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Journal articles on the topic 'National interest and Power'
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Mehmood Khan, Ehsan. "NATIONAL INTEREST: PERSPECTIVES AND PRACTICES." Journal of Contemporary Studies 11, no. 1 (2022): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54690/jcs.v11i1.210.
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“The objectives of foreign policy must be defined in terms of the national interest and must be supported with adequate power.”– Hans J. Morgenthau
 Even though, national interest is one of the most developed concepts of IR scholarship, yet it remains under the debate in academic and policy circles. Various scholars and institutions contextualize and categorize national interests varyingly. There are five main issues under deliberation: first, the interplay of power and morality in formulation and pursuit of national interests; second, longevity, durability and permanency of national interests; third, the interaction between national and public interests, and the process of interest adjudication, which is the function of the political system; fourth, Islamic perspective on national interest; and fifth, the future of national interest in the wake of growing power of the non-state actors, which have started challenging the notion of national interest. This paper revisits the concept and context of national interest with strategic arguments on different debates on national interest. Important attributes of the power potential affecting national interests are considered and conceptualized by the author. The research is descriptive, explanatory, analytical and perspective in nature.
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Ota, Ejitu N., and Chinyere S. Ecoma. "Power and National Interest in International Relations." European Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 2, no. 4 (2022): 23–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24018/ejsocial.2022.2.4.268.
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Every state in the global system has values and ideals that it so cherishes that it would rather go to war than compromise. In fact, realist scholars believe that in international relations, the ability of any given state to protect and advance its national interest is a function of its power position in the comity of nations. This paper seeks to examine the nexus between power and national interest in international relations. In doing so, it has adopted the qualitative analytical research methodology of content analysis. This is because, by its nature, the paper could not employ the quantitative analytical methodology. Therefore, content analysis of relevant literature is the preferred option. The research finding is that although power is a necessary component in analyzing relations between states in the international system, the concept is ambiguous and should not be relied upon as the major compass of a given nation’s foreign policy orientation.
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Köchler, Hans. "World Order and National Interest." WISDOM 2, no. 5 (2015): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.24234/wisdom.v2i5.39.
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A rational foreign policy must define the criteria of “national interest” in a consistent and transparent manner in order to enable other states to calculate their behavior accordingly and to avoid global instability. The basic rationale of “national interest” is the self-preservation of the state from which all specific interests, including those of national security, are derived. The concept as such is multidimensional, comprising the realization of economic, social and cultural rights of the respective polity in the worldwide interplay of forces. In the era of globalization, it must naturally be defined on the basis of interdependence at the factual and reciprocity of interests at the normative level.In a unipolar power constellation such as the present one, the unilateral assertion of national interests by the dominant power, cloaked in the guise of universal values, risks to cause regional conflicts and global instability. Only if exercised in a framework of checks and balances, is the policy of national interest compatible with peace. This means that a global balance of power, whether bipolar or multipolar, is indispensable for the assertion of the national interest. The principle of sovereign equality of nations, a basic norm of the UN Charter, is only meaningful, and the United Nations system of collective security can only be realized, if states act on the basis of mutuality.For the policy of the national interest not to undermine its very foundation, namely the sovereignty of the state and the inalienable rights of its citizens, it must include universal values shared by all members of the international community. The concept should thus be redefined in the context of “mutual global interests.” Those must include the principles of human rights and the rule of law as guidelines of a just world order.
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Dr., Uwak U. E., and Ebong V. E. Dr. "Power and National Interest in Nigerian Foreign Policy (2015-2022)." International Journal of Contemporary Issues and Trends in Research 2, no. 1 (2024): 106–25. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.10640983.
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<strong>Abstract </strong> Nigeria's foreign policy can be traced to the country's existence. These periods were the colonial and post-colonial periods. The colonial period between 1914 and 1960 is when the entity called Nigeria came into existence as a united nation, even though the country was still under the British colonial rule. The post-colonial period was basically from independence in 1960 till date. The study paid critical attention to the post-colonial period of Nigeria's foreign policy since it can be rightly said that Nigeria, as a sovereign state, started having her national interests from this period. The post-colonial period saw the formation of indigenous foreign policy, which was truly called and referred to as Nigerian foreign policy. The study further examined the evolution of Nigeria's foreign policy before independence and reviewed the country's foreign policy since independence in 1960. Also, the study reviewed the principles and objectives of Nigeria's foreign policy, the determinants of Nigeria's foreign policy, and the challenges of Nigeria's foreign policy. To give the study a scientific basis, the theory of realism as articulated by the works of Thucydides, Nicollo Machiavelli, Hans Morgenthan, and others was considered appropriate for examining the subject matter under study. It was recommended, among others, that there is a need for Nigeria to adopt a sound economic policy as a fundamental prerequisite for conducting effective foreign policy since all foreign policies spring from the economic base of a state.
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Božić, Sandra. "The influence of the great powers on the national interests of the Republic of Serbia." Srpska politička misao 81, no. 3 (2023): 187–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/spm81-45774.
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The topic of this work refers to the examination of the influence of great powers on the national interests of the Republic of Serbia for the purpose of analysing the strategic environment that precedes the definition of a deterrence strategy under conditions of military neutrality. National interests are best understood as fundamental and enduring needs, desires, or streams that help determine the goals of national security policy. National interests and their importance can be categorized in different ways and are most often considered in a practical sense as existential, vital and others. For the Republic of Serbia and the majority of the Serbian people, the national interest in preserving sovereignty and territorial independence, which is threatened by the illegal declaration of independence of AP KiM, represents the greatest threat to freedom and independence as basic national values. The defence of AP KiM and its preservation in the constitutional and legal order of the Republic of Serbia is an existential national interest, the realization of which requires the engagement of all instruments of the national power of the Republic of Serbia. A negative influence on the realization of this interest comes from the external and internal environment. In accordance with the above, and taking into account the limitations in the requirements for the preparation, the paper focuses on the basic question: how do great powers affect the existential national interest of the Republic of Serbia? In the theoretical-methodological approach, a theoretical analysis of the terms national interests and values was used, a classification of national interests was carried out based on modified analytical approaches, and the relationship between the influence of great powers on the existential national interest of the Republic of Serbia was examined. The results of the research indicate that, despite changes in the geopolitical environment that indicate the emergence of a multipolar world, the actions of major powers have a predominantly negative impact on the existential national interest. Such a fact requires the search for measures to reduce strategic risk in order to mitigate and eliminate the negative effects of the actions of the great powers and to connect Serbian national interests with the interests of powers that have a positive impact on the national security interests of the Republic of Serbia.
