginning of its historical existence, the people of Ukraine-Ruthenia appear as a people with weapons: preparing for campaigns, organizing the defense of their land, carrying out colonization measures in the reconquered territories and creating state structures that are intended to organize the socio-military potential of the people. The state structures are based on the military structure. For centuries, the socio-political elite of our people has naturally been of military origin. Thousands of years ago, for the Ruthenian warlord, as later - for the Ruthenian nobility, the Cossacks, the soldiers of the UNR army, and the Galician army, the basic life priorities were concentrated around such concepts as military glory, honor, dignity, courage, etc. Sudden death on the battlefield opened the way to immortality before the fallen warrior - to Vyrii-paradise. Over the centuries, the persistent threat from different sides, first of all, from the nomadic steppe, dictated the military character of different social groups, not excluding the clergy. When, for some reason, the old upper classes were no longer able to perform the military-political task, it was replaced by a new militarized elite who, with renewed vigor and energy, assumed the defense functions. The Ukrainian land gave birth to elites who were capable of holding weapons. The phenomenon of social mobility existed during the Middle Ages, manifested itself in the years of national liberation competitions 1917-1920s. The armed struggle of the Ukrainian people for independence and unity of the First World War and the post-war revolutionary events was one of the most striking pages. This was marked by the rise of national consciousness, a powerful explosion of liberation energy. In terms of the social scale and political importance, the Ukrainian National Democratic Revolution has been a phenomenon of European history, taking a prominent place in the liberation-making processes of Eastern Europe. Objective knowledge of national history is an important task not only for the modern professionals of young Ukrainians but also for Ukrainian citizens in general. Long decades of information blockade and historical fraud, which continued in the east and south of Ukraine in the years of independence, created a distorted, even anti-national, idea of Ukrainians' liberation struggles. The millennial history of peoples and the state testify that their existence was determined by the presence of two significant factors: political leadership and capable armed forces. Naturally, the army has always occupied high levels among public institutions. At the same time, history eloquently testifies that no army, however well-armed, can defeat without professional commanders. The generality and the officer corps determine the army - the army's backbone, which concentrates and embodies the historical military experience, national military traditions, preserves the continuity of generations. The names of the active contributors to the development of the Armed Forces during the first quarter of the 20th century, including nearly five hundred generals and at least three thousand colonels, remain white patches of national historiography. This article is not about a purely military elite, but about the military as the offspring of the nobility - people who were formed in the aura of education, culture, traditionalism, and social constructivism. In numerous examples, the descendants of the Ukrainian nobility were the very resource of the nation- and state-building that survived in times of statelessness and denationalization. Keywords Union for the Liberation of Ukraine, publishing, book, periodical.
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HELEY, Stepan. "THE WEST UKRAINIAN PEOPLE’S REPUBLIC IN HISTORICAL WORKS OF VASYL KUCHABSKYI." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 78–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-78-97.
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The aim of the article is to analyze V. Kuchabsky's historical views on the process of creation of the West Ukrainian People's Republic of 1918-1921. In his works of the first half of the 1930s the scientist highlighted the internal situation of Ukraine, in particular its political and military conditions, and at the same time revealed international relations that had a determinative influence on the future of Ukrainian statehood: Poland and Russia, the Bolsheviks and counterrevolution, the tendency for a new revival of the Russian Empire and the tendency for its collapse, the situation in Central Europe, the Paris Peace Conference and the Eastern European policy of the Western powers. The most significant work of V. Kuchabskyi, "Western Ukraine in the struggle against Poland and Bolshevism in 1918–1923," is a historical study, which objectively reflects the national history without a shadow of tenderness and political inspiration. More than eighty years have passed since its writing, but it still influences on the development of historical science in Ukraine, remains critical for the study of problems associated with the topic. V. Kuchabskyi tried to find out the reason for Ukrainians to lose their own statehood. For the first time in the 14th century, when the Principality of Galicia–Volhynia was conquered by Poland. And then in the 18th century when the Cossack state was annexed by Russia. The desire of Ukrainians to restore the united and independent state failed due to unjustified orientations to Moscow, then to Poland and Turkey. A similar situation, according to the historian, occurred in 1918–1921: while the Ukrainians fought against the Bolsheviks and the White Army, the Poles struck them back, capturing Galicia and Volyn. By signing the Treaty of Riga in 1921, they wanted to restore the division of Ukraine of 1667. The scientist called on the Galician to leave the inter-party controversy and unite for positive creativity and self-organization, to make a lasting peace between themselves, because external factors are often non-reliable and have their own aims, directly opposite to Ukrainian. V. Kuchabskyi warned not to rely on the rapid fall of Bolshevism, relying on the intervention of the capitalist world. On his thought, the damage of this view was disorienting citizens, turning their attention away from what actually was a question of life and death for Ukraine. Estimating the Ukrainian Galician Army, V. Kuchabskyi believed that it could be organized and turned into regular combat power only through significant victories in an actively waged war. But the Ukrainians did not have such commanders, which would turn the mechanically assembled army into a single military organism by their inspiration. According to V. Kuchabskyi, the political experience of the Ukrainian state of 1918–1921 remained undervalued, although it would have been enough to educate a new generation of state-oriented thinkers, creative people. That is why he put the realization of the state idea in direct dependence on the level of the political culture of the masses. This meant that the Galician intellectuals had to get rid of the conservative passivity, which manifested itself in a narrow worldview, the weakness of the will, and spiritual laziness. Only in this case, the national elite will build a democratic state, which will provide conditions for the cultural development of the people, will guarantee equal political and economic rights. Keywords Western Ukraine, Eastern Galicia, Lviv, National Revolution, November Action, ZUNR, UHA, Stanislav, Ukrainian National Council.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Nationalism, identity and civil society in Ukraine: Understanding the Orange Revolution." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 43, no. 3 (August 16, 2010): 285–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.postcomstud.2010.07.001.
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This article is the first to study the positive correlation between nationalism and democratic revolutions using Ukraine’s 2004 Orange Revolution as a case study. The Orange Revolution mobilized the largest number of participants of any democratic revolution and lasted the longest, 17 days. But, the Orange Revolution was also the most regionally divided of democratic revolutions with western and central Ukrainians dominating the protestors and eastern Ukrainians opposing the protests. The civic nationalism that underpinned the Orange Revolution is rooted in Ukraine’s path dependence that has made civil society stronger in western Ukraine where Austro-Hungarian rule permitted the emergence of a Ukrainian national identity that was stymied in eastern Ukraine by the Tsarist empire.
