Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'National Farm Workers Association'

Burnout is a common occurrence for many healthcare social workers, though little academic literature addresses the impacts of the organizational environment on burnout among healthcare social workers. The purpose of this correlational study was to evaluate what organizational factors predict burnout in the healthcare environment while considering sociodemographic and organizational factors. An adaptation of Maslach's multidimensional theory of burnout served as the framework for this study. Surveys were distributed to members of the National Association of Social Workers who are employed in healthcare environments, resulting in a sample size of 237 useable responses. A multiple linear regression statistical analysis indicated that workload, reward, values, and level of care predicted emotional exhaustion, and therefore the potential for burnout (p < .001). Findings were consistent with the theoretical framework employed. Policy implications include the need for healthcare environments to develop standard operating procedures to address organizational barriers for social workers that contribute to social workers burnout. Implications for social change include an identified need to address burnout through healthcare organizations, professional associations, and academia using education, intervention, and policy.

The objectives were to evaluate the validity and reliability of four neurobehavioral instruments used in the study and to test three models hypothesised as possible causal pathways between OP exposure and depression, impulsive behaviour and suicidal ideation.

This thesis focuses on relationships of opportunity and constraint among farm workers in the Sundays River Valley (SRV), Eastern Cape Province. Relationships of 'constraint' include those experiences of displacement and forced removal and war, including forced removals by the apartheid state in 1960 and 1970. Relationships of 'opportunity' include the ways in which residents in the SRV have contested their experiences of upheaval and domination, and the formation of a regional sense of place and belonging/ investigate how farm workers actually draw elements of locality and identity from their experiences of upheaval, and how displacement bolsters feelings of belonging and place. Instead of viewing displacement as a once-off experience, this thesis investigates displacement in historical terms, as a long-term, 'serial' experience of human movement, which is continued in the present- specifically through the creation of the Greater Addo Elephant National Park. I concentrate on developing a spatialised and cultural notion of movemenUplacement. 'Place' is investigated as a term that refers to rather indeterminate feelings of nostalgia, memory and identity, which depend on a particular connection to territory (ie: 'space'). I emphasise that elements of place in the SRV are drawn from and expressed along dualistic lines, which juxtapose situations of opportunity and constraint. In this way, farm workers' sense of connection to farms and ancestral territory in the SRV depends on their experiences of stable residency and work on farms, as well as their memories of removal from land in the area. I emphasise that those elements of conservatism (expressed as 'tradition' and Redness) among Xhosa-speaking farm workers are indications of a certain hybridity of identity in the region, which depend on differentiation from other groups (such as so-called 'coloured' farm workers and 'white' farmers), as well as associations between these groups. This thesis lays emphasis upon those less visible and definable 'identities' in the Eastern Cape Province, specifically by shifting focus away from the exhomeland states of the Ciskei and Transkei, to more marginal expressions of identity and change (among farm workers) in the Province. I point out that labourers cannot solely be defined by their positions as farm workers, but by their place and sense of cultural belonging in the area. In this sense, I use the idea of work as a loaded concept that can comment on a range of cultural attitudes towards belonging and place, and which is firmly embedded in the private lives of labourers - beyond their simple socio-economic conditions of farm work. I use Bourdieu's conception of habitus and doxa to define work as a set of dispositions that have been historicised and internalised by workers to such an extent, that relationships of domination are sometimes inadvertently obscured through their apparent 'naturalness'. Moreover, I point out that work can be related to ritualised action in the SRV through the use of performance and practice-based anthropological theory. Both work and ritual are symbolic actions, and are sites of struggle within which workers express themselves dualistically. Rituals, specifically, are dramatic events that combine disharmonious and harmonious social processes - juxtaposing the powerlessness of workers (on farms), and the deep sense of belonging and place in the SRV. I argue that the deep historical connections in the SRV have largely been ignored by conservationists in the drive to establish new protected zones (such as the Greater Addo Elephant National Park), and that a new model of shared conservation management is needed for this Park.