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Hakım, Gherıeb. "The Usage of Turkey's Soft Power and National Interest." Strategy International Journal of Middle East Research 2, no. 2 (2020): 25–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.29329/ijmer.2020.245.3.
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Smith, Gaddis, and Karl von Vorys. "American National Interest: Virtue and Power in Foreign Policy." Foreign Affairs 69, no. 5 (1990): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044628.
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Dini, Annisa Rahma, Bayu Setiawan, and Yusuf Ali. "Realism’s Perspective on Russia’s National Interest in Invanding Ukraine: A Literature Review." JESS (Journal of Education on Social Science) 7, no. 1 (2023): 17. http://dx.doi.org/10.24036/jess.v7i1.441.
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Conflict is unavoidable. Regardless of the nature of the conflict, war is the last alternative when the peace effort has failed to take. Russia's attack on Ukraine is the last stage in resolving the conflict due to the failure of peace negotiations between the two sides. This study aims to analyze the national interest of Russia in invading Ukraine through the perspective of realism. The method used in this research is a descriptive method with a qualitative approach. The data collection technique is secondary data through documentation or literature study. In this case, the researcher conducted previous research with the research topic studied from scientific articles in libraries and cyberspace. This study's results indicate an iceberg phenomenon in Russia's national interest in invading Ukrainian territory. Western expansion into the territory of Ukraine has created a security dilemma for Russia, so the war is used as momentum for Russia to achieve its national interests. Through the war, Russia played zero-sum to achieve its national interests, as a balance of power from Western powers, power expansion into the territory of Ukraine, and the power struggle. The armed conflict between the two countries is a challenge that must face by countries around the world, including Indonesia. In response to it, Indonesia used an independent-active principle based on Indonesia's national interests.
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Madutharanga, KBG Sumudu, Fauzia Gustarina Cempaka Timur, and Surachman Surjaatmadia. "Non Align Foreign Policy Towards Great Powers And Regional Power- Case Study Sri Lanka." International Journal of Progressive Sciences and Technologies 42, no. 1 (2023): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.52155/ijpsat.v42.1.5826.
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This comprehensive article delves into the strategic importance of Sri Lanka in the Indian Ocean region and the diplomatic, economic, and military strategies adopted by the nation to safeguard its national interests. The discussion is enriched with insights into how Sri Lanka can effectively utilize its economic, diplomatic, information, and military resources to achieve its objectives. Sri Lanka's unique geographical location places it at the crossroads of major global powers and regional players, making its foreign policy choices of paramount significance. The article also evaluates the risks and costs associated with Sri Lanka's national objectives, accounting for the strategic environment, geopolitical considerations, and domestic factors. Assumptions of competing interests, regional cooperation, and economic competition are considered, both on the international and domestic fronts. This in depth examination of Sri Lanka's foreign policy and strategic approach provides valuable insights into the nation's pursuit of its national interests and the challenges it faces in a complex and dynamic global environment. The USA, China and India interests in Sri Lanka encompass several dimensions. Sri Lanka aims to position itself in the current world order by shaping its Nonaligned foreign policy and foreign relations with great powers and regional power protecting her national interest. A conceptual framework based on Terry Deibel's Strategic Logic Approach to Analyse Strategic Options to manage relation with Great powers and the Regional power as per Sri Lankan National Interests. Further, this paper discuss Ends Means and Ways of nonaligned Foreign Policy according Instrument of National power and Strategic Options Available.
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Navari, Cornelia. "Hans Morgenthau and the National Interest." Ethics & International Affairs 30, no. 1 (2016): 47–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089267941500060x.
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Hans Morgenthau's concept of “the national interest” first appeared, somewhat like thunder out of China, in the essay “The Primacy of the National Interest” as part of a forum in the Spring 1949 issue of The American Scholar titled “The National Interest and Moral Principles in Foreign Policy.” As William Scheuerman observes, “The concept of the ‘national interest’ first takes on a special analytic status in this essay.” In the essay, the national interest is first presented as a necessary corrective to what Morgenthau had already characterized in Scientific Man vs. Power Politics as legalism, moralism, and sentimentalism in American politics, and as a more effective guide to foreign policy than the American tradition seemed able to provide.
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Sekar, Tanjung Ajita, Syamsunasir, and Setiawan Bayu. "Indonesia's National Interest and Perspective on Conflict in South China Sea." International Journal of Arts and Social Science 4, no. 5 (2023): 327–34. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.7745261.
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The dispute over ownership of the South China Sea has not ended until now. China claims to be the owner of most of the South China Sea. Likewise, Vietnam, Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, the Philippines and Taiwan claim to be the owners of the territory. On the other side, Indonesia has interests in areas directly adjacent to the South China Sea, namely the Natuna Islands. This study aimed to analyze Indonesia’s national interests and perspectives on the conflict in the South China Sea. Qualitative methods and concepts of Indonesia’s national interest and perspective were used to analyze this study. The results showed that in particular, there were two terms of Indonesia’s National Interest in the South China Sea, namely Vital (Survival) and Major interests. Moreover, Indonesia’s national interest was seen from two interrelated things, namely the dynamics that occur in the South China Sea dispute and the intersection in the North Natuna Sea. Furthermore, Indonesia’s perspective on conflict in South China Sea, the South China Sea conflict could also be viewed from two perspectives, namely in terms of soft power and hard power.
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ANGELOV, Grudi. "National Strategy – Linkage between National Ideal and National Interests." Romanian Military Thinking 2024, no. 4 (2024): 522–31. https://doi.org/10.55535/rmt.2024.4.34.
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The report examines the main factors, characteristics and elements of national power, the formulation of national interests and objectives, emphasizing the bridging role of national strategy. The national strategy articulates the ways to achieve national goals, where a connection is made with national power. Therefore, the article focuses on working definitions of national power and national strategy, as well as on the linkages between national power, national interests, and national strategy. In addition, the importance of defining the national interests and goals is depicted.
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Gautam, Shreedhar. "Foreign Policy and National Interest." Harvest 3, no. 1 (2024): 107–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/harvest.v3i1.64188.
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Nepal’s foreign policy is guided by the collective desire of the people to preserve national independence and promote socio-economic interest. Our foreign policy is almost affected by geographical and cultural relations with the neighboring countriesIndia and China. Nepal must maintain very well-balanced relations with them in order to be a prosperous nation, and should not forget the Divya Upadesh of Prithivi Narayan Shah, late Kings Mahendra and Birendra (zone of peace). However, the post 1990 democratic Nepal is found lacking on many fronts in its foreign policy. Nepal should try to be self-reliant for basic needs of the people, based on common interest and mutual respect. Our political leadership must focus on economic development of the nation with a common voice and effort. But Nepal is being always a loser with India in various treaties. The issue of Kalapani, Lipulekha, Limpiyadhura is being a matter of dispute with India. Similarly, MCC, SPP, BRI are also disempowering us. Therefore, we have to maintain good relations with all by identifying our areas of mutual co-operation and collaboration keeping in mind our Panchasheela principles. Always we have to believe in people’s power and eliminate fear of foreign interference so as to make Nepal self-reliant and economically prosperous and peaceful.
