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Lampridi, Athina. "Egypt’s National Interest. A ‘Sociology of Power’ Analysis." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/117451.
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La importancia de Egipto en el mundo árabe y sus características particulares despertó nuestro interés y nos planteó muchas preguntas: ¿Cómo los regímenes respectivos de Nasser, Sadat y Mubarak lograron permanecer en el poder? ¿Por qué los egipcios se mantuvieron dóciles durante tantos años? ¿Por qué las fuerzas de oposición se vieron incapaces de desafiar al régimen autoritario? ¿Fue la Hermandad Musulmana una fuerza de oposición real? ¿Por qué y cómo El Cairo sigue siendo el aliado más cercano de Washington?
La "tercera revolución egipcia" puso fin al régimen autoritario de Mubarak. Inspirados por la revuelta de Túnez, los egipcios se lanzaron a las calles con el lema: "Túnez no es mejor que Egipto", y después de 18 días de protestas masivas los egipcios lograron lo impensable: deponer a su presidente. Estos acontecimientos recientes agregaron más preguntas: ¿Cuáles son los factores que permitieron la caída de Mubarak? ¿Los "días de la ira" pusieron fin al autoritarismo? ¿Cuáles son las fuerzas democráticas del actual Egipto? Y por último, ¿es la transición democrática alcanzable?
Con el fin de dar respuestas a estas preguntas, vamos a desarrollar un marco teórico -la Sociología del poder-, que se va a aplicar en el caso de Egipto en un largo período a partir de la revolución de los Oficiales Libres en 1952 hasta el comienzo de la "tercera revolución egipcia".
El presente trabajo se divide en diez secciones, además de la teórica representando cada uno un capítulo separado. La línea de demarcación del estudio de caso es marcada por importantes acontecimientos históricos de la historia moderna de Egipto, desde 1952 hasta 2010. Esta división temporal, la cual representa sólo una de las posibles opciones para estructurar la investigación, se introdujo a fin de facilitar el trabajo y también la tarea de los lectores.
En cada capítulo, los principales intereses de las élites principales son examinados. En el plano interno, después de identificar los principales agentes y de los recursos de poder que cada uno de ellos controla, tratamos de ofrecer explicaciones de las diferentes coaliciones formadas y rivalidades dentro de la escena egipcia. Esta tarea, ofrece toda la información necesaria para comprender las políticas adoptadas, ya sean de carácter nacional, regional o internacional.
En el ámbito internacional, nuestro principal objetivo es relacionar estas políticas, producto de los intereses de las élites primarias a los intereses de las elites extranjeras. Egipto forma parte de la periferia, por lo que sus élites dependen en gran medida de sus relaciones con elites globales y extranjeras. Por lo tanto, las élites egipcias, por lo general privadas del poder necesario para el control de los recursos de poder más allá del ámbito nacional, están obligadas a aprovechar la coyuntura internacional a fin de promover sus objetivos.<br>The importance of Egypt in the Arab world and its particular features triggered our interest on the Egyptian case and raised many questions: How the respective regimes of Nasser, Sadat and Mubarak managed to remain on power? Was Egypt one man’s stooge? Why Egyptians remained docile for so many years? Why opposition forces are seen incapable of challenging the authoritarian rule? Is Muslim Brotherhood a real opposition force? Why and how Cairo remains Washington’s closest ally?
The ‘third Egyptian revolution’ put an end Mubarak’s authoritarian rule. Inspired by the Tunisian revolt, Egyptians took to the streets with the slogan: “Tunisia is not better than Egypt”, and after 18 days of massive protests Egyptians managed the unthinkable: oust their rais. These recent developments added more questions: What are the factors that permitted Mubarak’s fall? Did the ‘days of anger’ put an end to the authoritarianism? Which are the democratic forces of the actual Egypt? And finally, is the democratic transition attainable?
In order to give answers to these questions we are going to develop a theoretical framework –the Sociology of power-, which is going to be applied on the Egyptian case in a long period starting from the Free Officers’ revolution in 1952 up to the beginning of the ‘third Egyptian revolution’.
The present work is divided into ten sections in addition to the theoretical one each one representing a separate chapter. The demarcation line of the case study is drawn by significant historic events of the Egyptian modern history, from 1952 until 2010. This chronological division, which represents only one of the possible choices to structure the research, was introduced so as to facilitate our work and also the task of the readers.
In each chapter, the main interests of the principal elites are examined. In the internal level, after identifying the principal agents and the power resources that each one of them controls, we try to furnish explanations of the different coalitions and rivalries formed inside the Egyptian scene. This task, offers all the necessary information in order to comprehend the policies adopted, whether those are national, regional or international.
In the international field, our main focus is to relate these policies, product of the interest of the primary elites to the interests of the foreign elites. As Egypt forms part of the periphery relying heavily on central powers, the power capabilities of the Egyptian elites are strongly related to their relations with foreign-international elites. Therefore, the Egyptian elites, usually deprived of the necessary power to control extra national power resources, are obliged to exploit the international conjuncture so as to further their aims.
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Garingalao, Nicole. "Branding the national interest [electronic resource] : the rise of soft power in Japan and China /." CONNECT TO ELECTRONIC THESIS, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net./1961/3698.
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Zhang, Xiansheng. "A REALIST INTERPRETATION OF U.S.RELATIONS WITH CHINA." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/2404.
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Realism theory provides the most powerful explanation for the state of war and the rise and fall of great powers. It expounds the important concepts and themes like national sovereignty, security, survival, interests, balance of power, balance of terror, alliance, dominance, hegemony and polarity. Realism can be classified as classical realism, structural realism and neoclassical realism. In recent years, liberalism, globalism and constructivism also have greatly influenced academics and policy-makers under the new phenomena of globalization and terrorism. This paper explores how classical realism theory has been applied to and revealed in the issue of American policy towards China. The past years of U.S. relations with China have been marked by many wars and diplomatic issues that bear important messages for contemporary policy-makers. Based upon the most representative incidents in the chronicles, this paper categorizes American relations with China into three periods: period one, from commercialism in 1784 to imperialism in 1899; period two, from dominance in 1900 to confrontation in 1949; Period three, from enemies in 1950 to competitors in 2009. From a brief retrospective of major events that occurred, it is concluded that most incidents are related to national interest and power issues, while only several cases are about ideological disputes. The emergence of China as an economic power within the last few years will shape the world as much as the United States in the late 19th century. As America is the world s greatest power and China is the world s greatest emerging power, the relationship between these two countries will largely determine the history of the twenty-first century. History teaches that such power transitions are inherently fraught with dangers and opportunities. Thus, it would serve the interests of the United States to rethink its relationship with China and make its policies more global and focused on the long term. No matter what happens in China, American policy towards that country should be guided by a clear and firm sense of American national interests.<br>M.A.<br>Department of Political Science<br>Sciences<br>Political Science MA
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Terry, Patrick C. R. "Great power interventions in the middle East since 1917 : the doomed pursuit of national interest in violation of international law." Thesis, University of Kent, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.590062.
