To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: National Mobilization.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'National Mobilization'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'National Mobilization.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Mitchell, Jane. "Women, the state and national mobilization in prewar Japan /." Title page, contents and introduction only, 1986. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arm678.pdf.
Full text
2
Mackinnon, Patricia H. N. "EU regional policy : the Commission and sub-national mobilization in Scotland." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.400750.
Full text
3
Tshandu, Zwelakhe. "Ethnicity and political mobilization in black Africa : a cross-national study /." The Ohio State University, 1992. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487779439846173.
Full text
4
Byers, Daniel Thomas. "Mobilizing Canada : the National Resources Mobilization Act, the Department of National Defence, and compulsory military service in Canada." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36881.
Full textAbstract:
Compulsory military service took on the most organized, long-term form it has ever had in Canada during the Second World War. But few historians have looked beyond the politics of conscription to study the creation, administration, or impact of a system that affected more than 150,000 men. This thesis examines the Army's role in creating and administering the compulsory military training system, and particularly the influence of Major-General H. D. G. Crerar and other senior officers. Faced with the federal government's policy of conscripting manpower only for home defence in 1940, and influenced by their own personal and professional desires to create a large, powerful Army that could take a leading role in the fighting overseas, Army leaders used conscripts raised under the National Resources Mobilization Act to meet both purposes. In this development can be found the origins of the "big army" of five divisions that fought for Canada overseas. Ultimately, thanks to the burden created by the "big army," and the entry of Japan into the war in late 1941, the NRMA failed to meet the huge demands imposed on the nation's manpower resources. The result was the political crisis that almost brought down the federal government in October and November 1944.This thesis also explores the origins and background of the conscripts themselves, and the impact of the NRMA on their lives. As the NRMA became more and more central to the Army's plans after 1941, conscripts were exposed to a number of pressures designed to convince them to volunteer for overseas service. By late 1944, the only ones who remained were those who had most strongly resisted these efforts, a fact that the country's generals understood better than its politicians. The events of late 1944 brought the Cabinet to an awareness of the situation, but only at the cost of the prestige and influence that the Army had built up over the earlier years of the war. Thus, the way that the Army managed the NRMA came very much to shape the political debates that took place, and the place of the Army in Canada after the war.
5
Johnston, Robert W. "The resiliency of terrorist havens : a social mobilization theory approach /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/06Dec%5FJohnston.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006.Thesis Advisor(s): Letitia L. Lawson. "December 2006." AD-A462 614. Includes bibliographical references (p.67-75). Also available via the World Wide Web.
6
McGuire, Patrick F. Palan Andrew J. White David A. "Process innovation : analysis and redesign of the California Army National Guard State Emergency Mobilization Process /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1998. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA355918.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.S. in information Technology Management)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 1998."September 1998." Thesis advisor(s): Sridhar, Suresh ; Nissen, Mark E. Includes bibliographical references (p. 241-242). Also available online.
7
McGuire, Patrick F., Andrew J. Palan, and David A. White. "Process innovation : analysis and redesign of the California Army National Guard State Emergency Mobilization Process." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/8858.
Full textAbstract:
Approved for public release; distribution is unlimitedIn order to improve business practices within the Department of the Navy, an analysis of the advantages and disadvantages of optimizing the schoolhouse and its effects upon recruiting, recruit training, and the fleet is currently underway. As part of this analysis, this thesis examines if there is an optimal recruting pattern within both the Navy and the Marine Corps based upon historical data. With a data base consisting of 23,590 enlistment records, standard statistical and quantitative methods are used to analyze DEP attrition, first-term attrition, and reenlistment rates. Additionally, the monthly cost per recruit is analyzed for four functional cost areas for the Navy area and Marine Corps district recruiting levels. Major findings are: the longer a poolee remains in the DEP, the more likely the poolee will attrit from the DEP. Poolees who survive the DEP, however, are more likely to complete their first-term of enlistment as their time in-DEP increases. As time in-DEP increases, a Navy poolee is less likely to reenlist; in the Marine Corps, a poolee is more likely to reenlist. For both the Navy and Marine Corps, the highest quality shippers, per contact cost, occur during July, August, and January
8
Barnes, Melvin L. Jr. "Mobilization Nation: Mass Movements in the People's Republic of China." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo1365161929.
Full text
9
Stevenson, Michael D. "National Selective Service and the mobilization of human resources in Canada during the Second World War." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1996. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ42571.pdf.