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COUPERUS, STEFAN. "Research in urban history: recent theses on nineteenth- and early twentieth-century municipal administration." Urban History 37, no. 2 (2010): 322–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926810000386.
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The ways in which the organization of local government and the practice of political power locally have changed over time has attracted heightened interest from urban and administrative historians over recent decades. Much of this burgeoning interest has paralleled the concurrent decline in the status and powers of local government since the 1980s. In recent years, a shifting focus from government to governance has allowed the historian to re-conceptualize approaches to urban political power. Urban governance denotes a wider system of government by encapsulating the complex range of actors, interests and resources, which straddle the public, private and voluntary sectors, each with a vested interest in the way that political power is organized and practised locally. By broadening their approach to urban political power, urban historians have, since the late 1980s, elicited new perspectives on municipal administration, reattaching it with the national and juridical frameworks of analysis from which it had been fractured. In general, this growing number of local, regional and cross-national historical studies hints at a more complex and interesting municipal dimension which transcends previously impermeable divisions between the private and the public spheres, between political democracy and administrative bureaucracy, between the central state and municipal administration, and between national and transnational contexts of administrative thought and practice.
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Hensley, Max. "Power to the People: Why We Need Full Federal Preemption of Electrical Transmission Regulation." University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, no. 46.4 (2013): 1361. http://dx.doi.org/10.36646/mjlr.46.4.power.
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State and federal governments have made significant investments in the development and installation of renewable energy technology. However, further increases in renewable power use have been stymied by the continued mismatch between the national interest in connecting consumers with utility-scale wind and solar installations and state and local control over the siting of electrical transmission lines. Because renewable power potential is often located far from consumers, transmission lines must cross multiple jurisdictions whose local interests have tended to prevent or significantly delay development. This Note analyzes that disconnect, reviews academic and legislative proposals to overcome it, and proposes a way for the federal government to preempt the states in order to streamline construction of the needed infrastructure while maintaining consideration of local concerns and advancing the overarching policy goal of shifting the electrical grid towards renewable power.
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Saca, Victor, and Ilie Leahu. "National interest and government problems in the context of democratic transformations. The case of the Republic of Moldova." Moldoscopie 3, no. 86 (2019): 99–110. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4084958.
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This article reviews the importance of national interest in the context of democratic transformations. The Republic of Moldova has to define its national interests as an opportunity to demonstrate that it has committed itself to respecting the values of freedom and tolerance, to demonstrate that it is open to bilateral and multilateral dialogue and cooperation and it tends to become a reliable security partner also by that gaining more audience and credibility. Even if the national interests of the Republic of Moldova are of a regional character, because its political and economic potential is limited, so it can not claim global roles in the world arena, the national interests synthesize the trajectories on the basis of which the Republic of Moldova conceives its present and the future. In democratic transformations, the role of state power in contemporary conditions does not diminish, but vice versa complicates and increases. Regardless of the social model that our society develops on, the state is the most important instrument for increasing people’s well-being, building civical and political activity as well as strengthening the sense of citizenship. Thus, the course and results of democratic transformations are to a large extent determined by the quality of state leadership. The national interest is a well known determinant of political behaviour which motivates and stimulates different actors to develop political goals, to take actions that address both the political sphere as well as other social spheres. Starting from the premise that we are still doomed to governments formed by coalition, we consider absolutely necessary for all political formations to place on the first place the national interest, democratic transformation, sovereignty, human dignity, rights and freedoms, and not the narrow interests of the party or group.
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Kabuti, George Njuguna, Peter-Linus Odote, and Kizito Sabala. "Assessing the Implications of Great Power Competition in The Horn of Africa on Kenya's National Security Interests, 2010 to 2022." International Journal of Social and Development Concerns 19, no. 9 (2024): 120–30. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12819141.
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<em>This article assesses the implication of great powers competition in the Horn of Africa (HoA) region on Kenya’s national security interests in the period between 2010 to 2022. The article further proffers strategies that the country may adopt to address the challenges and opportunities arising from the rivalry in the region. The essay moreover adopted realism theory of international relations as the theoretical lens to explain great power competition in the HoA region and the impact it had on Kenya’s national security interest. In regard to the methodology, this article employed a qualitative research design to collect and analyse data. The data which was collected from key informant interviews and focus discussion groups was analyzed thematically. The research determined that relationships existed between great power competition in the HoA region and Kenya’s national security interests. Further, the study showed that there were multiple dimensions to comprehending Kenya’s national security interests within the context of great power rivalry in the region. The article concluded that the hegemonic rivalry in the region impacted on Kenya’s national security interests, and thereby recommended the need for Kenya to continually develop strategies to mitigate against the aforesaid in addition to maximizing on the resultant opportunities. </em> <em> </em><strong><em>Key Words:</em></strong><em> Great Power Competition, Horn of Africa, National Security Interests</em>
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Shih, C. y., and C. c. Huang. "China's Quest for Grand Strategy: Power, National Interest, or Relational Security?" Chinese Journal of International Politics 8, no. 1 (2014): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cjip/pou047.
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Sadłocha, Jarosław. "Heterogeneity of the Notion of Interest in Accordance with the International Relations Theory: A Study of Russia’s National Interests." International Studies. Interdisciplinary Political and Cultural Journal 23, no. 1 (2019): 235–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1641-4233.23.15.
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The category of a national interest is one of the most popular notions used in international relations. It has a polysemic character and is differently interpreted by various scientific perspectives. The purpose of this article is to provide a brief analysis of selected approaches of the theory of international relations to defining interests and correlating the interpretations of national interests of the Russian Federation performed on their bases. The choice of case study concerning the foreign policy of the Russian Federation is not accidental because in countries aspiring to gain world power the concept of national interest is raised while explaining the motives of decisions taken by their leaders exceptionally often. In this article, Russia’s interests will be discussed in reference to the annexation of the Crimea and Russia’s actions towards Ukraine. Those events vividly show the specificity of defining the national interests, based on one hand on the pursue to being a powerhouse and understanding the interests in the category of power and, on the other hand, resulting from the political identity of Russian elites. As a result, an assessment of the scientific utility of selected theoretical paradigms and their use in the analyses of Russia’s foreign policy will be outlined.