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Moore, David. "Two perspectives on Zimbabwe's National Democratic Revolution: Thabo Mbeki and Wilfred Mhanda." Journal of Contemporary African Studies 30, no. 1 (January 2012): 119–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589001.2012.639655.
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Bevzyuk, E. "Luzhitsky Ethnosaving Movement in the Revolution of 1848-1849." Problems of World History, no. 6 (October 30, 2018): 80–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-6-6.
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The national and cultural activities of the Lusatian Serbs in the period of the revolution of 1848-1849 are one of the brightest and most controversial pages of the past of this small Slavic people ofGermany. During the revolution, the Lusatian Serbs, through their ideologues, with their locallyprovincial patriotism, were oriented towards supporting paternalistic relations with the royal authorities. To the main factors of the participation of the least numerous Slavic people in the revolutionary events of the middle of the XIX century national-cultural and ethnopolitical should be considered. During the revolution of 1848-1849, Serbs from the broad democratic program chose the path of humanization and moderate social liberalization. The first met the national and cultural needs of the people, and the second did not set the ethnic group in opposition to the monarchical power and democratic forces of Germany. In our opinion, the assumption of a possible ethnic minority of wider national rights or autonomy, subject to decisive action during the revolution, is unfounded. Already at the beginning of the XIX century the Lusatian Serbs ethnic group was a statistical minority in its ethnic region, which was divided between the two European states (Prussia and Saxony), therefore calls for more determined national requirements in ethnically mixed areas were not widespread, and the radicalization of thenational movement could lead to ethno-lateral consequences.
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Roeder, Philip G. "The Revolution of 1989: Postcommunism and the Social Sciences." Slavic Review 58, no. 4 (1999): 743–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697197.
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From Prague to Ulan Bator, the decade since 1989 has witnessed a revolution both deep and broad. It was simultaneously a national revolution that created new nation-states, a political revolution that sundered the most fully institutionalized authoritarian regimes of the twentieth century, and an economic revolution that replaced administered systems of production and distribution with markets. Separate national, democratic, and capitalist revolutions that had rocked western European countries in the eighteenth, nineteenth, and early twentieth centuries swept almost in an instant across nine countries that quickly became twenty-eight.
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Echavarria, Ricardo Restrepo. "Sovereign Democratic Transformation in Ecuador (2007-2016)." Review of European Studies 9, no. 4 (October 10, 2017): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v9n4p20.
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Between 1981 and 2007, Ecuador experienced neoliberal reforms coupled with an elite form of democracy. These led to slow growth, upwards redistribution, and political and economic instability. Since then, Ecuador adopted a Citizens’ Revolution to counteract these economic and political forms of domination. This paper advances a few elements of the theoretical understanding of democratic justice inspired by the constitutional vision of Buen Vivir, and their policy applications in reconfiguring the political institutions that shape the state and its international relations. The application in the Citizens’ Revolution movement and historical phase has helped advance the democratization of the Constitution, the Executive, the Legislative, the Judicial system, political rights, the right to life, freedom of expression, national natural resources and investments, external public debt, as well as social rights and the welfare state.
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Gałecki, Łukasz, and Andrzej W. Tymowski. "The German Democratic Republic." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, no. 4 (August 3, 2009): 509–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409342115.
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The 1989 revolution in the German Democratic Republic (GDR) constituted an integral element of wider revolutionary processes in Eastern Europe. But in contrast to what happened in Poland, Hungary, and Czechoslovakia, where the abrogation of real socialism meant return to one’s own national history, to distinctive national and state traditions, what happened in the GDR left its citizens in a great void, because they lacked a collective identity of their own. The crisis of GDR society came down to the fact that rejecting socialism meant rejecting one’s own country, and this had for a long time been against the wishes of the majority. As 1989 unfolded, opposition intellectuals continued to see the only alternative to the GDR to be a new, improved, but still socialist GDR. Meanwhile, the popular demonstration in Leipzig on 9 October 1989 signaled the end of the Communist regime. The destruction of the Berlin Wall on 9 November 1989 was its last dying breath. The paradox was that although the popular call for reunification with West Germany succeeded, the result was widespread frustration, not satisfaction. Moreover, it must be said that the pre-1989 opposition played only a small role in the transformation.
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Kashiem, Prof Dr Mustafa Abdalla. "The Libyans Attitudes towards Democratic Transition." مجلة جامعة صبراتة العلمية 3, no. 1 (June 30, 2019): 25–1. http://dx.doi.org/10.47891/sabujhs.v3i1.116.
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Libya has witnessed a democratic transition process since the early months of 17th February Revolution, 2011.However, aftereight years, there is still a gap in the literature about this topic. Thus, this study aims to fulfil a part of this gap by describing and analyzing the Libyan attitudes towards the democratic the transition process in Libya post Kaddafi era during the years, 2012-2014. Currently, the Libyans view themselves as participants in the democratic process that Libya is enjoying since August 2011, when the declaration of the liberating of Libyan was announced by the President ofthe Interim Transitional National Council “ITNC” in Benghazi. The findings of this study demonstrate that the Libyans are no longer view themselves as belonging to parochial or subjective political cultures; and therefore, the rate of registration on the 7thof July 2012 election reached 93%, whereas the ratio of the actual voting reached 65% of the total eligible voters. The negative attitudes towards Kaddafi’s regime have changed into positive patterns after the victory of 7thFebruary Revolution. These positive attitudes towards participation culture are spilled over towards the new political system as well as its internal and external policies. Nevertheless, negative attitudes towards issues that threat the national identity have been reported as the majority of the participants rejected federalism as a political system for the new Libya. The findings also indicate that issues related to Amazigh language, liberal democracy and forgiveness with Kaddafi’s supporters before the interim- justice takes place were also rejected by a large portion of the sample.
Keywords: ITNC, NPC, the Interim Constitutional Declaration, system attitudes, process attitudes, policy attitudes.
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Filatova, Irina. "The Lasting Legacy: The Soviet Theory of the National-Democratic Revolution and South Africa." South African Historical Journal 64, no. 3 (September 2012): 507–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02582473.2012.665077.
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Campbell, Edwina S., and Mark D. W. Edington. "Woodrow Wilson's "Road Away From Revolution"." Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 1 (1990): 139–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jis199021/29.