Full text
10
Craigie, Allan. "Regional and national identity mobilization in Canada and Britain : Nova Scotia and North East England compared." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4482.
Full textAbstract:
Examining Canada and Britain from 1990 to 2004, the thesis explores how the surge in minority nationalist agitation that occurred in Quebec and Scotland changed the political environment in Canada (outside Quebec) and England allowing regional elites to advance political agendas which mobilized regional and national identities. The thesis considers the role of democratic institutions at the regional level in shaping political demands through a comparative study of regional and national identity mobilization in Nova Scotia and the North East of England. The analysis contends that the relationship between minority and majority nations is dialectical; nationalism stems from fundamentally different interpretations of the state and is not the ‘fault’ of either nation. Using this claim as the basis for analyzing elite debate at the centre and in the regions, the dissertation systematically examines regionalism within the majority nation by investigating debates at the national and regional level. The work looks at parliamentary debates, campaign material, newspaper accounts and elite interviews; and as identity mobilization and political debates are targeted at the electorate, survey analysis is undertaken to see whether elite debate resonated with the masses. The thesis demonstrates that regionalism is a component of the ongoing (re)conception of nation within the majority nation, and that during periods of strong minority nationalist agitation, a political environment is created which allows elites in the majority nation to mobilize national and regional identities. Regional identity mobilization is shown to be part of the nationalism of the majority nation; as the dominant conception of the state within the majority encompasses the minority nations as co-nationals and equal citizens, regional elites are able to use the minority nations as examples of successful agitation without subscribing to their interpretations of the state. Regional levels of democracy did not alter the nature of regionalism in either state and though the demands issued may have been different, the underlying concerns were the same: a lack of voice and efficacy.
11
Stevenson, Michael D. "National Selective Service and the mobilization of human resources in Canada during the Second World War." Ottawa : National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2000. http://www.nlc-bnc.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp04/NQ42571.pdf.
Full text
12
Smith, Larry David. "The national nominating conventions as vehicles for political mobilization : a representative anecdote of the Democrats and Republicans of 1984 /." The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487265555437758.
Full text
13
Munoz, Maria L. O. ""We Speak For Ourselves": The First National Congress of Indigenous Peoples and the Politics of Indigenismo in Mexico, 1968-1982." Diss., The University of Arizona, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/194145.
Full textAbstract:
In the midst of a violent decade where the Mexican government used force to suppress insurgent and student unrest, the Indian population avoided such a response by operating within official government parameters. The 1975 First National Congress of Indigenous Peoples of Mexico, though convened by the federal government, gave Indians an opportunity to claim a role in the complex political process of formulating a new version of national Indian policy while demanding self-determination. Through the congress, indigenous groups attempted to take the lead in shaping national programs to their needs and interests rather than merely responding to government initiatives. The congress marked a fundamental change in post-revolutionary politics, the most important restructuring and recasting of the relationship between local and regional indigenous associations and the federal government since the 1930s. Its history provides an important context for understanding more recent political disputes about indigenous autonomy and citizenship, especially in the aftermath of the Zapatista (EZLN) revolt in 1994. The 1975 Congress marked a watershed as it allowed for the advent of independent Indian organizations and proved to be momentous in the negotiation of political autonomy between indigenous groups and government officials.
14
Woodburn, Shae A. "MOMS GO POLITICAL: MATERNALISM IN THE NATIONAL WELFARE RIGHTS ORGANIZATION AND WOMEN STRIKE FOR PEACE." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1587649557147741.
Full text
15
Silva, Cleonice Elias da. "Rio, 40 Graus: sua censura e os patamares de uma conscientização cinematográfica." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2015. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/12862.