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Tourangbam, Monish, and Sriparna Pathak. "China and BRICS: Dealing with Power Asymmetry in a Multipolar World." Liberal Studies 5, no. 1 (2020): 117–29. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4318605.
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A distinctive feature of the rise of the multipolar world order in the 21st century has been the proliferation of multilateral institutions. While the raison d’être of these institutions essentially remains elevating multilateral interests, as opposed to unilateral or even for that matter, bilateral interests, national interests continue to remain paramount. Even within multilateral institutions, states undertake various approaches to secure their own national interests over and above that of others. BRICS, a multilateral grouping of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, in its conception is targeted towards reforming and filling up the space left by the West-dominated structures of global governance. However, the power asymmetry inherent among the BRICS members creates traction that the Chinese require to wield the kind of influence that should concern other members, and certainly India. The dilemma of balancing common interest and national interest within multilateral organisations like the BRICS will be an eminent feature of the varied and multiple interest sets that countries have in an interdependent world. While countries will still find purpose, in the membership of multilateral institutions, the challenge of managing power asymmetry within those organisations will mean that countries find leverage through their engagement with countries outside those groups. For China, the heavyweight within the group, BRICS has multiple purposes, one of them being the elevation of Chinese interests of opposing Western hegemony. However, for India, for which the grouping remains of pertinence (given its stress on addressing emerging and important global challenges such as those of economic development and sustainability) taking a position against the so-called dominance of the West or aligning itself with any particular country or group that stands in opposition to others is a dilemma.
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Baniya, Dharma Bahadur. "Soft Power in the Contemporary World: Recommendations to the Small States’ Security." Unity Journal 2 (August 11, 2021): 54–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v2i0.38809.
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Since the emergence of the New World Order in the international relations, the pursuit of national interests through traditional hard power has come under intense criticism. Employment of military instrument in foreign soil in particular, has been questioned. Examples of Afghanistan, Korean Peninsula, Iraq, and Middle-East demonstrate that hard power approach alone, has been barely successful to handle multi-dimensional security challenges in the contemporary world. Although the hard power remains as important instruments of national power, its employment is becoming less significant due to its legitimacy and effectiveness in the changing global environment. Hence, the concept of soft power has been advanced as an alternative approach because of its potential of securing national interest without using force or coercion. Though the smart power, as an appropriate combination of hard and smart powers, has its implications in the international politics; soft power constitutes a very real power. This article argues on why soft power has been a more relevant instrument for the states being blessed or lacking the military might. Finally, the article presents its analysis with implications and recommends on ways in which small states like Nepal need to resort to soft power to ensure their foreign policy objectives and security in the changing international order.
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Zhou, Xiaoyu. "Strategic partnership of China and Russia in the context of realization of their national interests." Международные отношения, no. 4 (April 2023): 67–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0641.2023.4.69424.
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This article is devoted to the study of the strategic partnership of the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation in the context of the implementation of their national interests. The relevance of the research topic is due to the development of bilateral cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China in the context of the global «power transition» and the «turn to the East» of the Russian Federation. The «turn to the East» connected with the reorientation of the Russian oil and gas supply routes, has evolved and concluded in itself political and economic cooperation with a key player of the Asian region in the person of China. In turn, the «power transition», a struggle for which occurs between the People’s Republic of China and the United States, is only gaining momentum. The study focuses on relations between the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation. The study focuses on the strategic partnership between China and Russia in the context of realizing their national interests. This research is based on the paradigm of defensive realism that views international relations as anarchist in view of the presence of great powers. Moreover, under this paradigm, the system of international relations can be multipolar. The author widely used the following methods: content analysis, historism, comparative, logical and analytical. The main conclusion of this study is that in the context of the «power transition» with the participation of the People’s Republic of China and the «turn to the East» of the Russian Federation, the strategic partnership between the two states can be considered mutually beneficial, meeting their national interests. The key national interest of the Russian Federation is to build a just world order. China’s national interest is to expand its influence on the global arena.
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STOICA, Alexandru. "THE POWER OF STATES AS THE BASIS FOR PROMOTING NATIONAL INTERESTS IN THE SYSTEM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS." STRATEGIES XXI - National Defence College 1, no. 72 (2021): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.53477/2668-5094-21-10.
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The exercise of national power by each state is an accepted reality of international relations. Its individual power and distribution is one of the major determinants of a state'sbehaviour in international relations. However, the unlimited use of power by states can be a source of war, anarchy and chaos in international relations. State power, its estimates and measurement tools have always been a matter of interest to political and military leaders, who needed fairly objective parameters to make decisions with fundamental implications for the evolution and behaviour of states in the system of international relations. These issues of state power are the focus of this article.Keywords: power, elements of power, determinants of power, national interests, international relations, quantification of state power.
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Ahmed, H. A. Murshed, A. Al-Sabri Mustafa, H. Alyasery Abdulqawi, and A. A. Abdulqader Khalil. "The Shaky Relations between China and the U. S. A During the Period of Corona Virus." International Journal of Advance Study and Research Work 3, no. 9 (2020): 20–24. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4046922.
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<strong><em>International Relations are based on power, which is governed by the law of national interest, and according to the Realist Theory, it is called (the law of dual power and national interest). Therefore, the ability of the state to achieve its national interests is directly proportional to its level of power, so strength is the basis of national relations. As a result of that, conflicts arise between the major economic countries for leadership and domination. For example, according to Morgenthau; the United States of America can achieve its interests in a superior way in which another country can’t do the same. Accordingly, the second international power, the People’s Republic of China </em></strong><strong><em>competes to be the first international power, because it believes that it has the right to lead and preside the world today as it has the largest economic power in the globe, but as it is said, no friendship lasts, nor does hostility persist in the world of politics. </em></strong> <strong><em> The relation between the People’s Republic of China and the United States of America oscillates between tides, sometimes, it becomes stable and other times they are intense according to the circumstances and national interests. Unfortunately, the outbreaking of the Corona pandemic, which was like the straw that broke the camel’s back, tension increased between the two superpower countries. Both of them blame the other on the lack of transparency in clarifying the facts related to the pandemic. They also accuse each other on the matter of manipulation of the genes of this epidemic virus which has spread in most countries of the world and killed hundreds of thousands of the inhabitants of the earth. This paper will discuss the U.S. -China relations based on national interests and highlight the development of bilateral relations during the pandemic of Coronavirus, as well as mention the reasons behind their tension.</em></strong>
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McWilliam, Michael. "Knowledge and power: reflections on national interest and the study of Asia." Asian Affairs 26, no. 1 (1995): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/714041266.
