Relevant bibliographies by topics / National India-Pakistan Conflict

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Academic literature on the topic 'National India-Pakistan Conflict'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 6 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "National India-Pakistan Conflict"

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Rasool, Dr Farasat, Mr Arif Ahmad, and Zeeshan Zaighum. "Media, War, and Peace: A Post Pulwama Comparative Study of India and Pakistan." Journal of Peace, Development & Communication Volume 5, no. 1 (2021): 357–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.36968/jpdc-v05-i01-30.

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According to Johan Galtung’s theory, war journalism and peace journalism are two frames. Peace journalism is a solution oriented while war journalism escalates conflicts. This study aims at comparatively exploring the nature of coverage during a conflict. This paper examines the role of the Pakistani and Indian elite press after the Pulwama attack, leading to the Balakot airstrike. For the collection of data, researchers have selected four leading elite newspapers i.e. two from Pakistan and two from India. The researchers have collected two month’s data after the incident of Pulwama leading to air craft conflict between the two states. Data is collected through content analysis which is further analyzed. The findings indicated that the media with dominate war frames compromise national security.
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Muhammad Javed, Israr Rasool, and Dr. Ghulam Mustafa. "Water Politics between Pakistan and India: An Analysis." Research Journal of Social Sciences and Economics Review (RJSSER) 2, no. 1 (2021): 195–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/rjsser-vol2-iss1-2021(195-199).

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Pakistan is blessed with rich natural resources in which water resources are the major ones. Yet the level of this important resource has been reached at an alarming level due to myriad factors such as misuse, mismanagement, and politics in water sectors at both levels national and international. The study is presenting an overview of the state of the Indus Water Treaty, Indus River Basin, and conflict between India and Pakistan in the wake of the Indus Water Treaty (IWT). The focus of the study is to reveal the hegemony of India on international waters and its relations with the outer world. Moreover, the research study has presented root causes of the water crisis, hydro politics in the South Asia region, the hegemony of India on international waters. Water management policies and co-operation mechanism is required between Pakistan and India to cope with the challenge of water shortage.
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Nadaf, Arif Hussain. "Framing internal politics in a conflict situation: A study of the 2014 election campaign news in the local newspapers in the Indian-administered Kashmir region." Media, War & Conflict 13, no. 2 (2018): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635218819416.

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International conflict reporting and national media discourse of warring nations continue to dominate existing scholarship on media–conflict relationships. The literature on the subject lacks significant consideration towards understanding the relevance of local and sub-national media narratives in conflict situations. The existing literature on the media–conflict relationship in the conflict territory of Kashmir shows that the issue has been largely studied from the perspective of national news media in India and Pakistan. This study while engaging with the local news media in the Kashmir region, draws empirical evidence from the local newspapers in the context of the 2014 State Assembly election campaigns which took place amid unprecedented political polarization in the region. The findings from the content analysis revealed that the contested political issues between the political parties found higher resonance in the campaign news while the deliberation regarding the conflict in the region and its resolution had the least prevalence in the news discourse. This not only confirms the significant relevance of local news media and internal political dynamics in redefining the media–conflict relationship in the Kashmir conflict but also suggests the further need to engage with local and regional news narratives in conflict situations.
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Banu, U. A. B. Razia Akter. "Pakistan Chronicle." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 4 (1997): 106–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i4.2225.

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The book Pakistan Chronicle--authored by Morrice James, who had twentyyears of experience in South Asia, of which nine years were in Pakistan asdeputy and head of the United Kingdom's diplomatic mission-may not be anexcellent academic research document, but it deserves credit for certain merits.The psychoanalyses and behavioral studies of some Pakistani military and politicalelite, especially Ayub, Bhutto, and Zia, are some of the book's outstandingcontributions. The book contains excellent discussions on different pacts andtreaties Pakistan conducted, such as the Mutual Assistance Pact with the UnitedStates (1954), the Indus Water Treaty (1960), the Tashkent Declaration (1966);the crises Pakistan faced, such as the anti-Qadiani Riots in 1953, the Kashmir dispute, and the Bangladesh War in 1971; and the Afghan conflict that involvedthe two superpowers. In the 1960s. the author observed that India consideredKashmir an integral part of itself and nonnegotiable, and that position has notyet changed.As the British high commissioner, the author could give a firsthand descriptionof national and international forces that strained Pakistan’s relationship withthe West, especially Britain and America, and of how Pakistan gradually developeda pro-Chinese foreign policy ...
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Tremblay, Reeta Chowdhari. "Protracted Displacement in Conflict Zones: Refugees and Internally Displaced People in Jammu and Kashmir." Migration, Mobility, & Displacement 2, no. 2 (2016): 90. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/mmd22201615015.