After the turmoil of the 1890s shearing contractors eliminated some of the frustration from shearers recruitment. At the same time closer settlement concentrated more sheep in small flocks in farming regions, replacing the huge leasehold pastoral empires which were at the cutting edge of wool expansion in the nineteenth century. Meanwhile the AWU succeeded in getting an award for the pastoral industry under the new arbitration legislation in 1907. Cultural and administrative influences, therefore, eased some of the bitter enmity which had made the annual shearing so unstable. Not all was plain sailing. A pattern of militancy re-emerged during World War I. Shearing shed unrest persisted throughout the interwar period and during World War II. In the 1930s a rival union with communist connections, the PWIU, was a major disruptive influence. Militancy was a factor in a major shearing strike in 1956, when the boom conditions of the early-1950s were beginning to fade. The economic system did not have satisfactory mechanisms to cope. Unionised shearers continued to be locked in a psyche of confrontation as wool profits eroded further in the 1970s. This ultimately led to the wide comb dispute, which occurred as wider pressures changed an economic order which had not been seriously challenged since Federation, and which the AWU had been instrumental in shaping. Shearing was always identified with bushworker ‘mateship’, but its larrikinism and irreverence to authority also fostered individualism, and an aggressive ‘moneymaking’ competitive culture. Early in the century, when old blade shearers resented the aggressive pursuit of tallies by fast men engaged by shearing contractors, tensions boiled over. While militants in the 1930s steered money-makers into collectivist versions of mateship, in the farming regions the culture of self-improvement drew others towards the shearing competitions taking root around agricultural show days. Others formed their own contracting firms and had no interest in confrontation with graziers. Late in the century New Zealanders arrived with combs an inch wider than those that had been standard for 70 years. It was the catalyst for the assertion of meritocracy over democracy, which had ruled since Federation.

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
After the turmoil of the 1890s shearing contractors eliminated some of the frustration from shearers recruitment. At the same time closer settlement concentrated more sheep in small flocks in farming regions, replacing the huge leasehold pastoral empires which were at the cutting edge of wool expansion in the nineteenth century. Meanwhile the AWU succeeded in getting an award for the pastoral industry under the new arbitration legislation in 1907. Cultural and administrative influences, therefore, eased some of the bitter enmity which had made the annual shearing so unstable. Not all was plain sailing. A pattern of militancy re-emerged during World War I. Shearing shed unrest persisted throughout the interwar period and during World War II. In the 1930s a rival union with communist connections, the PWIU, was a major disruptive influence. Militancy was a factor in a major shearing strike in 1956, when the boom conditions of the early-1950s were beginning to fade. The economic system did not have satisfactory mechanisms to cope. Unionised shearers continued to be locked in a psyche of confrontation as wool profits eroded further in the 1970s. This ultimately led to the wide comb dispute, which occurred as wider pressures changed an economic order which had not been seriously challenged since Federation, and which the AWU had been instrumental in shaping. Shearing was always identified with bushworker ‘mateship’, but its larrikinism and irreverence to authority also fostered individualism, and an aggressive ‘moneymaking’ competitive culture. Early in the century, when old blade shearers resented the aggressive pursuit of tallies by fast men engaged by shearing contractors, tensions boiled over. While militants in the 1930s steered money-makers into collectivist versions of mateship, in the farming regions the culture of self-improvement drew others towards the shearing competitions taking root around agricultural show days. Others formed their own contracting firms and had no interest in confrontation with graziers. Late in the century New Zealanders arrived with combs an inch wider than those that had been standard for 70 years. It was the catalyst for the assertion of meritocracy over democracy, which had ruled since Federation.

In this thesis, I study the effects of the National School Nutrition Programme (NSNP) on the rural areas of Western Cape, South Africa. More precisely I try to find out how the NSNP has affected the families in this rural area and what attitudes that can be found among the two generations of people living and working on wine farms. The reason for this investigation is that NSNP was set up to increase school attendance among children living in an exposed socioeconomic environment, and I wanted to see how much the NSNP affect people’s daily life, with focus on the ones living on/near wine farms in the more rural areas in Western Cape since these areas holds socioeconomic groups that are exposed in the society.  To answer the research questions, I conducted several interviews with both wine farm workers and pupils living on/near a wine farm. But oral history is more than a method! I wanted to look upon the history from a grassroots perspective with a special focus on the working class, ethnic minorities and women´s part in the history.  My theory is based upon the terms Welfare and Social inequality. These two perspectives describe access to labor market, poverty, education and income support. These aspects highlight different forms of social exclusion which wine farm workers and pupils living on/near wine farm lives in.  With these methods I found out that the NSNP plays a crucial part in the lives of those who lives in the rural areas of Western Cape. Many pupils go to school just because their parents want it due to lack of food at home. The government’s purpose of the NSNP, to increase the school attendance can be seen in the answers giving to me during interviews with wine farm workers.

The purpose of this study is to examine child welfare workers' attitudes towards culturally diverse consumers. Social workers from four local foster family agencies were asked to complete a voluntary and anonymous questionaire. The survey also consisted of filling out the Multicultural Counseling Inventory (MCI) which, consisted of forty Likert type questions. The MCI served as an instrument scale to measure the workers' multicultural competencies.