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The decision, in 2003, by the United States and the United Kingdom to go to war against Iraq was seen by many as a watershed moment for international law. Operation Iraqi Freedom seemed to herald the ultimate triumph ofthose "realist" critics of international law who had always maintained that powerful states should and did ignore international law when their national interest is at stake. This thesis offers a defence of international law in the face of such criticism. By analysing key Great Power interventions in the Middle East prior to the War on Iraq, it will be shown that international law has always been a minor concern for those leaders who believed their state's national interest would be furthered by intervening in the Middle East. Operation Iraqi Freedom was thus far from being a watershed moment. More importantly, however, the thesis will dispel the notion that international law necessarily conflicts with the national interest of powerful states. A detailed analysis of Great Power interventions in Palestine (1917-1948), at Suez (1956), and in Afghanistan (1979-2011) will demonstrate that in none of these key events did the pursuit of national interest in conscious violation of international law actually benefit the intervenor. Rather, the subsequent "blowback", resulting from these illegal endeavours, was frequently more serious than the danger the intervenor originally sought to combat. Here, too, the Iraq War and its disastrous aftermath seem to have followed the rule, rather than being the exception. The latter conclusion, it will be argued, does allow for some optimism as to the future role of international law. The repeated failure by the Great Powers to obtain their objectives by illegal means evidences that it is not adherence to international law , but rather the conduct of an unrealistic foreign policy in violation of it, that harms a state's national interest. International law, far from being utopian, is grounded in states' past experiences, therefore reflects the realities of international life, and can consequently be a useful guide for a more successful foreign policy.
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Cunha, Alberto José Carvalho Baceira Honório. "Caminhando lentamente rumo a uma Defesa Europeia - o compromisso possível entre a França e a Alemanha." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/18715.
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Dissertação de Mestrado em Relações Internacionais<br>O tema desta dissertação será a influência que os interesses nacionais da França e da Alemanha tiveram no determinar da evolução até ao presente da Política de Defesa e Segurança Comum (CSDP). De facto, a primazia dos interesses nacionais, (nomeadamente Franceses e Alemães) em relação aos interesses comunitários é observável na evolução da CSDP até ao presente: os avanços na CSDP apenas existem se forem no interesse da França e da Alemanha A questão principal da dissertação, que constituirá, igualmente, a pergunta de partida para o autor, é a seguinte: "Quais são os interesses nacionais da França e da Alemanha que têm determinado a evolução da CSDP da União Europeia, desde os seus primórdios até aos dias de hoje?" Esta dissertação não pretende ir aos detalhes técnicos das missões e meios militares da CSDP, mas irá focar-se nas instituições e estruturas político-militares criadas no âmbito da mesma. O âmbito temporal desta dissertação começa em 1999, com a criação, como “pilar” da UE, da Política Europeia de Defesa e Segurança, no âmbito da entrada em vigor do Tratado de Amesterdão. A dissertação parte de uma premissa de supremacia dos interesses estatais (determinados por cada um dos Estados-membros da UE) em relação aos interesses comunitários (comuns a todos os Estados-membros da UE e às suas instituições). Esta abordagem privilegiará,portanto, uma abordagem teórica Realista das Relações Internacionais, por contraste a uma abordagem Institucionalista ou de cariz Liberal. O autor irá concluir que a CSDP ainda não evoluiu rumo a um verdadeiro exército europeu porque ainda não se deu uma convergência dos interesses nacionais franceses e alemães nesse sentido, bem como o facto de os avanços na CSDP serem fortemente condicionados pela existência da NATO e pelas potências atlantistas, nomeadamente os EUA e o Reino Unido.<br>The subject of this dissertation is the influence that the French and German national interests had in determining the evolution of the Common Defense Policy and Security (CSDP). In fact, the primacy of national interests (notably French and German) in relation to Community interests is observable in the evolution of the CSDP until the presente day: advances in the CSDP have only ocurred if they are in the interests of France and Germany. The main research question of this dsissertation, which will be your starting question, is the following: "What are the national interests of France and Germany that have determined the evolution of the CSDP of the European Union, from its beginnings to this day?" This dissertation is not intended to go into the technical details of the missions and military assets of the CSDP but will, instead, focus on the politico-military institutions and structures created within it. The timeframe for the dissertation beinsn in 1999 with the creation of the European pillar of the European Defense and Security Policy as the "pillar" of the Treaty of Amsterdam. Furthermore, the dissertation is based upon the a premise of the supremacy of state interests (as determined by individual EUMember States) in relation to community interests (common to all EU Member States and their institutions). This approach will therefore favor a "Realist" theoretical approach to International Relations, in contrast to an "Institutionalist" or “Liberal” approach. The author will conclude that the CSDP has not yet evolved towards a true European army because there has not yet been a convergence of French and German national interests in that regard, as well as the fact that advances in the CSDP are strongly conditioned by the existence of NATO and the national interests of the “Atlantist” powers (United States and United Kingdom).<br>N/A
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Silva, Jaime Carlos do Vale Ferreira da. "A função do mar no desenvolvimento de Portugal: uma análise estratégica." Doctoral thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/20918.
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Tese de Doutoramento em Ciências Sociais na especialidade de Estudos Estratégicos<br>Ao longo dos tempos, o mar tem assumido uma importante função no desenvolvimento
de Portugal. Esta importância ganhou uma nova dimensão com a entrega nas Nações Unidas
do projeto de extensão da plataforma continental para além das 200 milhas. Neste momento,
a proposta portuguesa encontra-se a ser apreciada pela Comissão de Limites da Plataforma
Continental da ONU, esperando-se que venha a ser aprovada sem alterações significativas.