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Now the rallying cry of resurgent democratic movements throughout the Soviet Empire, the riggt of national self-determination was first articulated in Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points and the League of Nations Covenant. Wilson's goals in defining the concept were to rejuvenate Western capitalism and liberalism, in order to ensure both justice and economic progress; and to offer a viable ideological alternative to revolutionary Russia. Wilson's policies sprang from a rejection of determinism; his views of Christian principles; and his admiration for the reforms of English Methodism. Through the concept of self-determination, Wilson brought a concern for social justice into the management of the international state system.
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Fedorchak, Tetiana. "Political transformations in the Czech Republic after the “Velvet revolution”: a retrospective approach." Mediaforum : Analytics, Forecasts, Information Management, no. 8 (December 28, 2020): 148–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mediaforum.2020.8.148-164.
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Using a retrospective approach, the author explores the changes that took place in Czechoslovakia after the 1989 «velvet revolution». The article emphasizes that the «velvet revolution» later grew into a national revolution and led to the emergence of two new nation-states; into a political revolution that destroyed the authoritarian regime and contributed to the emergence of new democratic political institutions; in the economic revolution, during which the mechanisms of a market economy were created in the Czech Republic and Slovakia. The country made a simultaneous transition from dictatorship to democracy, from a command economy to a free market and to a nation state. Despite such a difficult situation and a large number of tasks, Czechoslovakia was able to eliminate the totalitarian legacy, solved the transformational tasks and problems of the division of Czechoslovakia into two sovereign states. In the Czech Republic, the classical political mechanisms of a democratic civil society had already been established in the 1990s and first, a multiparty political system. New democratic election laws laid the groundwork for a competitive multi-party system and political pluralism. The 1993 Constitution of the Czech Republic legislated a new political system for a democratic society, which was to be based on the voluntary creation and competition of political parties, who respect fundamental democratic principles and deny violence as a means to an end. The «velvet revolution» caused a sharp rise in civic activity. On the eve of the first parliamentary elections in 1992, more than 140 political parties and right-wing and left-wing social movements were registered in the CSFM. This was the peak of the quantitative growth of the number of political parties at the stage of building civil society.
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Müller, Laurenz. "Revolutionary Moment: Interpreting the Peasants' War in the Third Reich and in the German Democratic Republic." Central European History 40, no. 2 (March 7, 2007): 193–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000258.
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History textbooks speak of an American, an English, a French, and a Russian revolution, but historians do not recognize a “German Revolution.” For this reason the formation of a German national state was long described as an aspect of a German “divergent path” (Sonderweg) or exceptionalism. While this concept established itself in post-1945 West Germany, German historical scholarship had even earlier insisted on a uniquely German transition from the Old Regime to the modern state, fundamentally different from what took place in the other western European countries. Still earlier, German idealist thinkers had declared the national state (Reich) to be the German people's historical objective. Around 1900 the Reich was understood to be not a rational community based on a contract between independent individuals, as were France and England, but a national community of destiny. The German ideal was not a republic split up into political parties but an organic community between the Reich's people and its rulers. This is why German history had never known a successful revolution from below. During the nineteenth and the early twentieth century, this alleged unity was seen in a positive light, but after 1945 it inspired an explanation, which quickly became canonical, of why German history had led to a catastrophe. German exceptionalism was now understood, especially by German social historians, as a one-way street toward the National Socialist regime.
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Marzec, Wiktor. "What Bears Witness of the Failed Revolution?" East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 30, no. 1 (April 24, 2015): 189–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325415581896.
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This article investigates the rise of political antisemitism during the 1905–1907 Revolution in the Russian-controlled Kingdom of Poland. Extensive, diachronic discourse analysis of political leaflets reveals the role antisemitism played as a political device assisting the construction of new political identities and their dissemination through political mobilization. National Democracy and their labor branch, the National Workers Union, took the nation as the basic form of affiliation. The forging of such national unity, however, was difficult to engender among the workers owing to unique historical circumstances, the experience of exploitation, and longstanding socialist agitation. This process was aided, however, by the reference to a strong negative figure of the Other. When “nationalism began to hate,” antisemitism appeared to be an extremely effective mobilizing device, and the Jews started to act as a negative, constitutive point of reference for the construction of national unity among the Poles. The analysis of the mobilization process and focus on discourse as a main factor in shaping political identities demonstrates that National Democratic antisemitism was neither an automatic activation of already present popular anti-Jewish sentiments due to the rise of mass politics nor a sheer creation of nationalist ideologues. It was, rather, the logic of discourse that ushered in a need for a negatively evaluated outsider, Jews being easily invested in this place due to a particular sociodemographic conjuncture and older judeophobic tendencies.
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Gunitsky, Seva. "Democratic Waves in Historical Perspective." Perspectives on Politics 16, no. 3 (August 21, 2018): 634–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592718001044.
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For over two centuries, the evolution of democracy has been marked by repeated democratic waves. Yet these cross-border bursts of revolution and reform have varied widely in their origins, intensity, and success rates. How do we compare cascades of regime change, and what lessons do they offer about the spread of democracy? I lay out a historical framework of democratic waves that focuses on recurring causal mechanisms across time. Thirteen democratic waves are categorized according to two dimensions: 1) the origins of external influence, located in eitherverticalhegemonic transformations or inhorizontalcross-border linkages; 2) the strength of external influence, taking the form ofcontagionwhen outside forces dominate andemulationwhen domestic focal points shape the timing of contention. This approach allows for more meaningful comparisons between these important, recurring, yet seemingly incomparable democratic waves. More generally, it suggests that the global history of democracy cannot be reduced to the sum of its national trajectories.
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Garvin, Tom. "The Anatomy of a Nationalist Revolution: Ireland, 1858–1928." Comparative Studies in Society and History 28, no. 3 (July 1986): 468–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041750001402x.
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The Irish national revolution has been a long time dying. This is due in part to its artificial continuance in Northern Ireland and in part to the survival of its slogans, in fossilized form, as official symbols of the democratic regime in the Republic of Ireland. The main phase of the movement is, however, long over; even the ideological residue left by it is in an advanced state of decomposition, and Patrick Pearse and James Connolly have no intellectual heirs of any importance.
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Domínguez, Jorge I. "The Democratic Claims of Communist Regime Leaders." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 54, no. 1-2 (March 2021): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/j.postcomstud.2021.54.1-2.45.
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Communist authoritarian regimes born of revolution claim that their rule is democratic, sponsoring elections that, even if uncompetitive, may supplement their claims to rule if the outcome rewards the most-voted with high posts and sidelines the lower-voted. In 2018, Cuba’s new president argued that the 2018 election shaped the new National Assembly and Council of State democratically: garnering electoral support and better inclusiveness by gender, race, and age. Indeed, across the 2003, 2013, and 2018 elections, the Council became demographically inclusive, matching or exceeding its East Asian communist regime peers. However, in Cuba as in Vietnam, election vote shares had little effect on Council membership; the most-voted were not rewarded, the lower-voted were not sidelined.