This thesis examines the political representation of Australian farmers. The NFF family of interest groups is charged with the political representation of farmers in Australia.Given that their state affiliates are the only organisations that farmers can directly join, this study takes the case of the New South Wales Farmers' Association (NSWFA) as its major reference point. A paradox is immediately confronted. On one hand, both the state and commentators refer to the NFF family as an exemplar of a successful modern interest group. However, on the other, the NFF family is being confronted with escalating levels of disillusionment and criticism from its own constituency.Two points of interest are highlighted. Firstly, it is suggested that theoretical frameworks, which assist commentators and researchers to come to the conclusion that the NFF family is 'successful', are not constructed in such a fashion as to throw sufficient light on the paradoxical nature of an existing situation. Secondly, this paradox suggests that the NFF itself must be able to disassociate the contingent relationship between its internal levels of support and external levels of access and influence. These two focal points are explored in this thesis, and the framework used by researchers to understand the actions of Australian farm interest groups are scrutinised. Discussing 'authentic' political representation assists considering the major theme of the 'representative paradox'. It is argued that this paradox is best understood by locating it within a search by farmers for authentic political representation - both through the NFF family and apart from it.

Eye Movement Desensitization and Reprocessing, EMDR, is a new clinical treatment shown to be effective for victims of trauma. EMDR is a time efficient, comprehensive methodology backed by positive, controlled research, for the treatment of disturbing experiences that underlie many pathologies. An eight phase treatment approach that includes using eye movements or other left-right stimulation, EMDR helps victims of trauma reprocess disturbing thoughts and memories. The purpose of this research project was to describe and explore the utilization of EMDR by licensed clinical social workers who were registered as members of the National Association of Social Workers.