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This study concentrates on the Indian state of Jammu and Kashmir and on those displaced people who, for the past six and a half decades, have remained invisible against the high profile background of the conflict between India and Pakistan over the Kashmir region. Their difficult situation arises in large part from the identity-based politics of Kashmir Valley which has led to the failure of the state (both national and regional) fully to respond to their very significant conflict-induced displacement resettlement requirements. This essay will address two distinct types of displacement which occurred in 1947 in the wake of Partition and the tribal invasion of the Princely State: the one involving the West Pakistan Refugees (WPR) who moved from Pakistani towns adjacent to the State of Jammu and Kashmir and had not been citizens of the Princely State of Jammu and Kashmir; and the other involving the Pakistan Occupied Kashmir Displaced People (PoKDP), citizens of the State, who moved from the Pakistan-administered part of Kashmir to the Indian-administered Kashmir, mainly the Jammu region and surrounding areas. Both groups belonged predominantly to the Hindu community. While the former, the WPR, remain stateless with no citizenship rights in J&K, the latter, the PoKDP, are considered by the State as temporary migrants, and thus have received only temporary relief.
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Dr. Faiza Latif, Ayesha Siddiqua, and Urwah Iftikhar. "Escalation in Kashmir Conflict after Burhan Wani’s Killing: A Comparative Study of the Coverage by Pakistani and Indian Press." sjesr 3, no. 2 (2020): 83–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.36902/sjesr-vol3-iss2-2020(83-90).

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The study aims at analyzing the conflict coverage of Kashmir in the mainstream English press of India and Pakistan along with and draws its theoretical support from Galtung’s ideas of peace and war journalism. The main concern of the study is to test the hypothesis that war frames are given prominence over peace frames while covering the case of Burhan Wani in the Indian and Pakistani press. The coverage was analyzed through the content analysis of news stories and columns which were published on the national, international, and opinion pages of The Daily Dawn and The Daily Times of India from July 8, 2016, to Oct 8, 2016. A total of 121 stories were randomly selected from a total sample frame of 242 items for content analysis. To add a qualitative perspective to the study, in-depth interviews of 12 purposively selected Indian and Pakistani journalists who had covered Kashmir Conflict were also conducted. Both statistical analysis of the content of selected dailies and qualitative interviews supports the hypothesis. Consequently, the coverage given to the Kashmir Conflict by Indian and Pakistani press contributed to escalating the conflict instead of deescalating it.
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Khan, Furqan, and Khadijah Saeed. "Threat Asymmetry and Transition in Deterrence: Technical Assessment of India’s Ballistic Missile Defense Shield." Journal of South Asian Studies 8, no. 1 (2021): 13–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.008.01.3319.

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The global change in perception following the Cold War from deterrence by punishment in the form of Mutually Assured Destruction (MAD) to deterrence by denial has multiplied the utility of the Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD). India’s willingness to acquire and develop the advanced BMD shield is inspired, especially by Reagan’s Star Wars and the global shift in using it as an instrument of deterrence by denial. But as the application of its offensive-defensive paradox, India is raising a multi-layer air defense system to enhance its freedom of action and to acquire impunity in carrying out what New Delhi believes as its ‘limited war’ strategy against Pakistan. However, despite having a number of air defense systems in place including the recently acquired advanced S-400 air defense system, India is unable to shield itself completely from the counter-force or counter-value strikes by Pakistan as evident by the Balakot debacle. This is not only because India lags behind in BMD technology but also because of its inability to afford a comprehensive pan-national BMD shield. Therefore, the paper argues that, India’s attempt to build a multi-layer air defense system, rather than ensuring balance of power, destabilizes it and the delicate deterrence in place. This is because the threat asymmetry allows Pakistan to develop advanced nuclear capabilities including BMD evading delivery vehicles like MIRV as the offensive firepower to communicate the threat as an effective deterrence. Resultantly, the employment of BMD in South Asia disturbs strategic parity, fractures deterrence, drags down nuclear threshold and hence raises the cost of conflict between Pakistan and India with an elevated threat of annihilation.
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S Ghosh, Partha. "Refugees and National Security: Two South Asian Case Studies." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 18, no. 4 (2019): 43–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.51.3.