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Tunç, Bilal, and Orsolya Falus. "Relations Between Turkey and Hungary in the Democratic Party Period (1950–1960)." Politics in Central Europe 17, no. 2 (July 27, 2021): 347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/pce-2021-0015.
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Abstract The decennium historical process in Turkish political history between 1950 and 1960 is called the Democratic Party (DP) era. During this period, important issues took place in Turkish foreign policy. Our aim is to reveal the political, commercial and social relations between Turkey and Hungary in the light of archive documents within the scope of important events in Turkish foreign policy. The aim of this article is to emphasise how the Hungarian Revolution of 1956 affected the relations between the two countries and to prove with documents that Turkey supported Hungary during the revolution. This study has been created by benefiting from archive documents, national newspapers and copyrights from both target countries. The study also commemorates the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, which erupted 65 years ago this year. Finally, this article entitled Relations between Turkey and Hungary during the Democratic Party Period (1950–1960) is a qualitative study prepared using the document analysis technique.
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Tran, Tien Nam. "On the Western scholars' perspective on “power vacuum” and the “opportunity-seizing” capacity of Vietnam revolutionary forces in the 1945 August Revolution." Science and Technology Development Journal 19, no. 4 (December 31, 2016): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v19i4.734.
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The 1945 August Revolution successfully overthrew colonialism, feudalism and led to the birth of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam – the new revolutionary state in Vietnam. The 1945 August Revolution was a significantly historical victory in the cause of national construction and defense of the Vietnamese people. The victory resulted from promoting national strength up from that of the time, in which the national strength under the leadership of the Indochinese Communist Party and leader Ho Chi Minh played a decisive role. However, many Western scholars have different points of view in doing research and studies on this historical event. Many Western scholars believe that there was a “power vacuum” in Vietnam; thereby, Vietnam revolutionary forces moved quickly to fill the power vacuum, launching the August Revolution and won by luck not by their own strength. The paper focuses on assessing the view-points of Western scholars on “power vacuum” at its true worth, while confirming the important role of Vietnam revolutionary forces in “seizing the opportunity” to get hold of power in the 1945 August Revolution.
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Ribeiro, Filipa Perdigão. "“Uma revolução democrática é sempre uma revolução inacabada” — or — “A democratic revolution must always remain unfinished”." Journal of Language and Politics 10, no. 3 (October 31, 2011): 372–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.10.3.04rib.
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This article analyses the discursive construction of collective memories and the function of commemorative events for national identity. It focuses on how the 30th anniversary of the Portuguese 1974 revolution was portrayed in the government’s Programme of Action issued for the 2004 commemorations and in forty-three newspaper opinion articles also published in 2004. The 1974 revolution ended a 48-year right-wing dictatorship and has shaped subsequent historical events since the 1970s. When the Programme of Action changed the 1974 slogan ‘April is revolution’ into ‘April is evolution’, the written press responded by conducting a debate on this reframing. Using the Discourse-Historical Approach in CDA as the analytical framework, this paper highlights the discursive strategies on which the government’s manifesto was built and explores the opinion articles’ ongoing political and ideological tensions over the revolution, its commemorations, and how it paved the way into Europe, by describing the main macro-discursive strategies and raising issues regarding the (mis)representation of social actors and social action.
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Cai, Zi-Jian. "Highlighting the Recent Historical Innovations in Political Progressions from Law." Journal of Social Sciences Research, no. 58 (August 5, 2019): 1204–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.32861/jssr.58.1204.1209.
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In this paper, it is highlighted the recent big historical innovations of politics from law the world people participating enthusiastically, manifested in television and recorded as diaries. It was the author Cai who started and led the democratic law execution in China in 2000, which was new in history and helped establish the theory of armed police. Besides overcoming the difficulties after the June 4th Incident and acquiring some provincial supports in China, it further promoted the democracy in Mideast in many countries, differentiating the democratic law execution and democratic revolution by the legality of route map to election. During this period, it was proposed by the Mideast people the revival of race by law. To control the democratic crimes, it was suggested by the world people to innovatively use the party disciplines in congresses at various levels, including the communist parties worldwide, the Democratic Progressive Party in Taiwan, the Democratic National Construction Association of China, the Christian Democratic Union in Germany, and so on. It was the international movement of “Marx-MingXun calling for competitive election” that overcame the autocratic influence from China, increased the democratic proportion of world communists, and revived the communist parties synchronously in the whole world to practice law to control the democratic crimes. It was Taiwan president YingWen Cai of Democratic Progressive Party and Germany Chancellor Merkel of Christian Democratic Union who elevated the law against democratic crimes to the national level. It is expected that these political innovations would improve the democracy and law.
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Kuzio, Taras. "Democratic Revolutions from a Different Angle: Social Populism and National Identity in Ukraine's 2004 Orange Revolution." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 20, no. 1 (March 2012): 41–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2012.656951.
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BARTHO, JONATHAN. "Reagan’s Southern Comfort: The “Boll Weevil” Democrats in the “Reagan Revolution” of 1981." Journal of Policy History 32, no. 2 (March 5, 2020): 214–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030620000044.
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Abstract:In 1981, around fifty conservative southern Democrats in the House of Representatives, the so-called Boll Weevils, played a crucial role in the enactment of President Ronald Reagan’s economic agenda. The significance of this episode has thus far been underappreciated. This article illustrates the importance of the Boll Weevils’ support to the early success of Reagan’s presidency, as well its implications for both the South’s political landscape and for the national Republican Party.Though short-lived, this coalition would prove to be a significant rupture in the Democratic Party’s superiority in the South at the congressional level and highlighted the partisan fragmentation the region was undergoing. As this article will demonstrate, the events of 1981 returned southern conservatism to the center of power in Washington for the first time in over a decade and acted as a catalyst for a number of southern Democratic congressmen to move toward the GOP.
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Johnson, Jennifer L. "Guerrillas and Fish in Uganda." Global Environment 14, no. 1 (February 17, 2021): 86–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/ge.2021.140104.