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Mahaney, Mark S. "American National Interest: Virtue and Power in Foreign Policy (review)." SAIS Review 11, no. 1 (1991): 174–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sais.1991.0043.
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Hart, John Keith. "The rise and fall of national capitalism." Economic Anthropology 11, no. 1 (2024): 134–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/sea2.12310.
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AbstractFor three millennia, there has been a conflict between landed military power (the traditional enforcers, now nation‐states) and urban commerce (capitalists, now a lawless global plutocracy). This ancient battle was resumed by the European Renaissance, culminating in industrial revolution around 1800. This seemed at first to be a victory of the money interest over landed power. In the mid‐nineteenth century, however, the capitalists discovered that they could not manage without crowd control by the traditional enforcers, a compromise between money and landed power (business and government) that unleashed “national capitalism” in political revolutions involving the leading powers of the last century. These generated mass production and consumption at home and a global takeover by European colonial empires, both enabled by a bureaucratic revolution first proposed by Hegel. National capitalism—a merger of industrial capitalism and the “nation” by strong states attempting to modify the former's contradictions through central bureaucracies acting in the interest of the citizen body—became the main form of society after the Second World War, first through developmental states varying from socially responsible capitalism in the United States through social democracy in Europe to communism in the Soviet bloc, with the newly independent former colonies divided between the antagonists in the Cold War. Undermined by financial imperialism in the last four decades, this system is now failing, but humanity is far from achieving a world society to replace it.
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Citra N. Fariaty. "French Role in Conflict Resolution Efforts in Mali." Journal of Scientific Research, Education, and Technology (JSRET) 1, no. 2 (2022): 315–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.58526/jsret.v1i2.110.
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French involvement and efforts to resolve the conflict in Mali is based on French national interest in Mali. French national interest in Mali is to secure the economic interest of natural resources, political interest is to restore France influence on countres in Africa, and security interest is to prevent the Mali transform into a den of terrorist. France has run two strategis to help resolve conflict in Mali, which is through hard power with military intervention and soft power by passing to withdraw aid from other countrues and international organizations.
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Ikner, Alexandra, D. Barry Croom, Nicholas Fuhrman, and Ashley Yopp. "Student interest in the national council for agricultural education career pathways." Journal of Agricultural Education 64, no. 3 (2023): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.5032/jae.v64i3.116.
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This study describes student interest in the agricultural content pathways established by the National Council for Agricultural Education. Differences exist between male and female students concerning curriculum choices in agriculture, food, and natural resources. Male students were most interested in food products and processing systems, while females averaged the highest interest in animal systems. Females were significantly more interested in animal systems. Males were more interested in power, structural, and technical systems, biotechnology, food products and processing, and agribusiness systems. When considering the students’ race and ethnic background, Native Americans or Alaska Natives reported the most interest in animal systems. Asian students reported the highest interest in natural resource systems. African American students averaged the highest interest in power, structural and technical systems. White Non-Hispanic students reported the highest interest in animal systems. White Hispanic students reported the highest average interest in natural resources. White Non-Hispanic students were significantly more interested in agribusiness systems, animal systems, food products, and processing systems than were African American students. Native American or Alaskan Native students were significantly more interested in animal systems than African American students. This study concluded that male and female students value agricultural curriculum content differently and that the differences were significant in most agricultural content pathways. Students of different races and ethnic backgrounds value agricultural content pathways differently, but most of these differences were insignificant.
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Moravcsik, Andrew, and Milada A. Vachudova. "National Interests, State Power, and EU Enlargement." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 17, no. 1 (2003): 42–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325402239682.
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Guridno, Eddy. "Impact of National Political Dynamics on Local Political Dynamics of The 2017 Dki Jakarta Election." Journal of Law and Sustainable Development 12, no. 1 (2024): e2356. http://dx.doi.org/10.55908/sdgs.v12i1.2356.
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Objective: Objective: This research examines the problem of Political Dynamics and Conflict of Interest in the Implementation of Government Policy in DKI Jakarta for the 2017-2018 Period with the aim of explaining the response of interest groups and political factions of the DPRD to it, because of the political conflict between the opposition factions of the DKI Jakarta Regional Government in the DPRD DKI Jakarta and the Regional Government of DKI Jakarta, and the impact of the policies of the Regional Government of DKI Jakarta after the national political conflict. Methods: This research is descriptive qualitative in nature, this writing uses qualitative methods, with primary and secondary data where data from sources using in-depth interviews, as well as documents and other written data, both printed and digital, is processed. Results: The results of data processing show that interest group responses give rise to political conflict, support and rejection from various groups in different societies encourage the interests of political elites to maintain legitimacy or also to delegitimize. This conflict of interest between political elites is apparently getting bigger due to the influence of the conflict at the central level which occurred previously. This cannot be separated from the influence of conflict between coalition camps at the national level, the interests of interest groups, and the very unique sharing of actors in this conflict of interest. This strengthens the influence of the conflict. at the national level which had occurred some time before and had led to increasingly large conflicts between elements of society in Jakarta. Conclusions: The results of data processing show that interest group responses give rise to political conflict, support and rejection from various groups in different societies encourage the interests of political elites to maintain legitimacy or also to delegitimize. This conflict of interest between political elites is apparently getting bigger due to the influence of the conflict at the central level which occurred previously. This cannot be separated from the influence of conflict between coalition camps at the national level, the interests of interest groups, and from the very unique sharing of actors in this conflict of interest. This strengthens the influence of the conflict. at the national level which had occurred some time before and had led to increasingly large conflicts between elements of society in Jakarta. Research Implications: This policy then had an impact in the form of fairer law enforcement, reducing opportunities for entrepreneurs to manipulate laws and regulations, increasing legal awareness in politics and establishing policies and the popularity of the DKI Regional Government, and increasing similar cases in Jakarta. Originality / value: This research resulted in a revision of the theory of formulating public policy in conditions of conflict by considering internal, external aspects, perceptions of interests and worldview (view of life) and revised the theory of the causes of political conflict. Including the structure of those in power and those controlled, the struggle for certain positions of power, playing with sources of power. for pragmatic purposes, worldview (view of life), and wider conflict areas/conflict areas above.
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Lindgjerdet, Frode. "Technology, Group Interest, and Norwegian Air Power, 1920–1940." Vulcan 3, no. 1 (2015): 110–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134603-00301006.
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The Norwegian army and navy built their separate air arms around a few flimsy aircraft acquired from 1912. During the interwar period, the Army Air Force desired independence while its smaller naval counterpart fought tenaciously to remain part of the navy. The battle was carried out in the national military journals. Army aviation officers seduced by the air power theories of Giulio Douhet advocated independent operations; they maintained that challenges of air war and the skills required were independent of the surface over which it was fought. They also expected economic benefits from a unified service that could acquire fewer types of aircraft and unify technical services and education. Naval aviation officers maintained that naval air operations required knowledge of naval warfare, seamanship, tight naval integration, and specialized aircraft. What’s more, they resented the very idea that air power could win wars independently.