Full textAbstract:
Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T19:31:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Cleonice Elias da Silva.pdf: 1450941 bytes, checksum: 7db5ba4ea50f7f3c058645bcd8f288b1 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2015-02-27Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
This research aimed to analyze the film Rio, 40 Degrees (Nelson Pereira dos Santos, 1955) and the mobilization occurring between Brazilian intellectuals after censorship by the colonel and chief of police Geraldo Menezes Cortes. To study this mobilization we analyze texts published in the Brazilian press in the second half of 1955. The sources of this research correspond to the film and the press articles published in that period. An important guiding principle for reflection that we present are the questions raised by Marcelo Ridenti (2000, 2010) about the appreciation of the people in the Brazilian culture and the revolutionary brazilianness. We propose a new analytical bias to think the film as historical and aesthetic document, this bias concerns the aesthetic and ideological project of national-popular. In the case of mobilization that emerged after the censorship of the film, we stated that it gave discussions on film production in Brazil, touting the issues surrounding the early '50s Cinema Congress, the main one, the defense of national cinema. However, the proportions assumed by the mobilization in support of the release of the film, printed a new dynamic in discussions of the Cinema Congress
Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar o filme Rio, 40 Graus (Nelson Pereira dos Santos, 1955) e a mobilização surgida entre os intelectuais brasileiros após a sua censura pelo coronel e chefe de polícia Geraldo Menezes Côrtes. Para estudar essa mobilização, analisaremos textos publicados na imprensa brasileira no decorrer do segundo semestre de 1955. As fontes desta pesquisa correspondem ao filme e aos textos da imprensa publicados no referido período. Um eixo norteador importe para a reflexão que apresentamos são as questões trazidas por Marcelo Ridenti (2000, 2010) sobre a valorização do povo na cultura brasileira e a brasilidade revolucionária. Proporemos um novo viés analítico para pensar o filme como documento histórico e estético. Esse viés diz respeito ao projeto estético e ideológico do nacional popular. Tratando-se da mobilização surgida após a censura do filme, afirmaremos que ela proporcionou discussões sobre a produção de filmes no Brasil, agenciando questões presentes nos congressos de cinema de inícios dos anos 50, sendo a principal delas a defesa do cinema nacional. Todavia, as proporções assumidas pela mobilização em defesa da liberação do filme imprimiram uma nova dinâmica nas discussões realizadas nos congressos de cinema
16
Ferraz, Ronnie Anderson Gauna. "GEOMOB - CONTRIBUIÇÕES PARA A MOBILIZAÇÃO NACIONAL." Universidade Federal de Santa Maria, 2013. http://repositorio.ufsm.br/handle/1/9591.
Full textAbstract:
This study addresses the contributions of a geographic information system
developed since the days of peace, for the planning and execution of a national
mobilization to our country if faced with an international conflict. In this context,
emphasis was given to Rio Grande do Sul, geographic area of responsibility of the
3rd Military Region (3rd MR), in which software is being deployed GeoMob. The
emphasis of the study is given on this GIS software developed specifically to
mobilize, through an agreement established between the Federal University of Santa
Maria (UFSM) with the 3rd RM. It presents tools and potential as a solution to the
integration of information, processes, methods and techniques for the production of
knowledge and advice tool in decision making. Brazil presents the potential targets of
greed of other nations, proving the likelihood of Brazil suffer any interference from
abroad. Explicitly provided for in the National Defense Policy (NDP) and the National
Defense Strategy (EDN), documents Mobilization activity directors in the country,
noting also the National Mobilization System (SINAMOB) Military, Mobilization
System (SISMOMIL) and the Army Mobilization System (SIMOBE). The concept of
Geographic Information System (GIS) and database, highlighting its features,
capabilities, efficiency and convenience in favor of a mobilization, approaching from
the possibilities of increasing the control of materials to dynamic control of logistics.O presente estudo aborda as contribuições de um sistema de informações geográficas desenvolvido desde os dias de paz, destinado ao planejamento e execução de uma mobilização nacional, para no caso de nosso país deparar-se com um conflito internacional. Neste contexto, foi dada ênfase ao Rio Grande do Sul, área geográfica de responsabilidade da 3ª Região Militar (3ª RM), no qual o software GeoMob está sendo implantado. A ênfase do estudo se dá acerca deste software de SIG desenvolvido especificamente para mobilização, por intermédio de um convênio estabelecido entre a Universidade Federal de Santa Maria (UFSM) com a 3ª RM. Apresenta suas ferramentas e potenciais, como solução para a integração de informações, processos, métodos e técnicas destinadas a produção de conhecimento e ferramenta de assessoramento na tomada de decisões. Apresenta os potenciais do Brasil, alvos de cobiça de outras nações, comprovando a probabilidade do Brasil sofrer alguma interferência de outros países. Explicita o previsto na Política de Defesa Nacional (PDN) e na Estratégia de Defesa Nacional (EDN), documentos diretores da atividade de Mobilização no país, apontando, ainda, o Sistema de Nacional Mobilização (SINAMOB), o Sistema de Mobilização Militar (SISMOMIL) e o Sistema de Mobilização do Exército (SIMOBE). Conceitua Sistema de Informações Geográficas (SIG) e Banco de dados, ressaltando suas características, potencialidades, eficiência e praticidade em prol de uma mobilização, abordando desde as possibilidades de incremento no controle de materiais até a dinamização no controle da logística.