Syftet med denna studie är att kartlägga organisationskultur inom folkrörelseorganisationer samt att undersöka dess eventuella förändringar under påverkan av kulturpolitiken. Denna studie tillämpar Geert Hofstedes teorier som behandlar olika nivåer och dimensioner av organisationskultur. Studien behandlar värderingar, ritualer, hjältar och symboler inom varje organisation i fråga i ett sammanhang av organisatoriska praktiker som meningsbärande kulturella uttryck. Studien har genomförts med ett kvalitativt angreppssätt där semistrukturerade intervjuer utförts med hjälp av ett bekvämlighetsrvalsstrategi. Datainsamlingen har genomförts genom personliga intervjuer med fyra medarbetare på två folkrörelseorganisationer i Stockholm d.v.s. ABF och Riksteatern. De valda Organisationerna är verksamma inom olika verksamhetsområde och respondenterna har jobbat i varierande positioner och har fleråriga arbetserfarenheter. Intervjuerna spelades in efter beviljat tillstånd och säkerställandet av respondenternas anonymitet. En innehållsanalys genomfördes efter transkribering av inspelat material i form av citat och egna tolkningar. Studien behandlar också en del sekundärdata i form av historisk information om folkrörelsernas samhälleliga rötter och utvecklingsprocess. Studien visar en ständigt pågående omorganiseringsprocess inom folkrörelseorganisationer vilket orsakat signifikanta förändringar inom folkrörelsernas organisationskultur. Konflikten mellan folkrörelsernas ideella logiker och kulturpolitikens kvalitetslogik uppträder i organisationskulturen på olika sätt. ABF:s kärnvärderingar nämligen hjälpsamhet, jämlikhet och högt arbetsengagemang anses vara mindre aktuella idag. Hjälpsamhet och jämlikhet ligger också till grund för Riksteaterns demokratiseringsverksamhet och anses fortfarande vara aktuella i organisationen. När det gäller ABF har vi funnit att organisationen har utvecklat en professionell och icke-normativ organisationskultur med stränga kontrollmekanismer och stor fokus på arbetsutförande och processansvar i ett slut organisationssystem. Stränga kontrollmekanismer anses vara ett resultat av kulturpolitikens krav på ökad internkontroll och kvalitetssäkring. Studien visar att Riksteatern har utvecklat en komplex mångsidig organisationskultur som finns i två sammanhängande lager. En lokal, personalinriktad och normativ arbetskrets som omger sig med professionella, resultatinriktade och pragmatiska medarbetare. Detta leder till en normativ organisationskultur som erbjuder pragmatiska lösningar i syfte att kunna leva upp till kulturdepartementets krav på hög kvalitet, resurseffektivitet och antalet besökare. Det finns en tendens mot professionalism och pragmatism inom båda organisationerna. Detta kan bero på att båda organisationerna är ekonomiskt beroende av statliga bidrag och därför ska leva upp till kulturpolitikens kvalitetskrav. Detta ledde också till svagt normativt engagemang och ett slags samhällelig passivitet. Vi har också funnit att betoningen på kvantitativ utvärdering inte är en fungerande strategi för utvärdering av ideell kulturverksamhet. Istället har detta orsakat paradoxala uppdrag och identitetsförvirring inom organisationerna enligt våra respondenter.
The purpose of this paper is to provide a systematic description of the organizational culture in social movement organizations in Sweden and also to investigate its possible changes under the impact of cultural policy. The following study has been done using Geert Hofstede’s theories on different levels and dimensions of organizational culture. The study explores the organizational values, rituals, heroes and symbols in the context of organizational practices to be examined as meaningful cultural representations. This study has been done based on qualitative research method using semi-structured interviews and convenience sampling strategy for data collection. The data has been collected through personal interviews with four employees from two social movement organizations in Stockholm and from different areas of practice; The Swedish National Touring Theatre (Riksteatern) and The Workers’ Educational Association (ABF). The respondents have been working in variety of positions and have many years of experience. The interviews have been recorded as audio files after granting permission and ensuring the respondents’ anonymity to be preserved. A content analysis has been done following the transcription of the recorded material in the form of quotes and interpretations. Secondary data has been also used in the form of historical information regarding the origins of Swedish social movements and their development process. Our study shows that there is a constantly ongoing reorganization process in the Swedish social movements which has caused significant changes in the social movements’ organizational culture. The conflict between the logic of the social movements and the quality-oriented logic of the Swedish cultural policy emerges in the organizational culture in different ways. ABF’s core values such as benevolence, equality and high work engagement are considered to be less relevant in the current organizational culture. Benevolence and equality are also the core values of Riksteatern and are still considered to be relevant in the current organizational culture. When it comes to ABF, we have found that the organization has developed a professional and pragmatic organizational culture with strict control mechanisms and huge focus on task performance and processes in a closed-system organization. The strict control mechanisms are considered to be the result of the Swedish cultural policy’s requirements regarding internal control and quality assurance. The study shows that Riksteatern has developed a complex multidimensional organizational culture which exists in two interrelated layers. A local, employee-oriented and normative work circle surrounded by professional, result-oriented and pragmatic coworkers. This leads to a normative organizational culture which offers pragmatic solutions in order to be able to meet the ministry of culture’s requirements regarding high quality, resource efficiency and visitor numbers. There’s a tendency towards professionalism and pragmatism in both organizations. This might depend on the fact that both organizations are economically dependent to public funds and therefore are required to meet the cultural policy’s quality requirements. This leads also to a low normative engagement and societal passivity. We have also found that the emphasis on the quantitative evaluation ad revision is not an effective strategy to evaluate nonprofit cultural organization. Instead, this strategy has caused paradoxical missions and confusion regarding organizational identity, according to our respondents.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, 2009.
Title from screen (viewed on August 27, 2009). School of Social Work, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Cathy Pike, Hea-Won Kim, Margaret Adamek, Drew Appleby. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 317-330).

The master thesis Development of czech extreme right-wing after 1989 deals with three the most significant far right-wing parties in Czech republic after 1989. These parties are Association for republic - Czechoslovak Republican Party (SPR-RSČ), National Party (NS) and Workers' Party (DS). The only far right-wing body shall, which was able to enforce on Czech political scene and obtain representation in the Parliament was SPR-RSČ. Other two parties were unsuccessful in elections. Thesis has an ambition to make clear, why SPR-RSČ was that successful and other parties were not. But at the beginning of the thesis is explained concept of far right-wing. After this, is a chapter about SPR-RSČ, which was significant political party in the 90's. Nevertheless after unsuccessful elections in 1998 became piece by piece minor political force. Next part refers about NS, which was very unsuccessful in elections, but was able to attract attention of Czech media by its actions. Thesis also include chapter about DS, which was, as the only one after 1989, dissolved by the Supreme Administrative Court. However the party works under the name DSSS and nowadays is the most successful far right-wing party in Czech Republic. After that is a chapter, which clarifies the reasons why was SPR-RSČ successful and the other...