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Nogal, Agnieszka. "Koniec tajnej polityki?" Civitas. Studia z filozofii polityki 20 (June 30, 2017): 65–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/civ.2017.20.03.
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The modern definition of the state refers to the notion of sovereignty and to the related notion of the national interest, which is accompanied by secret politics. Niccolò Machiavelli was the first thinker to advocate for the primacy of the national interest. He drew inspiration from the classic concept of arcana imperii (secrets of state) and his writings can be used to explain why the concept of the national interest has taken on a modern form and is inextricably linked to the mysterious dimension of politics. Machiavelli pointed out that power is accompanied by enforcement power and indescribable hypocrisy, and actions taken at the state level (lo stato) are unique and require protection. However, we now witness the disappearance of the mysterious dimension of politics. Information leaks, tape recordings, eavesdropping and candid photos cause public debates and lead to numerous political changes. In this situation, the concept of the national interest must be discussed again. The public justification for the national interest and concrete political solutions and goals implemented by the state could reduce citizens’ suspicion, which is fed on further leaks.
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Schmidt, Eric. "AI, Great Power Competition & National Security." Daedalus 151, no. 2 (2022): 288–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_01916.
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Abstract Breakthroughs in AI are accelerating global commercial competition and transforming the international security environment. The reach and influence of foreign-based network platforms present risks to American society and require us to confront questions about their origin and purpose. Meanwhile, AI technologies are enhancing several existing national security threats, and will change the way states try to gain leverage against adversaries and exercise coercion and influence in other societies. The open nature of free and democratic societies, combined with their increasing reliance on poorly secured digital networks, makes them especially vulnerable. In the military realm, AI holds the prospect of augmenting cyber, conventional, and nuclear capabilities in ways that make security relationships among rivals more challenging to predict and maintain, and conflicts more difficult to limit. Even as they compete, rivals should explore limits on AI capabilities. The AI ecosystems of the principal global competitors, the United States and China, remain intertwined, and a calibration of the bilateral technology relationship requires both selective decoupling and continued collaboration in areas of mutual interest. These changes require a comprehensive national strategy for the next decade that preserves global leadership advantages for America's economy and security.
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Meernik, James. "Justice, Power and Peace: Conflicting Interests and the Apprehension of ICC Suspects." International Criminal Law Review 13, no. 1 (2013): 169–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01301005.
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The International Criminal Court (ICC) has the legal power to issue arrest warrants, but not the political power to arrest. Rather, it must rely on other national and international actors to enforce these requests. All the actors—the ICC, the suspected war criminals, and the key state actors—in these high stakes dramas involving the apprehension of suspected war criminals have distinct interests that guide their actions. Typically, as I argue, these contending interests lead to political disputes. I will argue that the principal interest of the International Criminal Court is justice; the principal interest of the actors indicted by the ICC is power; and the principal interests of international actors are peace and justice. Further, I contend that the ability of the ICC to gain custody of suspects will be determined by its ability to induce the international community to privilege justice over peace.
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Russell, Greg. "John Quincy Adams and the ethics of America's national interest." Review of International Studies 19, no. 1 (1993): 23–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500117322.
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This essay examines John Quincy Adams' diplomatic and ethical thinking and explores the implications of this legacy for the exercise of American power in contemporary world affairs. Both as America's most accomplished Secretary of State i n the nineteenth century, and through his voluminous public and private papers, Adams helped to identify the normative foundations of the national interest. In particular, he defined the limits of America's obligations to defend human rights and t o intervene on behalf of revolutionary principles in the quarrels of distant nations. Attention focuses here upon Adams' contribution to historic debates concerning: (1) individual and national rights which must be defended if freedom is to be maintained; (2) the basis for American neutrality in the 1790s; and (3) the claims upon American diplomacy generated by the independence movements of South American and Greek patriots.
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Kwak, Dong Hun. "Romania’s National Security through Alliance Diplomacy." East European and Balkan Institute 46, no. 3 (2022): 155–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.19170/eebs.2022.46.3.155.
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To understand a phenomenon and to overcome it effectively, we need a lens that can see the phenomenon clearly. The meaning and type of the phenomenon look different depending on which lens we look through, and furthermore, the countermeasures and solution method for it are also different. The same goes for international relations. Alliance diplomacy, one of the various approaches to understanding the behavior of international relations, can be said to be a basic diplomatic means to maintain the balance of power between countries. The key to alliance diplomacy is the balance of power. The true purpose of alliance diplomacy is to secure a balanced power against the hostile country by forming an alliance with other countries when national security cannot be achieved on its own.
 The military value of Romania is increasing at the European level by the United States trying to strengthen NATO’s current strategic role. Romania is a very important region for the national interest of the United States. It is true that Romania, which is very close to Russia, a hostile hegemon, is also faithfully responding to changes in the security environment through an alliance with the United States.
 However, the range of mutual understanding between the United States and European countries across the Atlantic Ocean is getting narrower. Between the two powers, Europe, which provides software values such as economy and culture, and the United States, which provides hardware means such as political and military power, the scope of Romania’s movement may be narrowed. Romania is receiving economic support from the EU, a large European economic community, and security guarantees from NATO, led by the United States. Therefore, in the face of the dilemma of cooperation and discord between the two powers, Romania will have to properly adapt to the international system that is transitioning to a multipolar system by maximizing its strategic flexibility.
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Sharma, Suresh. "Higher Defense Organization in Nepal." Asian Journal of International Affairs 1, no. 1 (2021): 153–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ajia.v1i1.44761.
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An efficient Higher Defense Organization (HDO) is mandatory for any nation to match their national security objectives based on their geostrategic environment, challenges, and historical experiences. The components of HDO need efficiency, synergy, and decision-making ability to complement national interests. Nepal is experiencing diverse national security challenges of the millennia. In Nepal’s context, there is a requirement to revisit higher defense management components and enhance their capability so we guarantee their high-quality interface with elements of national power to effectively secure national interest. In the article, the HDO will be studied to identify our weaknesses to draw a framework of understanding.
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ELAK, Leszek, and Zdzisław ŚLIWA. "THE ARCTIC – THE MIDDLE KINGDOM’S AREA OF INTEREST." National Security Studies 14, no. 2 (2018): 369–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.37055/sbn/132142.