No vasto espaço marítimo reclamado perante as Nações Unidas existem evidências de
recursos energéticos, minerais e biogenéticos com um elevado potencial estratégico e
económico, possuindo Portugal direitos de soberania exclusivos para efeitos de exploração
destes recursos naturais. Nestas circunstâncias, importa formular uma estratégia que permita
materializar o potencial estratégico da plataforma continental e estabelecer as condições para
que esta se constitua como um fator de desenvolvimento de Portugal.
Para esse efeito, começa-se por analisar o ambiente estratégico marítimo com o
propósito de identificar os fatores estratégicos que poderão condicionar o aproveitamento do
potencial estratégico da plataforma continental. Seguidamente, estes fatores são sujeitos a
uma análise SWOT com o intuito de identificar os objetivos estratégicos a prosseguir de modo
a explorar as potencialidades e colmatar as vulnerabilidades de Portugal e a aproveitar as
oportunidades e superar as ameaças da conjuntura externa. Os objetivos estratégicos e as respetivas linhas de ação são apresentados segundo as perspetivas de gestão genética,
estrutural e operacional e respeitam os princípios estabelecidos para o aproveitamento do
potencial estratégico da plataforma continental portuguesa, focalizados no reforço da
capacidade para conhecer, explorar e proteger os fundos marinhos sob soberania ou
jurisdição nacional.
O estudo termina com a apresentação de uma visão onde é estabelecido um quadro claro
sobre a estratégia a desenvolver no sentido de transformar o potencial estratégico da
plataforma continental num fator de desenvolvimento socioeconómico e de afirmação
internacional de Portugal.<br>Over time, the sea has always played an important role in Portugal's development. With
the delivery to the United Nations of the submission to extend the Portuguese continental
shelf beyond the 200 nautical miles, this importance has gained a new dimension. The
Portuguese submission is now being analysed by the Commission on the Limits of the
Continental Shelf and a decision about it is expected soon.
There's evidence of energy, mineral and biogenetic resources in this vast maritime
territory and Portugal having exclusive sovereign rights for the purpose of exploiting these
natural resources would therefore be of high strategic and economic value. In this context, it
is important to formulate a strategy to take advantage of the continental shelf’s strategic
potential and to set the conditions to turn it into a significant factor for Portugal's
development.
To this end, we start by analysing the maritime strategic context in order to identify the
main factors that may influence the full exploitation of continental shelf's strategic potential.
These factors are then subject to a SWOT analysis to establish the main objectives to be
pursued in order to exploit the strengths and to mitigate the weaknesses, as well as to seize
the opportunities and to overcome external environment's threats. The achievement of these
objectives follows the ends, ways and means approach, focusing on the capability to explore,
exploit and protect the seas under Portuguese sovereignty or jurisdiction.
We conclude this study by presenting a clear framework for the strategy to be developed
in order to exploit the continental shelf potential and reinforce the social-economic
development and the international reputation of Portugal.<br>N/A
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Larnefeldt, Anna. "The United States and the International Criminal Court : An Identity Approach." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2004. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2505.
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<p>The aim of this thesis is to understand the reasons behind the decision of the United States to stand in opposition to the International Criminal Court. This policy seems to contradict the United States'leading role in international justice and commitment to universal human rights. The opposition to the ICC presents an apparent contradiction between principles and interests, and provokes the question of what role power, identity and principles play in the formation of national interest. </p><p>The author reviews the concept of national interest in International Relations theory. It is found that only a constructivist identity approach takes account of both power and identity in the formation of national interest. The constructivist identity approach presents the concept of national interest as endogenous to social interaction and linked to identity. National interest is thus not seen as an objective analytical concept from which one can derive and explain rational behavior by rational actors, but as the very phenomenon that we are trying to understand. This theoretical framework is firmly located in an understanding tradition. </p><p>In the search for an understanding of why the United States’ decision-makers considered opposition to the ICC to be in the national interest of the United States, role theory serves as a method. The empirical part of this thesis consists of analysis of speeches and statements, and of role conceptions found therein. </p><p>The results of this approach show that the apparent contradiction between principles and interests does not exist. The reason why the behavior examined appears to be contradictory is that the spectator lets his or her own expectations of behavior appropriate for a certain belief or a certain role conception stand as a guide. The only way we can understand the reasons behind a given behavior is by looking at the actors’ view of the problem and what beliefs and role conceptions come into play for the actors when they face a foreign policy issue. </p><p>The analysis makes it clear that the United States views its behavior as contradictory neither to its principles, nor to its perceived roles. Instead, it is the roles of the United States, the sources of which include both principles and capabilities, that are the reasons behind the policy.</p>
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Ennasri, Nabil. "Yûsuf al-Qaradhâwî et la politique étrangère du Qatar : une diplomatie "religieuse" ? : 2003-2013." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017AIXM0421.