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Among non-traditional threats to security, the problem of refugees is an important one. Because of political turmoil in several parts of the world, refugee flows are going beyond the capacity of the international system of handle. In South Asia, because of the ongoing conflict between two major nations, India and Pakistan, the issue assumes a serious dimension. We can understand this by studying the following two case studies: the Bangladesh war and the Afghan war. In both cases, the number of refugees was massive and in both cases, America was the principal external actor. But while in the case of Bengali refugees, the host state tried to take advantage of the situation for promoting its foreign policy goals, in the case of Afghan refugees, the host nation tried to use the situation to promote its foreign policy as well as domestic political goals. Although every host state had to face unforeseen consequences, in the long run, it underlines the relevance of the discourse of the refugee-security interface.
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Sarmah, Bhupen. "India’s Northeast and the Enigma of the Nation-state." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 42, no. 3 (2017): 166–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0304375418761514.

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One of the major challenges before the “mainstream Indian nationalists” at the dawn of India’s independence was the political integration of the “Northeast” with India envisaged as a nation-state. Some parts of the colonial frontier, such as the Naga Hills, had already witnessed a parallel nationalist discourse with the imagination of sovereignty before India’s independence. With independence, the Indian nation-state project was made difficult by the geopolitical significance of the region, shaped by the experience of the partition, which separated India and Pakistan (East and West), creating a milieu of not-so-favorable international politics. The postcolonial history of the troubled periphery has been marked by an imposed notion of homogeneity and a binary of the nation-state (or the Indian mainstream) and the Northeast. Political theorists have long refuted the notion of national homogeneity. Nevertheless, the dichotomy between the plains and the valley constructed by the colonial logic was and is reinforced by the nation-state ideology, turning the periphery into a cauldron of conflict. This article engages critically with the history of conflict witnessed in the region since independence, against the backdrop of colonial interventions and the integrationist logic of the nation-state. This article argues that the political and developmental strategies, adopted by the Indian state to integrate the region, have led to the perpetuation of conflict in different forms.
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Danish, Malik Haqnawaz. "Connoting 'Reconciliation' in History: A Multimodal Analysis of Indo-Pakistani Visual Narrative." Global Language Review VI, no. I (2021): 50–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/glr.2021(vi-i).06.

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Entangled in history awash with events of war and conflict, both India and Pakistan have ensured the representation of national narratives in their respective media. Being apprehensive neighbours since the day of partition, the sensation of patriotism has led these nations towards three major wars and numerous skirmishes on the borders, claiming lives of the peoples on both sides of the border. The mutual derision for the 'other' has secured the text, both written and visual. Besides endeavours to justify stances of conflicts, these narratives of history have also created space for standoffs. An attempt to such reconciliation and shatter the image of 'other' is investigated in Indian movies, Border and Bajrangi Bhai Jan, through grammatology of image. The signification in the image is explored by applying Multimodal introduced by Gunther Kress and Theo van Leeuwen. The multimodal by the theorists have been appropriated by utilizing Halliday's theoretical Systemic Functional Grammar. Both of the movies have been selected to compare the occasions depicted the historical backdrop of war and fear-based oppression and occasionally delineated attempts of reconciliation.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "National India-Pakistan Conflict"

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Adeney, Katharine Saskia. "Federal formation and consociational stabilisation : the politics of national identity articulation and ethnic conflict regulation in India and Pakistan." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2003. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/428/.