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Arctic region is one of areas of interest of China and it is connected with politics and economy as for now. Recognizing emerging options especially in the latter domain the country is looking for possibilities to ensure national interests in the long-term perspective. It is linked with using variety of tools to engage regional actors bilaterally and in organizational framework without involving military instrument of power. Parallel, China is developing technologies necessary to operate in the Arctic allowing competing with other players. It includes research and investments in the region. Natural resources, sea lines of communication, opportunities for fishery are among factors requiring preservation of national benefits and it is achievable only by grounded presence in many dimensions.
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Huseynov, Tabib. "Mountainous Karabakh: New Paradigms for Peace and Development in the 21st Century." International Negotiation 15, no. 1 (2010): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180610x488164.
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AbstractThis article analyzes the Karabakh conflict’s peace process and suggests a set of approaches to guide future progress. Proceeding from an interest-based framework, the research examines ways to reconcile the power, rights and interests of the conflicting parties. It is argued that a serious shift in the approaches and policies of both the conflicting parties and also the mediators is needed to achieve a breakthrough in the talks. In broader and long-term perspective, stable and sustainable conflict resolution requires the establishment of a power-sharing arrangement that would be based on equal and horizontal relationships between Armenians and Azeris at both sub-national (Mountainous Karabakh), and national (Azerbaijan) levels, and combines this power-sharing arrangement with regional integration.
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KOTNIK, IGOR. "ORCHESTRATING THE INSTRUMENTS OF NATIONAL POWER." Ali sodobni varnostni izzivi res potrebujejo povsem nove pristope?/ Do Contemporary Security Challenges Really Require Entirely New Approaches?, VOLUME 2012/ ISSUE 14/3 (September 30, 2012): 11–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.14.3.1.
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The State has to orchestrate the instruments of national power regarding security en- vironment within the on-going process of establishing balance of power in the inter- national community. In continuous interplay, states and other actors try to implement their (national) interests through influence or coercion relationships. In behind of both approaches there are different instruments of national power which could be understood in traditional or more comprehensive and flexible way. Traditional approach, based on three or four instruments, is particularly incorrect if someone would like to get an impression about national power of developing states and newly emerging powers. Nye`s differentiation between hard and soft power in fact follows traditional concept of three (four) instruments (means) of national power, but at the same time he is introducing three different ways of “selling” – hard, soft and smart. According to comprehensive and more flexible understanding of the instruments of national power I suggest that all ten instruments of national power are suitable to be projected in influential (soft) or coercive (hard) way and also in a smart way, as a unique mixture of the first two, in which soft power should prevail over hard power as long as possible and acceptable. Država mora upravljati instrumente nacionalne moči ob upoštevanju varnostnega okolja v okviru trenutnega procesa vzpostavljanja ravnotežja moči v mednarodni skupnosti. Ob stalnem medsebojnem sodelovanju si države in drugi akterji priza- devajo uresničevati svoje (nacionalne) interese prek odnosov vplivanja ali prisile. V ozadju obeh pristopov so različni instrumenti nacionalne moči, ki jih je mogoče razumeti na tradicionalen ali bolj celovit in prilagodljiv način. Tradicionalni pristop, ki temelji na treh ali štirih instrumentih, je še posebno neustrezen, ko si želimo ustvariti vtis o nacionalni moči držav v razvoju in na novo nastajajočih velikih sil. Nyejevo razlikovanje med trdo in mehko močjo sledi tradicionalnemu konceptu treh (štirih) instrumentov (sredstev) nacionalne moči, vendar pa hkrati uvaja tri različne načine njihovega "prodajanja" – trdo, mehko in bistroumno moč. Skladno s celovitim in bolj prilagodljivim razumevanjem instrumentov nacionalne moči predlagam, da vseh deset instrumentov nacionalne moči razumemo kot primerne za uporabo v obliki vpliva (mehko) ali prisile (trdo), pa tudi na bistroumen način, kot edinstveno mešanico prvih dveh, v kateri mora mehka moč prevladati nad trdo močjo, kolikor dolgo je to mogoče in sprejemljivo.
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Coffey, John W. "The Statesmanship of Harry S Truman." Review of Politics 47, no. 2 (1985): 231–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500036718.
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President Truman's statesmanship consists in the fact that his administration's foreign policy fused moral principle and national self-interest and that his articulation of foreign policy educated citizens in the principles of the American regime and in the nature of the threat to it. The Truman Doctrine and the Marshall Plan address vital strategic interests, but Truman's conception of the national interest contained a lucid sense of political meaning and purpose in his understanding that the perpetuation of freedom in America required a resolute defense of republicanism elsewhere in the world. Like Lincoln, Truman was committed to the prudent containment of an expansionist power, and for Truman, as for Lincoln, the survival of the Union meant above all the preservation of a regime devoted to the principles of the Founders. NSC-68 crystallized containment policy, uniting power with principle in a strategy that matched military means to political ends.
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Tkach, Mykola. "Patterns of development of national power: historical experience of the world states." Political Science and Security Studies Journal 1, no. 1 (2020): 40–48. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.4256820.
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The article is of interest to specialists, both in the economic and defense spheres, who are engaged in research on the issues of meeting the military and economic needs of states, both in peacetime and in wartime. The aim of the article is to study the dependencies in the development of economic potential of states and increase their military power, on the example of the historical development of Germany and Japan in the second half of the 19th century and early 20th century. The article examines and identifies trends in socio-economic and political development of the two countries, as well as their impact on the formation of military power of states. The analysis of the sources shows that the issue of developing the military and economic power of the states is given a lot of attention, especially the interest in this issue began to grow with the beginning of the war in Syria and Ukraine. The vast majority of countries in the world are gradually increasing their defense budgets, thus increasing global military power and tension. The issue of military power is increasingly receiving the attention of the top political leadership of the advanced states of the world, which cannot but arouse the interest of scientists. Research on historical analogies, identical to past events, can help identify patterns and predict scenarios for future events, which will help states better prepare for the future.
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WANG, HUNG-JEN. "China’s Assertive Relational Strategies: Engagement, Boycotting, Reciprocation, and Pressing." Issues & Studies 54, no. 03 (2018): 1850006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251118500066.
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In the past decade, observers in Western countries have been increasingly challenged to describe China’s rising power in one of two ways: as contributing to established world systems, or as a growing threat fulfilling certain predictions made at the end of the Cold War. For some, perceptions of increasingly assertive regional behaviors confirm that China’s self-proclaimed policy of pacifism is being used to cloak selfish national interest and power goals. The current international relations (IR) literature tends to treat China’s assertiveness as evidence that it is indeed a threat, with few attempts to conceptualize assertiveness as a relational strategy. In this paper, the author uses eight current and historical cases involving four relational strategies — engagement, boycotting, reciprocation, and pressing — to examine conventional assessments of assertiveness that focus solely on perceptions of and responses to threatening statements and behaviors made in defense of Chinese national interests. In the end, this paper tries to contribute to the general IR literature that has tended to misinterpret China’s assertiveness, which is actually an identity issue regarding bilateral relationality instead of power or interest calculations.