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Indépendant depuis 1971, le Qatar a longtemps fait partie des micro-États. Le pays a ensuite vécu une forme de révolution avec l’accession au pouvoir de Hamad ben Khalîfa al-Thânî en juin 1995. Le nouvel émir a alors entrepris une politique volontariste de reconnaissance internationale. Le périmètre de son action diplomatique s'est renforcés dans un contexte où l’augmentation de la rente pétrolière a permis à la famille royale de satisfaire les demandes sociales des nationaux. Comme de nombreux États du monde arabe, le régime qatarien devait se doter d’une légitimité prenant en partie appui sur le socle religieux. Cette formule de légitimité a trouvé une part de sa réponse dans la relation nouée avec Yûsuf al-Qaradhâwî.Figure majeure de la scène islamiste contemporaine, cet ouléma a mené une intense activité de prédication. Sa longue présence dans l’émirat lui a permis de tisser un lien particulier avec la dynastie au pouvoir. Souffrant d’un déficit en matière de légitimité religieuse, celle-ci a cherché à utiliser le charisme de l’ouléma au service d’un dessein politique. Se faisant, quels ont été les mécanismes de cette relation originale entre les deux partenaires ? En mobilisant plusieurs concepts de la sociologie politique comme la théorie des champs ou celui des transactions collusives, notre thèse expliquera comment cette interaction a pu produire un dispositif complexe où le Qatar a tiré profit du réservoir de légitimité dont Yûsuf al-Qaradhâwî était le récipiendaire tout en assurant à ce dernier un large périmètre de liberté lui permettant de mobiliser, au profit de l’émirat, ce que nous avons qualifié de « soft power islamique de complémentarité »<br>Independent since 1971, Qatar has been part of the micro-States. The country then experienced a form of a revolution with the accession to the power of Hamad bin Khalifa al-Thani in June 1995. As a matter of fact, the new Emir undertook a determined policy, internationally recognized, ignoring Saudi Arabia’s role in the region. His diplomatic action was strengthened in a context in which the increase in the oil rent enabled the royal family to satisfy the social demands of the nationals. Like many states in the Muslim world, the Qatari regime had to acquire a legitimacy based on the religious foundation. A legitimacy that found its way into the relations forged with the Islamic scholar Yusuf al-Qaradhawi. Major figure in the contemporary Islamist scene, the ulema has carried out an intense activity of preaching by impelling strong faith-based media coverage with a political aim. His long presence in the emirate allowed him to weave a particular link with the dynasty in power. Suffering from a religious legitimacy deficit, this latter sought to use the charism of the ulema to serve a political purpose whose aim was to diminish the Saudi cultural impact while embodying a competing social model. What were the mechanisms of this original relationship between the two partners? By utilizing several concepts of political sociology such as field theory or collusive transactions, our thesis will explain how this interaction produced a complex mechanism where Qatar exploited Yusuf al-Qaradhawi’s legitimate religious authority figure by enabling him to mobilize, for the benefit of the emirate, what we have called « Islamic soft power for complementary »
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Van, Hook Matthew S. "Congress and national security interest, influence and speed /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Mar/10Mar%5FVan_Hook.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision-Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Knopf, Jeffrey. Second Reader: Dahl, Erik. "March 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 26, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Congress, Intelligence, Defense, Reform, Reorganization, Goldwater- Nichols, Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004. Includes bibliographical references (p. 89-99). Also available in print.
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Öberg, Emil. "Small-worlds och rich-clubs bland bloggar : En nätverksanalys av den svenska bloggosfären under FRA-debatten 2008." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-144588.
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Purpose/Aim: To find power structures within the blog network. Material/Method: Using keywords to find all available blog posts about the National Defence Radio Establishment from the blog search engine Twingly, and thereafter using the same blog search engine to find inlinks from other blogs, to those posts. The data is set into the context of the small-world networks models of Duncan J. Watts and rich-club models of Sergi Valverde och Ricard V. Sole. Main results: 5183 unique blogs have written about the subject in 22779 blog posts to which 28128 inlinks from other blogposts are made. Just over one fifth of the blogs are linkted to each other in one big network, where the remaining blogs stand without any ingoing or outgoing links. The first bloggers are the one who continue to write for longer period of time and also the ones who attracts most inlinks. The blogosphere around this subject is highly connected, shows features as one would find in a small-world network, displays a power-law distribution for inlinks and is highly clustered around a few rich- club nodes.
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Marks, Steven M. Meer Thomas M. Nilson Matthew T. "Manhunting : a methodology for finding persons of national interest /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FMarks.pdf.
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Tovar, Edgard F. "The national interest, production, and trade in El Salvador." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1996. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA312827.
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Thesis (M.S. in Resource Planning and Management for International Defense) Naval Postgraduate School, June 1996.<br>"June 1996." Thesis advisor(s): Robert E. Looney, William R. Gates. Bibliography: p. 79-80. Also available online.
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Nilson, Matthew T., Steven Marks, and Thomas Meer. "Manhunting : a methodology for finding persons of national interest." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1921.
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The asymmetrical threats that challenge U.S. national policies are not large standing armies, but rather individuals who seek to usurp and coerce U.S. national interests. The nature of today's threats call for the U.S. military to change from finding, fixing, and destroying the enemy's forces to identifying, locating and capturing rogue individuals in order to destroy networks. To counter such threats, the USG will have to quickly and efficiently identify and find these targets globally. Unfortunately, no military doctrine, framework or process currently exists for finding and apprehending these Persons of National Interest (PONIs). Since military planners and intelligence analysts are neither educated nor trained in the methods or procedures necessary to find and capture PONIs, this thesis will propose a methodology to do so. This involves the development of an analytical process, and an organizational structure and procedure to identify and locate PONIs. Consequently, the United States government's ability to prosecute the war on terrorism today, and to find and apprehend PONIs in the future, depends on its ability to develop and institutionalize a comprehensive manhunting strategy now.<br>US Air Force (USAF) author.
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Negulescu, Florinel Constantin. "The principles of Strategic Combined Joint Special Operations." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2009. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA501473.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2009.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Rothstein, Hy. "June 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 13, 2009. DTIC Identifiers: Strategic combined joint special operations, special operations, common interest, national interest, intelligence sharing, division of responsibilities. Author(s) subject terms: Strategic Combined Joint Special Operations, common interest, national interest, intelligence sharing, interoperability, division of responsibilities. Includes bibliographical references (p. 63-67). Also available in print.
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Muenchow, Jonathan C. "National principles of war : guiding national power to victory /." Norfolk, Va. : Joint Forces Staff College, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2006. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA451249.
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Thesis (M.S. in Joint Campaign Planning and Strategy)--Joint Forces Staff College, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2006.<br>Vita. "26 May 2006." "National Defense Univ Norfolk VA"--DTIC cover. Includes bibliographical references (p. 68-73). Also available via the Internet.
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Huma, Zille. "China's foreign policy towards Central Asia : expanding the concepts of national interest and national security." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2014. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/53068/.