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On 29 January 1986, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni was sworn in as President of the Republic of Uganda and his National Resistance Movement (NRM) and National Resistance Army (NRA) became the first guerrilla force to successfully overthrow a government in postcolonial Africa. Some thirty years after the NRM?s bush war was won, the Ugandan military, with President Museveni still at the helm, began officially waging what it calls a guerrilla war against its own citizens. The goal of Museveni?s second guerrilla war was not to bring forth yet another anti-imperial democratic revolution. It was instead designed to sustainably develop fisheries production in Lake Victoria, a task Museveni claims exclusive abilities to successfully steward for the benefit the Ugandan nation as a whole. Transformations in Lake Victoria?s fisheries ecology that predated the NRM?s rise to power, and indeed, predated the formal independence of the Ugandan state were shaped by and shape managerial logics that continue to justify violence against fishworkers in order to enact conventional conceptions of sustainability. Memories of tragedy and success bound up in national narratives of the 1981?1986 war for anti-imperial democratic revolution work to maintain managerial logics and regulatory regimes imposed by the former British colonial state.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "The Hungarian Revolution of 1956: Causes, Effects and Lessons (Part 1)." Problems of World History, no. 3 (May 16, 2017): 109–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-3-6.
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Objective and subjective, interior and international causes of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, its drivers and consequences are highlighted in the article. The author pays attention to the fact that the major goal of the uprising was not to overthrow, but to improve the socialist order, turn down Matyas Rakosi’s personality cult, correct hard mistakes and bring perpetrators to justice. The article shows that democratic forces of Hungary gave rise to peaceful removal of Stalin’s state structure and to formation of the democratic socialism with national features. The author states that provocations and military interference of the USSR into home affairs of Hungary were the principal cause of mass uprising of civil population. He also underlines that the Revolution leaders took into account interests of the USSR, they were constantly holding talks with Soviet management, and avoided involving power structures (army, police, security forces), except some certain commanders and units into combat actions against occupation of Hungary. The author points out that not a single country in the world stood up to defend and support Hungary, and stresses that the Revolution ideas were put into practice in evolution way during 70-80s of the XX century.
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Derzhaliuk, M. "The Hungarian Revolution of 1956: Causes, Effects and Lessons (Part 2)." Problems of World History, no. 4 (June 8, 2017): 110–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2017-4-8.
Full textAbstract:
Objective and subjective, interior and international causes of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, its drivers and consequences are highlighted in the article. The author pays attention to the fact that the major goal of the uprising was not to overthrow, but to improve the socialist order, turn down Matyas Rakosi’s personality cult, correct hard mistakes and bring perpetrators to justice. The article shows that democratic forces of Hungary gave rise to peaceful removal of Stalin’s state structure and to formation of the democratic socialism with national features. The author states that provocations and military interference of the USSR into home affairs of Hungary were the principal cause of mass uprising of civil population. He also underlines that the Revolution leaders took into account interests of the USSR, they were constantly holding talks with Soviet management, and avoided involving power structures (army, police, security forces), except some certain commanders and units into combat actions against occupation of Hungary. The author points out that not a single country in the world stood up to defend and support Hungary, and stresses that the Revolution ideas were put into practice in evolution way during 70-80s of the XX century.
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Gasca, Ana Millán. "Mathematicians and the Nation in the Second Half of the Nineteenth Century as Reflected in the Luigi Cremona Correspondence." Science in Context 24, no. 1 (February 3, 2011): 43–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889710000268.
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ArgumentUp until the French Revolution, European mathematics was an “aristocratic” activity, the intellectual pastime of a small circle of men who were convinced they were collaborating on a universal undertaking free of all space-time constraints, as they believed they were ideally in dialogue with the Greek founders and with mathematicians of all languages and eras. The nineteenth century saw its transformation into a “democratic” but also “patriotic” activity: the dominant tendency, as shown by recent research to analyze this transformation, seems to be the national one, albeit accompanied by numerous analogies from the point of view of the processes of national evolution, possibly staggered in time. Nevertheless, the very homogeneity of the individual national processes leads us to view mathematics in the context of the national-universal tension that the spread of liberal democracy was subjected to over the past two centuries. In order to analyze national-universal tension in mathematics, viewed as an intellectual undertaking and a profession of the new bourgeois society, it is necessary to investigate whether the network of international communication survived the political, social, and cultural upheavals of the French Revolution and the European wars waged in the early nineteenth century, whether national passions have transformed this network, and if so, in what way. Luigi Cremona's international correspondence indicates that relationships among individuals have been restructured by the force of national membership, but that the universal nature of mathematics has actually been boosted by a vision shared by mathematicians from all countries concerning the role of their discipline in democratic and liberal society as the basis of scientific culture and technological innovation, as well as a basic component of public education.
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Kornovenko, Serhii. "Agrarian policy in Ukraine during the National-Democratic Revolution of 1917-1921: experience for contemporary agrarian transformations." Eminak, no. 4(32) (January 13, 2021): 92–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2020.4(32).467.
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The experience of the events of the Ukrainian Revolution of 1917-1921 is especially relevant for modern Ukraine. Modern geopolitical transformations, radical changes in the domestic political life of Ukraine, ambitious plans of the government are a chance for our state to restore its full-fledged subjectivity in the international arena, in the domestic life of the country. An effective mechanism of external and internal subjectivization of Ukraine, given the longevity of agricultural culture (in a broad sense), can be agrarian policy, its effective implementation. This implies not only a clear understanding on the part of the state of the essence of agrarian policy, its purpose, stages and mechanisms of implementation. The author of the article aims to propose, taking into account the agrarian transformations of the Ukrainian revolution, a possible model of the latest agrarian transformations. Under modern conditions, the most discussed issue is the feasibility/inexpediency of opening a land market in Ukraine. The heated debate on this is primarily about the socio-economic and socio-political consequences. Last but not least, the debaters in the discussions focus on only one segment of this multifaceted phenomenon � foreign land tenure/land use/land management. That is, they are only interested in the institution of private land ownership for foreigners on the whole set of issues. The main risks of opening the land market: external and internal. External: desubjectification of Ukraine, increasing dependence on foreign capital, especially credit one, loss of status of the granary of Europe, reduction of foreign exchange earnings to the budget, desoilization (dechernozemization). Internal: legalization of the agrarian oligarchy, desubjectification of power, degradation of civil society, increasing shadowing of the economy in general, agro-industrial complex in particular, the absence of the middle class � the social basis of the state, the extinction of the countryside, its disappearance as a socio-economic, socio-political, spiritual-cultural component of the Ukrainian political nation, strengthening the demographic challenges, etc.
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MAHAFZAH, Emran. "LEGAL RESPONSE OF THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL TRANSFORMATIONS BY THE IDEA OF THE RIGHT TO CHANGE." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.1-3.6.