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This thesis is a comparative investigation of how federal institutions accommodated linguistic and religious identities in India and Pakistan. There are three explanatory variables. The first is the history of self-rule for the principalities within South Asia; tracing continuities in territorial autonomy from the Mughals up to independence. The second is the distribution of linguistic and religious identities within the states of India and Pakistan, both at the provincial and national levels. The third is the articulation of a national identity in India and Pakistan. These explanatory variables are not independent of one another; their interaction accounts for the different strategies adopted by India and Pakistan in the formation and stabilisation of their federations. The differences in federal design are calculated according to a scoring system that measures the degree of consociationalism within the federal plans proposed before independence, and the constitutions created after independence. The state-sponsored national identities are distinguished according to their recognition of identities in the public and private spheres. They are further categorised according to the costs for a non-dominant group of being managed by this strategy. The three explanatory variables explain why linguistically homogeneous states were created in India but not in Pakistan. It is argued that this variable explains the stabilisation or otherwise of their federations. It therefore confirms Wilkinson's rebuttal of Lijphart's claim that India under Nehru was consociational. Unlike Wilkinson, it argues that the degrees of consociationalism that emerged since the formation of the constitution have enhanced federal stabilisation within India. It defines federal stabilisation according to continuity in state borders, the number and type of secessionist movements, but more importantly by correlating the effective number of linguistic groups at state level with the effective number of parties in national elections. It concludes that federal accommodation of linguistic groups in homogeneous provinces has enabled the party system to fractionalise in India and Pakistan; an indication of the security of these groups. Where secessionist movements have existed in India and Pakistan, their emergence is explained by the lack of security for a group - defined on either linguistic or alternative criteria.
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Gupta, Ananya. "The Politicization of Water: Transboundary Water-Conflict in the Indian Subcontinent." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin159016833466416.

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Ali, Syed Mahmud. "Nation-building and the nature of conflict in South Asia : a search for patterns in the use of force as a political instrument within and between the states of the region." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.319383.

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Herman, Jeanette Marie Carter Mia Moore Lisa. "Empire's bodies images of suffering in nineteenth and twentieth-century India and Ireland /." 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/utexas/fullcit?p3143268.

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Herman, Jeanette Marie. "Empire's bodies: images of suffering in nineteenth and twentieth-century India and Ireland." Thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/1197.

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Books on the topic "National India-Pakistan Conflict"

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Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (Colombo, Sri Lanka), ed. The role of mediation in resolving India-Pakistan conflict: Parameters and possibilities. Manohar Publishers & Distributors, 2005.

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National identities in Pakistan: The 1971 war in contemporary Pakistani fiction. Routledge, 2011.

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Singh, Arun Kumar. UN Security Council and Indo-Pak conflicts. Capital Pub. House, 1992.

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Sarkar, B. Pakistan seeks revenge and god saves India: A study of Indo-Pak conflicts. Batra Book Service, 1997.

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Dawson, Pauline. The peacekeepers of Kashmir: The UN Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan. Hurst & Co., 1994.

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Nationbuilding, gender and war crimes in South Asia. Routledge, 2010.

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D'Costa, Bina. Nationbuilding, gender and war crimes in South Asia. Routledge, 2010.

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Cilano, Cara. National Identities in Pakistan. Routledge, 2015.

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The Richard M. Nixon national security files, 1969-1974. UPA collection from LexisNexis, 2007.

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1981-, James Christian, Lewis Daniel 1972-, Elasky Dan, and University Publications of America (Firm), eds. The Richard M. Nixon national security files, 1969-1974. UPA collection from LexisNexis, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "National India-Pakistan Conflict"

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Wirsing, Robert G. "The Kashmir Dispute: Prospects for Conflict Resolution." In Dilemmas of National Security and Cooperation in India and Pakistan. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22674-0_9.

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Qureshi, Saleem M. M. "Regionalism, Ethnic Conflict and Islam in Pakistan: Impact on Foreign Policy." In Dilemmas of National Security and Cooperation in India and Pakistan. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22674-0_11.

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Chadda, Maya. "From an Empire State to a Nation State: the Impact of Ethno-Religious Conflicts on India’s Foreign Policy." In Dilemmas of National Security and Cooperation in India and Pakistan. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22674-0_10.

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Nasr, Vali. "National identities and the India–Pakistan conflict." In The India-Pakistan Conflict. Cambridge University Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511616112.009.