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The present study provides an analysis of China's foreign policy towards Central Asia to trace ‘culture of China's foreign policy'. The culture of China's foreign policy approach deals with China as an identity and process rather than being static or within boundaries. The present research highlights China's multilateral and cooperative policies in Central Asia and with Russia as an outcome of evolutionary process of construction of China's identity. The complex process of building relations with Central Asian region although within a short period of time (in post-Soviet context) are analysed to make a case for China's innovative (partially) political processes of dealing with frontier security and embracing multilateralism. This is explained by studying the evolution of China's identity and interests and the role of significant events that affect its perceptions of self and that are a prescription for its policy orientations as observed in case of foreign policy towards Central Asia. The theoretical foundation of Peter Katzenstein thesis is helpful premises upon which an argument in favour of the discourse of identity and security is developed to see how culture of national security of China and ‘complementarity' of Central Asian states is at work in security cooperation seen among these states. By problematizing the notion of ‘national interest', the present study argues that interests of the states can be contextualized in a broader environment referred as civilization to trace the relationship between interests and identities of China as at play in Central Asian region. By placing the political state of ‘China' in the broader context of civilization and as evolving, helps understand how Chinese political spectrum seeks to construct and maintain a great power identity while locating ‘self' against ‘others'. It further argues that the cooperative and multilateral policies of China in form of Shanghai Cooperation Organization can be understood best by studying how the configurations of identity of China has guided the policy formation process; that constructs and reconstructs interstate normative structure in form of SCO.
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Hoyle, Maxwell Bruce, and mikewood@deakin edu au. "Australia and East Timor: elitism, pragmatism and the national interest." Deakin University, 2000. http://tux.lib.deakin.edu.au./adt-VDU/public/adt-VDU20050915.110809.
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For over two decades the issue of East Timor's right to self-determination has been a prickly issue in Australian foreign policy. The invasion by Indonesian forces in 1975 was expected, as Australian policy-makers had been well informed of the events leading up to the punitive action being taken. Indeed, prior discussions involving the future of the territory were held between the Australian Prime Minister and the Indonesian President in 1974. In response to the events unfolding in the territory the Australian Labor Government at the time was presented with two policy options for dealing with the issue. The Department of Defence recommended the recognition of an independent East Timor; whereas the Department of Foreign Affairs proposed that Australia disengage itself as far as possible from the issue. The decision had ramifications for future policy considerations especially with changes in government. With the Department of Foreign Affairs option being the prevailing policy what were the essential ingredients that give explanation for the government's choice?
It is important to note the existence of the continuity and cyclical nature of attitudes by Labor governments toward Indonesia before and after the invasion. To do so requires an analysis of the influence Doc Evatt had in shaping any possible Labor tradition in foreign policy articulation. The support given by Evatt for the decolonisation of the Netherlands East Indies (Indonesia) gave rise to the development of a special relationship-so defined. Evidence of the effect Evatt had on future Labor governments may be found in the opinions of Gough Whitlam. In 1975 when he was Prime Minister, Whitlam felt the East Timor issue was merely the finalisation of Indonesia's decolonisation honouring Evatt's long held anti-colonialist tradition existing in the Australian Labor Party. The early predisposition toward Indonesia's cohesiveness surfaced again in the Hawke and Keating Labor governments of later years. It did not vary a great deal with changes in government
The on-going commitment to preserving and strengthening the bilateral relationship meant Indonesia's territorial integrity became the focus of the Australian political elites regional foreign policy determinations. The actions taken by policy-makers served to promote the desire for a stable region ahead of independence claims of the East Timorese. From a realist perspective, the security dilemma for Australian policy-makers was how to best promote regional order and stability in the South East Asian region. The desire for regional cohesiveness and stability continues to drive Australian political elites to promote policies that gives a priority to the territorial integrity of regional states. Indonesia, in spite of its diversity, was only ever thought of as a cohesive unitary state and changes to its construct have rarely been countenanced. Australia's political elite justifications for this stance vacillate between strategic and economic considerations, ideological (anti-colonialism) to one of being a pragmatic response to international politics.
The political elite argues the projection of power into the region is in Australias national interest. The policies from one government to the next necessarily see the national interest as being an apparent fixed feature of foreign policy. The persistent fear of invasion from the north traditionally motivated Australia's political elite to adopt a strategic realist policy that sought to shore up the stability, strength and unity of Indonesia. The national interest was deemed to be at risk if support for East Timorese independence was given. The national interest though can involve more than just the security issue, and the political elite when dealing with East Timor assumed that they were acting in the common good. Questions that need to be addressed include determining what is the national interest in this context? What is the effect of a government invoking the national interest in debates over issues in foreign policy? And, who should participate in the debate? In an effort to answer these questions an analysis of how the ex-foreign affairs mandarin Richard Woolcott defines the national interest becomes crucial.
Clearly, conflict in East Timor did have implications for the national interest. The invasion of East Timor by Indonesia had the potential to damage the relationship, but equally communist successes in 1975 in Indo-China raised Australia's regional security concerns. During the Cold War, the linking of communism to nationalism was driving the decision-making processes of the Australian policy-makers striving to come to grips with the strategic realities of a changing region. Because of this, did the constraints of world politics dominated by Cold War realities combined with domestic political disruption have anything to do with Australia's response?
Certainly, Australia itself was experiencing a constitutional crisis in late 1975. The Senate had blocked supply and the Labor Government did not have the funds to govern. The Governor-General by dismissing the Labor Government finally resolved the impasse. What were the reactions of the two men charged with the responsibility of forming the caretaker government toward Indonesia's military action? And, could the crisis have prevented the Australian government from making a different response to the invasion?
Importantly, and in terms of economic security, did the knowledge of oil and gas deposits thought to exist in the Timor Sea influence Australia's foreign policy? The search for oil and gas requires a stable political environment in which to operate. Therefore for exploration to continue in the Timor Sea Australia must have had a preferred political option and thoughts of with whom they preferred to negotiate. What was the extent of each government's cooperation and intervention in the oil and gas industry and could any involvement have influenced the Australian political elites attitude toward the prospect of an independent East Timor? Australia's subsequent de jure recognition that East Timor was part of Indonesia paved the way for the Timor Gap (Zone of Cooperation) Treaty signing in 1989. The signing underpinned Australia's acceptance of Indonesian sovereignty over East Timor.
The outcome of the analysis of the issues that shaped Australia's foreign policy toward East Timor showed that the political elite became locked into an integration model, which was defended by successive governments. Moreover, they formed an almost reflexive defence of Indonesia both at the domestic and international level.