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The revolution in Europe and the United States, especially the French revolution of 1789, expressed the right of change, the Declaration of Human Rights, and citizenship. This right was expressed in the form of "resisting tyranny" and the "right of revolution". It was included in many writings of the Renaissance and Enlightenment period, but it started to disappear when democracy stabilized as a political system expressing the modern state identity. In spite of the fact that the democratic pattern embedded a group of guarantees in order to exercise public freedoms, the right of change has remained as the last resort that does not need to be documented in national laws and constitution., However, its legality and legitimacy are based on the principle of people's sovereignty.
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MAHAFZAH, Emran. "LEGAL RESPONSE OF THE POLITICAL AND SOCIAL TRANSFORMATIONS BY THE IDEA OF THE RIGHT TO CHANGE." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 64–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.1-3.6.
Full textAbstract:
The revolution in Europe and the United States, especially the French revolution of 1789, expressed the right of change, the Declaration of Human Rights, and citizenship. This right was expressed in the form of "resisting tyranny" and the "right of revolution". It was included in many writings of the Renaissance and Enlightenment period, but it started to disappear when democracy stabilized as a political system expressing the modern state identity. In spite of the fact that the democratic pattern embedded a group of guarantees in order to exercise public freedoms, the right of change has remained as the last resort that does not need to be documented in national laws and constitution., However, its legality and legitimacy are based on the principle of people's sovereignty.
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Dénes, Iván Zoltán. "Adopting the European Model versus National Egoism: The Task of Surpassing Political Hysteria." European Review 20, no. 4 (September 4, 2012): 514–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798712000087.
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Analysing the images of the self and the enemy of the two main kinds of political language in the post-communist countries of East Central European, this Hungarian case study shows the shift from personal liberty to social protection, from liberal democracy to a mixture of oligarchic and ochlocratic phenomena, from constitutional revolution to a search for forging collective identity, from individual universal human-rights discourse to collectivist, including ethnicist, public speech, and from establishing the constitutional bases of the new democratic political system to different political hysterias. Its ultimate question is how to surpass political hysteria through research into the ways and means of processing collective traumas.
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Dang, Phuong Thi Minh. "Leader Nguyen Ai Quoc’s and the Communist Party’s experiences to mobilize intellectuals in the struggle for national liberation (1930-1945)." Science and Technology Development Journal 19, no. 4 (December 31, 2016): 5–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.32508/stdj.v19i4.720.
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During the struggle for national liberation, to seize the power back to the people, from 1930 to 1945, being propagandized and advocated by the Communist Party, a large part of patriotic intellectuals and progressives joined in the people's patriotic movement and revolution, accompanied the nation, significantly contributed to the struggle against colonialism, restored and developed the revolutionary movement, protected the Party, prepared Forces for all aspects of the preparation of the general uprising, contributed to the victory of the August 1945 Revolution and established the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. The Party’s mobilization of intellectuals from 1930 to 1945 brought many of the Party's creations and Ho Chi Minh's ideology to life in building and promoting the precious traditional values of the nation and the power of the bloc of great national unity based on Marxism-Leninism and Vietnamese patriotism.
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Gołębiowska, Ewa. "Ethnic and Religious Tolerance in Poland." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 23, no. 3 (July 24, 2009): 371–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409333191.
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Since its democratic revolution was set in motion, Poland has enjoyed tremendous progress in its degree of democratic consolidation. For example, significant institutional changes have taken place in the status of Poland's ethnic, national, and religious minorities. Yet, institutional protections alone do not fully capture the extent of openness to diversity. More comprehensive depictions of the quality of democracy need to encompass investigations of the democratic citizens' “hearts and minds.” In this article, using data from a recent nationally representative survey, the author examines the extent and sources of Poles' tolerance of ethnic and religious difference. She focuses on social tolerance of difference, using questions about acceptance of interethnic and interreligious marriage as the dependent variables. As part of the inquiry, the author compares and contrasts the levels and sources of tolerance of interreligious marriage over time and discusses the political implications of the findings and future research directions.
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Slocomb, Margaret. "Chikreng Rebellion: Coup and Its Aftermath in Democratic Kampuchea." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 16, no. 1 (March 15, 2006): 59–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186305005651.
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AbstractThe history of the regime of Democratic Kampuchea (DK) which ruled Cambodia from 1975 to 1979 in the name of social revolution made on behalf of Cambodia's poor peasants has been researched and documented according to many sources. When the leaders of the counter-revolutionary Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation, spearheaded by a massive force of the People's Army of Vietnam, took back the capital, Phnom Penh, on 7 January 1979, they captured official documents, particularly the forced confessions of thousands of political prisoners, which threw light on the nature of the regime and its catastrophic course after victory in April 1975. Other contemporary sources included monitored radio broadcasts of the regime, the dossiers of Khmer Rouge defectors to Thailand compiled by the US State Department, and the rich vein of information provided to western scholars of Cambodian history by refugees in the Thai camps and in other countries which received them after 1979.
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Upadhyay, Archana. "Russian Revolution in perspective. Reflections on its impact on the Indian freedom struggle." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 47–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-4-47-55.
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The October Revolution of 1917 profoundly influenced the course of the Indian freedom movement in multiple ways. It gave impetus to Indian political aspirations, widened the base of the freedom struggle by making industrial workers and peasants active participants, and endowed the movement with a progressive outlook. The revolution’s principles resonated deeply among the people and leaders of the Indian freedom movement. In fact, many of the values enshrined in our Constitution, adopted post-independence, were inspired by the lofty ideals of the Russian Revolution. The most important event in Russia, influencing the course of the freedom movement in India, was the October Revolution in 1917. The revolution, its ideology, V. I. Lenin and his deep involvement with the issues confronting the people of the East, the transformation of Russia post 1917, and the overall attitude of the Soviet government and the Comintern towards India’s freedom struggle deeply influenced both the people and the leaders of the Indian freedom movement. Though the multiclass national movement did not get converted completely to the cause of socialism, the fact remains that the legacies of the October Revolution influenced the course of the freedom struggle in multiple ways. Some of its legacies got imprinted in the Constitution that India adopted post-independence. The socialist component of the Constitution of India did not happen by accident. It was the outcome of the massive ideological churning that took place within and outside the Indian National Congress and that which by no small measure was triggered by the emancipatory ideals of the Russian Revolution of 1917. The Constitution of the Republic of India, adopted on 26 January 1950, was based on a set of principles and ideas that would achieve socialist reconstruction of society through democratic means. The right balance of the proper socio-economic rights with guaranteed democratic and civil liberties, based on the majority principle along with the right of minority opinions to exist and flourish in a secular state became the cornerstones of the Constitution that independent India adopted. Many of these values were clearly inspired by the lofty ideals of the Russian Revolution.