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Comfort, Louise K. "Nonadaptive Systems." In The Dynamics of Risk. Princeton University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691165370.003.0008.

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This chapter outlines the findings and analysis for nonadaptive systems. Specifically, it looks at the three nonadaptive seismic response systems developed following the 2001 Bhuj, Gujarat, India, earthquake; the 2004 Sumatra, Indonesia, earthquake; and the 2010 Haïti earthquake. In practice, each system adapted to the shattered context in which it was operating to some extent. Indeed, some adjustments were made, but none altered the operational environment substantially. In Gujarat, the shadow of hostility with neighboring Pakistan curbed the flow of information between jurisdictional levels to support rapid response and recovery. In Sumatra, the earthquake and tsunami led to the resolution of the long-standing civil conflict with the Free Aceh movement, a very positive outcome, but the organizational networks and communications channels among national, provincial, city, and district jurisdictions that had been ruptured for decades needed to be rebuilt. In Haïti, the existing government was overwhelmed by the enormous tasks confronting the small nation, which, in most cases, involved full-scale redesign and development. In each case, the international community gave generously in humanitarian assistance to meet the immediate needs of the affected populations, but the local capacity to carry out the longer-term tasks needed to be developed.
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"India–Pakistan Conflict: A Test Case for the UN." In India in the United Nations: Interplay of Interests and Principles. SAGE Publications Pvt Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9789353885786.n8.

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Ranasinghe, Kasuni Ishara. "Ideational Understanding of the Indo-Pakistan Nuclear Rivalry." In Advances in Digital Crime, Forensics, and Cyber Terrorism. IGI Global, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-7998-7904-6.ch007.

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Most of the existing discussions of the nuclear ambitions of states have neglected hidden ideational factors of nuclearisation. This chapter attempts to fill this gap by analyzing prevailing literature on the Indo-Pakistan nuclear rivalry. India and Pakistan have had a history of conflict with each other since the partition in 1947. The conflict is based on divisions of two religious groups, Hindus and Muslims, and extended to an identity crisis which later turned to a bilateral conflict between two nations. The nuclear test in 1974 diverted the conflict into a novel dimension. The study conceptualizes the factors of nuclear ambitions (material and ideational) of two nations using the model of the iceberg. A constructive psychological theory to analyze the moral orders of social actions and duties of participants to act in certain issues is given. Constructivism is used as the foundation of the proposed ideational framework.
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Murphy, Alexander B. "Territorial Ideology and Interstate Conflict : Comparative Considerations." In The Geography of War and Peace. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195162080.003.0020.

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We live in profoundly unsettling times. The daily newspapers are filled with stories about terrorist threats, stockpiles of chemical and biological weapons, and the efforts of ever more states to acquire nuclear weapons. At the same time, longstanding interstate and intrastate conflicts continue to dominate the lives of people in such diverse settings as Israel-Palestine, southern Sudan, the India-Pakistan border, and the interior of Colombia. The issues that underlie these conflicts are as diverse as their geographic settings, but they share one commonality: they are all framed by the territorial logic of the modern state system. The foregoing statement might seem self-evident for intrastate struggles between ethnic groups or for boundary conflicts between states because these conflicts are clearly tied to the territorial reach of the modern state. Yet even the international terrorist activities associated with movements such as al-Qaeda cannot be understood without reference to prevailing international territorial norms. This is because the existing political-geographic order is a fundamental catalyst for such movements and because responses to international terrorism are often channeled in and through states. Consider, for example, the circumstances of the terrorist attacks on the United States of September 11, 2001. Chief among the articulated reasons for the attack was a sense of eroding political and cultural sovereignty in the Islamic world, as symbolized, for example, by the presence of U.S. military bases in Saudi Arabia and by the existence of a number of secular, Westernoriented regimes in the region. On the response side of the equation, a major focus of attention for the U.S. administration in the wake of September 11 was “regime change,” first in Afghanistan and then in Iraq. Against this backdrop, it is clearly important that we seek to understand the territorial logic of the modern state system and its role in different types of conflicts. A great deal of work has been done along these lines in recent decades. Scholars who have focused on the concept of the nation-state have devoted considerable attention to the gap between perception and reality that underlies the concept and have highlighted its pernicious influence in culturally diverse states.
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