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Tadros, Naureen M. "Development, state discourse and the national interest, Egypt's Toshka project." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0006/MQ42212.pdf.
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Mols, Manfred. ""In the National Interest" : Australiens Außenpolitik am Ende des 20. Jahrhunderts." Universität Potsdam, 1998. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2006/1138/.
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In August 1997 the Australian Government released the first White Paper ever issued on its foreign policy. As one important element, this essay tries to delineate the pro Asia-Pacific shift of Australia’s international economic and security orientations, particularly since the early 1970s - a foreign policy which could rest upon an certain bipartisan basis. The recently launched White Paper represents a new reflection upon Australia’s national interests and a soft relativisation of the strong emphasis on regional and multilateral foreign policy performances of former governments. According to a least the author’s judgement, the fundamental legacy of Australia’s international relations remain: a certain (a definite?) contradiction between the country’s predominant cultural and ethnic (!) heritage on the one hand and its geographical location on the other.
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Benitez, Ryan L. "Making the case for humanitarian intervention: national interest and moral imperative." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/45161.
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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited<br>Complex considerations challenge U.S. political leaders when faced with the possibility of humanitarian intervention by means of military force. Humanitarian intervention is a delicate matter in which decision makers are constrained or compelled by circumstances of national interest and moral imperative. This examination of humanitarian intervention reviews the foreign policy context and debate within the U.S. government across three case studies: Rwanda, Kosovo, and Libya. Each case study reveals the role of national interest and moral imperative in driving policymakers to a tipping point at which they make the final determination to use or refrain from military force. Both national interest and the desire to end human suffering serve as incentives for intervention, and one may be stronger than the other in any given situation.
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Reindorp, David. "The maritime security space : protecting national interest on the high seas." Thesis, University of Reading, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.630467.
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Theoretically, the High Seas are by definition peaceable. Consequently, there is no requirement for security enforcement upon them. Historically, they are also common territory. Movement on them is unrestricted and states are proscribed from exerting power over them. This image of secure oceans and unfettered use of the seas is the ideational basis of international maritime governance and law. And it is also the key enabler of global maritime trade. Practically, however, this image is flawed. There is an observable rise in incidents of maritime insecurity, some of it minor, but much not. For instance, there is evidence that the high seas are being deliberately exploited for criminal and terrorist purposes. The reasons for this are linked to the High Seas Regime. Specifically, its prescription on the use of enforcement power and the interplay between the international law of the regime, and the domestic jurisdictions of individual maritime actors. This situation now challenges both law makers and security practitioners. So, given this paradox between perceived ideals and actual circumstances, how can states adequately provide for their security upon the oceans? Commentators such as Posen and Holmes suggest a return to the classical maritime strategies of Mahan and Corbett. They compare the oceans to ungoverned or undergoverned space on land, and posit the need for 'command of the commons' . While unashamedly antithetical to the concept of 'free seas', this also ignores the postmodern separation of the delivery of security from the successful practice of warfare. In strategy terms, the ways of achieving the latter (i.e. decisive military action) are not available in the political space of the former. The means, however, (i .e. seapower) are the same. Referencing Till's work on post-modern seapower, and acknowledging that Freedom of the Sea will remain the central tenet of the High Seas Regime, this thesis proposes that the two traditional political narratives of the oceans - the co-operation space or the conflict space - are diverging. And that a third narrative, the Maritime Security Space is emerging between them. In it, the intervention rights available during periods of cooperation, currently limited to situations of piracy, human trafficking and illegal broadcasting, will be unrepresentative of the range of insecurity to be found.
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Kotúčová, Michaela. "The Evolution of the Foreign Policy of Italy." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193892.
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This paper work analyses the foreign policy of Italy from its foundation in 1861 until nowadays. Its main aim is to provide a comprehensive overview of the Italian actions and its position within the international system as well as to examine core objectives, means and factors of the Italian foreign policy making. The country went through different stages during its 154-year existence and experienced various types of state organisation and ideologies which were all reflect in its foreign policy making. The analysis verifies that the approach to the foreign policy making, targets and means to achieve them in Italy differed in each phase. These phases were the Kingdom of Italy, the First Republic and the Second Republic. Hence, the foreign policy of Italy is examined in the framework of these stages and each chapter thus corresponds to one of them. A theoretical chapter is also incorporated into this paper work in order to facilitate the understanding of the forthcoming analysis further in the text.
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Zongo, Windata Miki. "La sécurité comme enjeu de politique étrangère en Afrique : analyse par les médiations du Burkina Faso dans les crises politiques en Afrique de l'Ouest : 1991-2012." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016USPCB198.
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Concept des Relations Internationales justifiant l'action extérieure des États, l'intérêt national est une notion toujours omniprésente dans les discours des gouvernants, mais dont la nature et la finalité s'avèrent à la fois subtiles et diversifiées. L'avènement du Multilatéralisme et son objectif de la sécurité internationale, en constitue une parfaite mise à l'épreuve. En effet, malgré l'émergence des structures légitimes, l'État, par un discours et une implication opérationnelle dans ses actions extérieures, s'affirme en tant qu'acteur de la sécurité internationale. Cet investissement, loin du discours sur des objectifs relevant du symbolique, participe dans la réalité, à une stratégie minutieusement orchestrée au nom de l'intérêt national. Sur le continent africain, on assiste ainsi à une émergence de politiques étrangères et d'actions diplomatiques étatiques apparemment vouées à la sécurité internationale mais relevant de l'intérêt national. La présente analyse, par une approche constructiviste, entend ainsi démontrer que la pratique des médiations entreprise par le Burkina Faso dans la sous-région de l'Afrique de l'Ouest, loin des discours sur la sécurité de la zone véhiculés, est une illustration de cette tendance<br>As concept of International Relations justifying foreign action of States, the national interest is a notion always present in the governement leaders speeches about foreign affairs. But its meaning and its purpose are subtle and diversified as the introduction of Multilateralism and its objective of international security show. Despite the emergence of legitimate structures, the State gets involved for international security in foreign actions through discourse and implication. This implication, far from a discourse of symbolic objectives, takes part in an accurately orchestrated strategy in the name of national interest. Thus, on the African continent, we attend the emergence of foreign policies and national diplomatic actions dedicated to international security. This analysis demonstrates by the constructivist approach that the practices of mediation by Burkina Faso in West Africa participates in this trend - in contrast to the disseminated discourse of security in this subregion
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Bavasso, Antonio. "Communications in EU law : antitrust, market power and public interest." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.249286.