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Reient, O., and V. Velykochyi. "State-Building Processes in Western Ukrainian Lands Through the Prism of the National-Democratic Revolution of 1914-1923." Ukraïnsʹkij ìstoričnij žurnal, no. 1 (June 3, 2019): 166–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/uhj2019.01.166.
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Moore, David. "A Decade of Disquieting Diplomacy: South Africa, Zimbabwe and the Ideology of the National Democratic Revolution, 1999-2009." History Compass 8, no. 8 (August 4, 2010): 752–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2010.00713.x.
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Droz-Vincent, Philippe. "“State of Barbary” (Take Two): From the Arab Spring to the Return of Violence in Syria." Middle East Journal 68, no. 1 (January 15, 2014): 33–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/68.1.12.
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Unlike the Tunisian and Egyptian uprisings in 2011, the Syrian Revolution has endured for more than three years. The uprising burst from the “peripheries” of the regime into an organized national movement, clinging at the beginning to the ideal of a nonviolent, nonsectarian upheaval aiming at a democratic Syria. Yet, the dynamics of contention between the regime and social movements have been re-shaped, leading to a return of violence with the risks of sectarian civil war looming.
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Kashiem, Mustafa Abdalla A. "The Italian role in the Libyan spring revolution: is it a shift from soft to hard power?" Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no. 4 (October 1, 2012): 556–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.728396.
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While France, Britain, Qatar and the United States played crucial political and military roles in the alliance of countries backing Libya's ‘spring’ revolution from the beginning, Italy's early stance towards the Libyan revolution was somewhat hesitant and vague. Its initial reticence was due to national security considerations, Italy's calculation of its national interest and the complexity of contemporary international relations. However, as events unfolded, the Italian position became clearer and firmer, such that in time Italy played a leading role that helped the global efforts to rebuild the new contemporary democratic Libya post-Qadhafi. The focus of this study is on the Italian role during the course of the Libyan ‘spring’ revolution, known now as the revolution of 17 February 2011, after the agreed date of its inception. Notwithstanding Rome's initial hesitancy, Italy is considered among the leading actors that participated in the alliance galvanized to act under the terms of UN Security Council Resolutions 1970 and 1973. Here the contention is that Italy's full participation in the global alliance that carried out the UN mandates represented a process of transition in the Italian orientation from that of a soft power to that of a hard power as well. Thus, it is argued, when Italy's national security and interests are challenged in a global context, Italy is willing to use both soft and hard power. The findings of this study supported, by and large, the initial expectations concerning the important types of internal and external elements influencing the role of Italy in the Libyan crisis. Thus, Italy's position towards the Libyan revolution of 17 February 2011 may be attributed, among other factors, to its discernment of its national security and national interests in the context of competition in the Mediterranean region and the Middle East as well.
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Case, Robert W. "Report From the Netherlands: The Dutch Revolution in Secondary School Mathematics." Mathematics Teacher 98, no. 6 (February 2005): 374–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/mt.98.6.0374.
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The Dutch are in the midst of a powerful nationwide revolution in secondary school mathematics. This change in the approach to curriculum is known in the Netherlands as Realistic Mathematics Education, and a fundamental renewal of teaching methods and learning styles has also occurred. These developments are analogous to changes advocated by the National Council of Teachers of Mathematics (NCTM 2000), and the Dutch model is being constructed on much the same social ground as that found in the United States. Although Dutch and U.S. societies differ, these differences are outweighed by core similarities. Both countries are Western, high–technology, liberal, democratic societies that are moving toward a knowledge–based economy. In addition, large immigrant populations in the urban centers of both nations are a central concern for educational equity.
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Kamionka, M. "Historical Heroes of modern Ukrainian Students." SUMY HISTORICAL AND ARCHIVAL JOURNAL, no. 35 (2020): 54–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.21272/shaj.2020.i35.p.54.
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Ukrainian youth from the beginning of the country’s independence was a catalyst for democratic changes. From the Revolution on Granite, through the Sumy’s Revolution on Grass and Orange Revolution to the Revolution of Dignity and the war in the East, undeniably it was the youth who fought for the future of Ukraine. While appreciating the contribution of young people to the contemporary history of Ukraine, it is essential to ask which national heroes and what historical events are important to the young generation. Thanks to the research conducted in 2017-2018 on a representative group of Ukrainian youth (1043 respondents), the author can answer that question. The results show that there are no surprises; the research confirms the all-Ukrainian results and shares knowledge on this subject. However, it is worth emphasizing some surprises, as well as the frequent selection of the answer “neutral attitude” to historical events, which may indicate the lack of historical knowledge among the surveyed youth.
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Aleksandrowicz, Tomasz. "National Security in the 21st Century. A Time of Discontinuation." Security Dimensions 28, no. 28 (December 31, 2018): 88–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.1616.
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The analyses of the security environment of the second decade of the 21st century clearly indicate that the period will be recorded in history as a decade of change, a time of discontinuation. Liberal democracy ceases to be the dominant paradigm, and the challenging of the liberal-democratic ideas is the most profound change since the establishment of the democratic order in the West in 1945. We are facing a growing gap between societal expectations and the abilities of the governments as well as the results that they deliver – the function of the state is changing, and governing is becoming ever more difficult. It is highly likely that the consequences of these changes will be more serious than the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union. The basic principles of the international order created after World War II are becoming increasingly obsolete. It appears obvious that these changes affect not only individual societies in the West, but also global international relations. These changes are accompanied by a scientific and technological revolution, in particular with regard to information. These phenomena can and should be analysed in terms of changes in the security environment understood as a mix of opportunities, challenges, threats and risks. This applies to the European Union in particular, as well as to the entire continent. It is reasonable to assume that risks and threats to Europe gain new depth within this context.
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Tomar, Antelak Mh'd Abdulmalek Al Mutawakil*. "Self- Liberation and National Struggle in Yemeni Women's Early Short Stories." Dialogue: A Journal Devoted to Literary Appreciation 15, no. 1-2 (October 28, 2019): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.30949/dajdtla.v14i1-2.2.