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Ghimire, Sanjay, and Madhav Raj Lamichhane. "The Concept of National Security in Kautilya's Arthashastra." Baneshwor Campus Journal of Academia 3, no. 1 (2024): 63–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/bcja.v3i1.65599.
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Kautilya's Arthashastra stands as a timeless testament to the enduring principles of political realism. Within its ancient pages, Kautilya delves into the intricate dynamics of power, conflict, and national interests with remarkable foresight. Central to his discourse is the notion of national security, a concept that remains as pertinent today as it was in antiquity. Kautilya's strategic genius is evident in his meticulous construction of military doctrines, aimed at ensuring the safety and sovereignty of the state. Through a blend of cunning diplomacy, espionage, and military prowess, he advocates for a proactive approach to safeguarding the realm against external threats and internal dissent. In the Arthashastra, Kautilya elucidates the multifaceted nature of national security, encompassing not only military strength but also economic prosperity, social stability, and ideological resilience. His realist perspective emphasizes the primacy of power dynamics in international relations, advocating for the acquisition and preservation of power as the cornerstone of national security. Kautilya's insights continue to resonate in contemporary discourse, where states grapple with complex geopolitical challenges and navigate the delicate balance between self-interest and collective security. As policymakers confront evolving threats in an increasingly interconnected world, the timeless wisdom of Kautilya serves as a beacon, offering invaluable lessons on the enduring pursuit of national security in an ever-changing global landscape.
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Gray, Virginia, and David Lowery. "State Interest Group Research and the Mixed Legacy of Belle Zeller." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 2, no. 4 (2002): 388–410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153244000200200404.
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How well are the state- and national-level literatures on interest representation connected? We identify landmark studies at both levels and conclude that there is little cross-fertilization between them. Rather, the landmark state studies are more descriptive, and focus on a trade-off between group and party power, reflecting the legacy of Belle Zeller, while the national-level studies are embedded in theories used in the broader discipline and, therefore, focus on different processes. One consequence of this is that the national literature does not cite state-level studies very often. We conclude with recommendations for enhancing the impact and theoretical contribution of the state literature on interest organizations and the politics of interest representation.
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Zhao, Xinlei. "The Evolution and Development of Malaysia's Strategy Towards China (1957-2022)." International Journal of Asian and African Studies 3, no. 1 (2024): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/ijaas.2024.3.1.5.
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This article uses the period from 1957, the year Malaysia gained independence, to 2022, as the research timeline to examine how Malaysia's strategy toward China developed and what variables significantly influenced its development. The study's findings demonstrate that Malaysia, a tiny nation, has developed its relationship with China through four distinct phases: confrontation (1957–1974), non–alignment (1974–1981), balance (1981–2018), and the "new" hedging approach (2018-2022). Five main factors, including leadership qualities, domestic interest groups, national interest considerations, great power rivalry, and ASEAN principles, all play a role in the evolution of Malaysia's strategy toward China over the course of four phases, according to Robert Putnam's Two-Level Game Theory. Of these, national interest considerations and great power rivalry are the most important influencing factors. Although Malaysia's various strategic decisions and use of China have, to some extent, helped to stabilize bilateral relations and practical cooperation between Malaysia and China, they also demonstrate that Malaysia, as a small and sensible country, is cautious and concerned when establishing relations with China. Due to these complex variables, Malaysia will modify its China policy to reflect the current environment in order to better respond to changes in both domestic and global circumstances and advance its own national interests.
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Ryantono, Khansa Aqila. "National Strategy for Maritime Security: The British Model (2014-2017)." Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) 11, no. 1 (2022): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.25077/ajis.11.1.48-62.2022.
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This article aims to analyse the United Kingdom National Strategy on maritime security to deter risks and threats in its maritime domain and to secure its national interest beyond border. Using the theory of Sea power, the author analysed the growing complexity and challenges in global maritime domain as well as the UK’s outward looking strategy that aims to influence and project its power through Maritime Security Governance. By using qualitative research method, the findings of this study are that the UK emphasizes on developing defence engagement, economic development and diplomatic influence to secure its maritime interest by addressing the importance of maritime security government to fully implement the National Maritime Security Strategy and define actions to be taken in facilitating the objectives.
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Pankova, L. I., S. M. Milnichenko, and D. A. Uzbek. "NATIONAL ECONOMIC INTERESTS OF UKRAINE IN THE CONDITIONS OF INNOVATIVE ECONOMY FORMATION." Proceedings of Scientific Works of Cherkasy State Technological University Series Economic Sciences, no. 63 (December 21, 2021): 5–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.24025/2306-4420.63.2021.248569.
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The article outlines key issues that need to be accelerated in the direction of national interests positioning in the formation of an innovative economy, including: assessing the priority of economic interests and conflicts that need to be resolved from the standpoint of further improving economic and social relations, involving regulatory practices both state and regional strategizing and formation of active European models of innovative development, protection of the national producer in the conditions of open markets, increase of positive shifts potential in maintenance of national security.
 The generalized understanding of "national economic interest" as a consolidated system of socio-economic needs of subjects to achieve common goals of state development in the paradigm of relations between national, foreign and international economic actors on production, distribution, exchange and consumption of GDP in the future vision of national economy as a holistic, harmonious and competitive organism in the conditions of formation of innovative economy, globalization, informatization and resistance to new challenges of society. It is noted that the world system of economic interests is dynamic and in today's conditions is undergoing evolutionary changes under the influence of such key factors as: scientific, technological and technological progress; informatization; Covid-19 as a threat to national security; mastering the sixth technological innovation system, the drivers of which are the network economy, virtualization of production and services, digitalization of national economy management, knowledge progress, artificial intelligence systems and quantum technologies. The main features of national economic interests are highlighted. Contradictions that provoke conflicts of economic interests among the economic entities of the world economy are outlined. The key components of the national economic interest are identified. It is noted that the interests of regions as localized manifestations of consolidated national interest are gaining independent recognition. It is proved that the foundation of the national economy should be a new ideology of power in the implementation of national interests in economic, social and innovative development, based on the concepts of innovation cluster policy.
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Herd, Nick. "Trade Liberalisation and Australia’s Television Cultural Policy: Power and Interest in National Television Policy." Westminster Papers in Communication and Culture 4, no. 3 (2007): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.16997/wpcc.98.
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