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Xu, Yi Hua. "Power, interest, value and state's non-compliance with international regimes." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335242.
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Bonfiglio, Robert A. "The history of public relations in American higher education in the twentieth century : from self-interest to national interest /." Access Digital Full Text version, 1990. http://pocketknowledge.tc.columbia.edu/home.php/bybib/10937778.
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Fahy, Nina J. (Nina Jane). "Pumping up : Russian energy and national power." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/43193.
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Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2007.<br>Includes bibliographical references.<br>Russia has organized its energy industry similarly to a vertically integrated energy corporation. Not only does Russia possess vast oil and gas reserves, it also has capabilities at every step in the production chain. The execution of Russian energy strategy is incredibly intricate and flows from all points including the state, firms, suppliers, degrees of ownership and transit locales. This work reviews five important aspects of Russia's vertical integration strategy. Firstly, Russia is brining the domestic industry under state control. Secondly, it has pushed out particular types of foreign investment in order to gain control of domestic reserves, their monetization and the development of important projects. Thirdly, Russia seeks to keep resource rich states in its near abroad in its sphere of influence in order to keep their supply within its grasp. Fourthly, it manages relations with neighboring states in possession of transit infrastructure to keep supply routes open to markets. Lastly, it invests abroad in order to increase market presence, cut out middlemen, and further build production chains. Russia expects to strengthen its international position, both economically and geopolitically by undertaking this strategy of vertical integration.<br>by Nina J. Fahy.<br>S.M.
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Orr, Shannon. "National self-interest in the cosmos, a regime analysis of outer space." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0020/MQ27534.pdf.
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Affolder, Natasha. "Fiction, fear and fallacy : compound interest in national law and international arbitration." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1999. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.322784.
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Lee, John Cheong Seong. "A critical examination of the concept of 'national interest' in international relations." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2002. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.396963.
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Lin, Syaru Shirley, and 林夏如. "National identity, economic interest and Taiwan's cross-strait economic policy 1994-2009." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2010. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B43761896.
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Friis, Ulla. "The European Security Architecture : the interaction between security institutions and national interest." Thesis, University of Kent, 2006. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.429791.
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Smart, Jason Jay. "Russian Influence and Kyrgyz Weakness: A Realist Understanding of Kyrgyz National Interest." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/24761.
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This thesis explores whether the Kyrgyz Republic has operated in its national interest during the post-September 11, 2001 era by examining the Kyrgyz government’s decisions in the cases of the American and Russian military installations leased within Kyrgyzstan. It uses a Realist approach to “national interest” and explains whether and how the Kyrgyz Republic’s decisions increased its defense capabilities, improved its financial situation and created a better political environment in which to operate. The study employed news sources in English and Russian, recently released U.S. State Department diplomatic cables, qualitative analyses by regional experts and quantitative data from government bodies. I contend that it is consistent with Kyrgyz national interest to close the American base while maintaining the Russian military presence; the Russian Federation’s support of the Kyrgyz Republic is apparently conditional on expulsion of the American bases. The analysis suggests that a more thorough understanding of how the Kyrgyz Republic conceptualizes its national interest can help international policy makers formulate more effective strategies to collaborate with it.<br>Master of Arts
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Bessingpas, Maureen Tyra. "Reforming primary education in Pakistan in the interest of U.S. national security." Connect to Electronic Thesis (CONTENTdm), 2009. http://worldcat.org/oclc/501000147/viewonline.
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Lin, Syaru Shirley. "National identity, economic interest and Taiwan's cross-strait economic policy 1994-2009." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2010. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B43761896.
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Sutherland, Ann. "Art exhibitions in the national interest: Australian cultural diplomacy, 1918 to 1941." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2022. https://hdl.handle.net/2123/29656.
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Australia’s relationship with the rest of the world was particularly complex in the two decades of acute economic, political, and social crises between World War One and Two. This thesis argues that Australia employed visual arts exhibitions in the national interest within its foreign policy stance to amplify and recruit allies for its response to this complexity and that it did so to both international and domestic audiences. Six visual arts exhibitions between 1918 and 1941 have been selected to illustrate this transactional Australian cultural diplomacy within the decline of the European empires, the establishment of the League of Nations in 1920 and the rise of American power after 1930. The thesis opens with the nation a member of the British War Office in 1918 and ends with Australia a member of the Pacific War Council which formed in Washington DC in 1942.
While post-WWII initiatives in cultural diplomacy have been studied, their antecedents have been rarely noted in either the literature on Australian diplomacy, or within the history of Australian art and its exhibition. This thesis seeks to address this oversight, necessarily doing so from a broad multidisciplinary perspective. The profiled exhibitions are detailed as to their origins and content within their historical backdrop, the politics and the people involved. The thesis argues that visual arts exhibitions established a distinguishing aspect of national projection in the interwar period, one which remains embedded in policy and the public cultural programs of government and the national, state, and regional art galleries.
I draw three principal findings from the presented research. The exhibitions discussed enrich our knowledge of the various ways the nation managed its strategic interests as an internationally aligned nation after 1918. Secondly, it addresses a gap which will continue while the many public actors captured by cultural diplomacy - the participants, their objectives and location, institutional arrangements, and foreign and strategic policy – are investigated in isolation from each other. Finally, my hope is that this thesis will make an original contribution to an understanding of the role of exhibitions within the modernisation and the cosmopolitanising of the nation, including the important contribution of artists and arts institutions, business, and public administrators to those exhibitions in the inter-war period.
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Henn, Margaret Katherine. "The Cuban American National Foundation and Its Role as an Ethnic Interest Group." Thesis, Boston College, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/568.