碩士
國立東華大學
族群關係與文化學系
105
This study focuses on the basis of participatory action research, emphasizing the three main cultural practices of the author from 2011 to the present. Through National Dong Hwa University Millet Farm, Taitung Bunun Tribal School and Eastern Taiwan Bunun Tribal Youth Association, discusses the contemporary indigenous knowledge youth action development process, the challenges and changes. Through the path of retrospective knowledge practices and cultural actions, the author tries to depict the construction and diversity of the knowledge of "we" in the modern situation, such as National Dong Hwa University Millet Farm in the context of higher education, emphasizing the students’ initiative learning program and the campus-tribal learning community; and the development of the Bunun tribal school and the intention of redrawing in the system within /outside the boundaries of the construction of ethnic knowledge practice space; also includes the organizing Eastern Taiwan Bunun Tribal Youth and trying to transcend the traditional and modern binary opposition, to create more possibilities for contemporary indigenous cultural movement. The results of this study, emphasizing the cross-ethnic boundaries, combined with different generations of cooperation, not only to construct the traditional culture-based action subject, but also to solve the lack of social practice in higher education and tribal interaction with each other limitations, "Learning tribal life in the classroom; In the tribe to learn school life" concept; further analysis of knowledge practice and cultural action from the field of higher education to the tribal scene back to the creation of the indigenous people as the main body of knowledge and sustainable tribal innovation and development possibilities.

VACULIKOVA, K. The profession of social worker in selected states of the USA. Prague: Faculty of Arts of Charles University in Prague, 2012. 109 pp. Diploma thesis. The goal of this diploma thesis is to introduce the profession of social worker in selected U.S. states - State of California, State of Iowa, State of New York, and State of Texas. In order to achieve the goal, the thesis first discusses the development and professionalization of social work, the values and ethics within the profession, the forms of the profession regulation and the scope of social work practice in the overall context of the U.S. Subsequently, it describes the specifics of social work profession in the selected states, including geographic and demographic description that significantly influences the focus of social work in each state. In a separate chapter, several aspects of the social work profession in the U.S. and the Czech Republic are compared. The thesis also presents the results of previous research on the public perception of the social work profession in the U.S. The follow-up research part uses the comparative analysis method and determines whether the social workers in the U.S. have realistic notions on the public perception of the social work profession in the U.S. and whether the public perception of the...

Income inequality is prevalent in both developed and developing countries. In all of these countries there are workers who are highly paid while others are given very low wages. The disgruntled low-paid workers in these countries usually force their governments to intervene in the labour market and introduce the redistributive policies like the minimum wage policy. Governments usually accede to these demands of low-paid workers because they do not want to invite political troubles. That led to an increase in the number of countries using minimum wage policy as redistributive mechanism in the late 20th century and the beginning of the 21st century. Minimum wage policy is, however, a very controversial issue. Supporters of minimum wages regard the policy as ideal because it provides social protection to un-unionised and low-paid workers with little or no bargaining power. The opponents of the policy on the other hand argue that wages in the labour market should be determined by the forces of demand and supply. It is argued that wages that are artificially determined lead to the rationing of jobs and displacement of the very same low-paid workers that the policy is intended to protect, as employers are forced to replace unskilled workers with skilled workers and machines. South Africa’s agricultural sector workers were among some of the least paid workers in the country. Employers were able to exploit these workers because they were not protected by any labour legislation that workers in other sectors were afforded. Farm workers were only protected by common law. It was only in the 1990s that labour legislations like Basic Conditions of Employment Act, Labour Relations Act, Employment Equity Act, Extension of Security Act and Tenure Act and Skills Development Act were extended to the agricultural sector in an attempt to protect the working conditions of vulnerable workers. These acts as well failed to improve the working conditions of the agricultural sector workers and that prompted the Minister of Labour to instruct the Director-General of Labour to conduct the necessary investigations to see if it could be necessary to introduce minimum standard of employment in the sector, including minimum wages. That led to the adoption of Sectoral Determination 8 of 2003 which introduced sectoral minimum wage in the sector. The sectoral minimum wage which came into effect in 2003 was increased annually by the rate of inflation plus one per cent. It was only in 2013, after the Western Cape farm workers went on strike for higher wages, that the minimum wage was raised by 52 per cent. As argued by the opponents of minimum wages, job losses occurred among unskilled workers. The implementation of minimum wage policy in the agricultural sector was problematic, as the policy was not properly complied with due to several compliance concerns. Apart from there being insufficient inspectors to monitor and investigate cases of non-compliance, inspectors were under-trained and under-equipped. Fines imposed on offenders were too small, which further encouraged disregard for the policy.
Economics
M. Com. (Economics)