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The first women's short story in the Yemen was published in the South in the 1960 at the beginning of the decade that was to witness national liberation movements in both the South and the North. In the South independence was gained from British colonial control in the 1967 when the People's Democratic Republic of Yemen was formed. During this decade women from the South began to publish short stories. In the North the revolution of 1962 led to the creation of the Yemen Arab Republic, ending the rule of the Imams. But for most of the rest of the decade there was instability and fighting between republican and loyalist forces. Women from the North started to publish short stories in the 1970's . Since then Yemeni women have continued to write and publish their stories in newspaper, magazines and in anthologies1
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Sygkelos, Yannis. "The National Discourse of the Bulgarian Communist Party on National Anniversaries and Commemorations (1944–1948)." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 4 (July 2009): 425–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990902985678.
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During the early post-war years (1944–1948), the newly established communist regimes in Eastern Europe followed the Soviet example. They honoured figures and events from their respective national pasts, and celebrated holidays dedicated to anti-fascist resistance and popular uprisings, which they presented as forerunners of the new, bright and prosperous “democratic” era. Hungarian communists celebrated 15 March and commemorated 6 October, both recalling the national struggle for independence in 1848; they celebrated a martyr cult of fallen communists presented as national heroes, and “nationalized” socialist holidays, such as May Day. In the centenary of 1848 they linked national with social demands. In the “struggle for the soul of the nation,” Czech communists also extensively celebrated anniversaries and centenaries, especially in 1948, which saw the 600th anniversary of the founding of Prague's Charles University, the 100th anniversaries of the first All-Slav Congress (held in Prague) and the revolution of 1848, the 30th anniversary of the founding of an independent Czechoslovakia, and the 10th anniversary of the Munich Accords. National holidays related to anti-fascist resistance movements were celebrated in Croatia, Slovenia, and Macedonia; dates related to the overthrow of fascism, implying the transition to the new era, were celebrated in Romania, Albania, and Bulgaria.
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Susilo, I. Basis, and Annisa Pratamasari. "How Did America Inspire Indonesian Revolution?" Jurnal Global Strategis 12, no. 2 (November 30, 2018): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jgs.12.2.2018.119-130.
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This paper examines the American Revolution as an inspiration for Indonesia’s founding fathers to fight for their nation’s independence in 1945. This paper was sparked by the existence of the pamphlet ‘It's 1776 in Indonesia’ published in 1948 in the United States which presupposes the link between Indonesian Revolution and the American Revolution. The basic assumption of this paper is that Indonesian founding fathers were inspired by the experiences of other nations, including the Americans who abolished the British colonization of 13 colonies in North American continent in the eigthenth century. American inspiration on the struggle for Indonesian independence was examined from the spoken dan written words of three Indonesian founding fathers: Achmad Soekarno, Mohamad Hatta and Soetan Sjahrir. This examination produced two findings. First, the two Indonesian founding fathers were inspired by the United States in different capacities. Compared to Hatta and Sjahrir, Soekarno referred and mentioned the United States more frequent. Second, compared to the inspirations from other nations, American inspiration for the three figures was not so strong. This was because the liberal democratic system and the American-chosen capitalist system were not the best alternative for Soekarno, Hatta and Sjahrir. Therefore, the massive exposition of the 1776 Revolution in 1948 was more of a tactic on the Indonesian struggle to achieve its national objectives at that time, as it considered the United States as the most decisive international post-World War II political arena.
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B. Rapanyane, Makhura. "SACP and ANC-led Alliance Government's Inclination to the National Democratic Revolution: A Review of Implementation Successes and Failures." Journal of Nation-building & Policy Studies 5, no. 1 (June 18, 2021): 115–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2516-3132/2021/v5n1a6.
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ÖÖzler, ŞŞ İİlgüü. "Out of the Plaza and into the Office: Social Movement Leaders in the PRD." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 25, no. 1 (2009): 125–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2009.25.1.125.
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Former social movement activists play a key role within the Mexican Party of the Democratic Revolution (PRD), yet little is known about the experiences of these social movement activists turned partisans since the party's consolidation and rise to national prominence. This study details how these actors struggle with ideological and strategic questions and the party's relationship with the social movement organizations from which they came. While ideological ambiguities within the party serve as a source of frustration for ex-social movement leaders, the strategic benefits of partisan involvement motivate them to continue with the party.
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Mufti, Malik, and Katherine Bullock. "Editorial." American Journal of Islam and Society 29, no. 3 (July 1, 2012): i—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v29i3.1193.
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It is becoming increasingly apparent that the Muslim world is undergoing a political upheaval of historic proportions. The Arab Spring is one of the most recent and dramatic manifestations, with millions of men and women across the Arab world taking to the streets – often in the face of brutal repression ‒ to demand the reform or overthrow of their authoritarian governments.Their bravery has already led to the ouster of four dictators – in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen – and the process is still far from over. But this uprising is only part of a much broader phenomenon, as a reviewof just the past five years demonstrates. In late 2008, largely free and fairelections ended two years of military-backed emergency rule in Bangladesh,and put the country back on a democratic track. In 2009, similarelections in Indonesia consolidated the democratic regime that had beenin place there for just over a decade. That same year in Iran, by contrast, national elections, which were widely viewed as having been rigged, ledto the so-called “Green Revolution” – the biggest prodemocratic uprisingagainst the authoritarian regime there since the revolution of 1979. In2010, Iraq held its second, and far more representative, elections since theoverthrow of the Ba’athist regime. In 2011, national elections in Turkey that returned the AK Party to power with its largest electoral victory yet, coupled with ongoing judicial investigations into subversive activities byhard-line authoritarian elements, marked a decisive turning point in Turkey’s democratic evolution. In 2012, the willingness of Senegal’s president to step down peacefully after losing an election there seemed to confirm thevictory of democracy in that country as well.As the suppression of Iran’s Green Revolution, the 2012 military coupthat interrupted Mali’s democratic experiment, and the ongoing violencein several of the other transitioning polities, indicate the process is neithersmooth nor unidirectional. Several aspects of the current upheaval, however, are already clear. First and foremost, the political mobilization of theMuslim masses – the eruption of “people power” – is now an irreversiblereality for the foreseeable future, so that only regimes that are genuinelyrepresentative and accountable can hope to enjoy any legitimacy in thefuture. Second, as public opinion poll after poll has demonstrated, democracyhas become a hegemonic concept throughout the Muslim world aswell ‒ meaning that effective governance and opposition will need to take place within its institutional and normative parameters. Third, as Table 1shows, judging by the most recent election results, in most of the Middle Eastern states at least, political parties rooted in an Islamist background are likely to garner the lion’s share of electoral support for some time to come ...