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Thesis advisor: James Hamm<br>In this thesis I discuss the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF) and its unique success as an ethnic interest group. I explain how the group came to be. I then address a number of reasons that scholars give as to why the CANF still exerts so much influence today. These reasons include but are not limited to: government favoritism during the cold war, the group's influence as a voting bloc, and campaign donations to prominent politicians. I discuss each of these theories and conclude that they all contain a grain of truth, yet none of them is significant enough to fully explain the situation. I conclude by finding the situation to be over-determined<br>Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2008<br>Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: College Honors Program<br>Discipline: International Studies Honors Program
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Hester, Torrie. "Deportation : origins of a national and international power /." Connect to title online (Scholars' Bank) Connect to title online (ProQuest), 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/9177.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 2008.<br>Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 325-340). Also available online in Scholars' Bank; and in ProQuest, free to University of Oregon users.
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Sciadas, George. "The measurement of banking output and the treatment of interest in the system of national accounts." Thesis, McGill University, 1994. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=28914.
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The satisfactory measurement of banking output has eluded statistical agencies since the inception of national income accounting. At the heart of the problem is the treatment of interest. Net interest payments are considered part of the output originating in the paying industries. When applied to the banking sector this practice results in unrealistically low or even negative output and an imputation is carried out to rectify the problem. This thesis identifies the problems surrounding the existing concepts and practices, discusses alternatives that have been proposed and develops a new approach to measuring banking output. The rate of interest is decomposed into a transfer and a service part and economic prices for banking services are constructed. Thus, nominal and real banking output are obtained in a straightforward manner. Empirical work points to the viability of the new approach.
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Aspinwall, Mark Dean. "Capital mobility and interest group power : development of the EC shipping policy." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.318913.
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In this thesis. theories of regional integration. particularly neofunctionalism and intergovemmentalism. are applied to a case study of the shipping sector. Actor behaviour at three levels is explored: national and European-level pressure groups. national governments. and EC institutions. These actors are constrained or empowered by a range of variables at the national. regional. and global levels. and it is the impact of these variables on agent behaviour that explains the dependent variable - - outcome of negotiations leading to elements of an EC common shipping policy. One variable has not previously been identified in the literature capital mobility. It is significant because it alters pressure group power In negotiations over certain policies. Mobile capital will not accept policies which Impose costs if they can be avoided through exit. and this entails a major limit to integrative possibilities. This limit IS likely to be increasingly significant as foreign direct investment both into and out of the EC grows.
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Aitken, Mhairi. "Power and wind power : exploring experiences of renewable energy planning processes in Scotland." Thesis, Robert Gordon University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10059/328.
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Energy use and production have become highly salient within both national and international policy. This reflects an international recognition of the need to cut emissions in order to mitigate the threats of climate change. Within the UK there is significant policy support for renewable energy development generally, and wind power in particular. Nevertheless, the UK is not expected to meet its targets for renewable energy production. This is often portrayed as being the result of localised public opposition to particular proposed developments. However, this thesis challenges the notion that local objectors are powerful actors within renewable energy deployment. A detailed, multi-method case study of one planning application for a wind power development was conducted in order to explore how the planning process is experienced and perceived by various different actors involved (i.e. representatives of the developers, local objectors, local supporters). The findings refute the assertion that localised opposition presents significant obstacles for the development of renewable energy; they instead highlight the limited influence of objectors. In order to understand the many different forms of power which may be exercised the research employs Lukes’ three-dimensional view of power as a framework of how the concept is to be understood. Through this framework, the thesis does not only consider the power of objectors, but also of prospective developers and the forms of power that are found within the structures of the planning system. Power is considered to be visible not only in the outcomes of decision-making processes but also in the processes themselves. It is shown that whilst planning processes are presented as being public and democratic, considerable power is exercised in controlling the participation that is allowed and ultimately the range of outcomes which can be achieved.
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Souyad, Azzedine. "The Soviet Union in Syria's foreign policy 1970-1980 : ideology versus regime interest." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.302664.
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Bowers, Tammy A. "Foreign aid and the national interest : the cases of the United States and Japan." FIU Digital Commons, 1996. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1751.
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Developed countries give foreign assistance for many reasons, one of which is the protection of national interests. Foreign aid gives a donor country leverage in international relations and is used as a tool of foreign policy. The United States and Japan are the two largest aid donors in the world. Each of these countries exert influence over specific regions through foreign assistance. Although the national interests of each country are different, both use foreign aid to protect these interests. This thesis discusses the means by which the United States and Japan use foreign aid in foreign policy. It looks specifically at U.S. food aid to Central America and Japanese aid to Asia.
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Mostafa, Golam Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "National interest and foreign policy: a case study of Bangladesh- Soviet relations, 1980-90." Ottawa, 1992.
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Adams, Christopher (Christopher John) Carleton University Dissertation Political Science. "Interest groups in the Canadian grain sector; twentieth century developments at the national level." Ottawa, 1995.
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Wallner, Marcus. "Making Room for Resource Liberalism : Mining, Neoliberalization and Areas of National Interest in Sweden." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Kulturgeografiska institutionen, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-210973.
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Oakley, Patricia Ann. "Organisational power and influence in the National Health Service." Thesis, Birkbeck (University of London), 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.401704.
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McNeal, Jeni R., William A. Sands, and Michael H. Stone. "Upper Extremity Power Characteristics in Men’s National Team Gymnasts." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2009. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/4517.
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Ichiue, Hibiki. "Essays on the yield curve, its predictive power and monetary policy /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2005. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3191988.
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Lenffer, Heidi. "In The Public Interest? : Investigative Journalism and Fourth Estate Philosophy Within the Australian Press." Thesis, Department of Media and Communications, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/5341.
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The tradition of ‘investigative journalism’ has come to denote the most lauded qualities of the journalistic profession, and has an impressive history of producing social reform in Australia. However, its grounding in Fourth Estate principles arguably promotes an adversarial, top-down approach to journalism, which has served to position the journalist as a removed ‘watchdog’ gaurdian of public interests, rather than as a professional who facilitates the public’s expressions of politcal, social and cultural interest. This thesis uses a case study of the National Times newspaper (1971-1986) to illustrate the form and effect of a particular manifestation of investigative journalism, and seeks to contextualise the tradition within a historical account of the development of Fourth Estate philosophy within Australia. This thesis aims to contribute to contemporary debates surrounding the role of journalism by situating this research within a broader discussion of the changing relations between the media and the citizenry within the contemporary public sphere.