17
Pellerin, R. Daniel. "Sharpening the Sabre: Canadian Infantry Combat Training during the Second World War." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/34206.
Full textAbstract:
During the Second World War, training was the Canadian Army’s longest sustained activity. Aside from isolated engagements at Hong Kong and Dieppe, the Canadians did not fight in a protracted campaign until the invasion of Sicily in July 1943. The years that Canadian infantry units spent training in the United Kingdom were formative in the history of the Canadian Army. Despite what much of the historical literature has suggested, training succeeded in making the Canadian infantry capable of succeeding in battle against German forces. Canadian infantry training showed a definite progression towards professionalism and away from a pervasive prewar mentality that the infantry was a largely unskilled arm and that training infantrymen did not require special expertise. From 1939 to 1941, Canadian infantry training suffered from problems ranging from equipment shortages to poor senior leadership. In late 1941, the Canadians were introduced to a new method of training called “battle drill,” which broke tactical manoeuvres into simple movements, encouraged initiative among junior leaders, and greatly boosted the men’s morale. The Canadians participated in numerous military exercises of varying sizes that exposed problems with their senior leadership. The replacement of unsuitable officers greatly enhanced the fighting potential of Canadian units and formations. As time went on, infantry training became more rigorous and realistic, and tactical concepts became increasingly sophisticated. By the time of the invasion of Normandy in June 1944, infantry training was intense, suited to units’ assigned tasks, and highly technical, which belied the false prewar assumption that the infantry was an unskilled arm. By the time Canadian divisions entered battle, they were as prepared as they would ever be. The exception to this was the training of the overseas reinforcement units, which reached an acceptable standard only in the last months of the war. This study ultimately represents a substantial contribution to understanding the history of the Canadian Army and its role in the Second World War.
18
Nilsson, Nadja. "Svenska kvinnor i tjänst : En studie om Riksförbundet kvinnlig samhällstjänst under perioden 1934 – 1946." Thesis, Luleå tekniska universitet, Institutionen för ekonomi, teknik och samhälle, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:ltu:diva-61575.
Full textAbstract:
Mellan åren 1934-1946 pågick en debatt i Sverige om kvinnlig samhällstjänst skulle införas som en frivillig eller obligatorisk tjänst. År 1939 startades Riksförbundet kvinnlig samhällstjänst som en ideell organisation. Studiens syfte var att undersöka Riksförbundet kvinnlig samhällstjänst under och kort efter andra världskriget. Undersökningen utfördes med hjälp av en kvalitativ textanalys med genusperspektiv. Riksförbundet kvinnlig samhällstjänsts huvudsakliga syfte var beredskap och fostran. Grundtanken var en frivillig tjänst för unga kvinnor, mellan 17–25 år, med en teoretisk och en praktisk del med arbete på landsbygden hos överbelastade husmödrar. Tjänsten hade tydliga nationalistiska drag och skulle verka för landets gemenskap. Initiativtagaren för Riksförbundet kvinnlig samhällstjänst var Nora Torulf som hade kopplingar till flera nazistiska rörelser.Between the years of 1934 – 1946 a debate was held in Sweden about whether female civil service should be a voluntary or an obligatory service. In 1939 the National Organization of Female Civil Service started as a voluntary organization. The purpose of the study was to investigate this national organization during and shortly after World War II. The study was carried out through a qualitative text analysis with a perspective on gender. The organization’s main purpose was mobilization and nursing. The idea was a voluntary service for young women, between 17 – 25 years of age, with one theoretical and one practical part working in the countryside for overburdened housewives. The service had clear nationalistic traces and would help the nation’s community. The originator of the organization, Nora Torulf, had connections to many Nazi movements.
19
Barcellini, Mariana Leme Ferreira. "Narrativas de capoeiras por capoeiristas na moenda viva da territorialização do Estado brasileiro." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8136/tde-24072018-145804/.
Full textAbstract:
O Recôncavo Baiano é uma área na qual diversas manifestações populares de matriz cultural afro-brasileira estão preservadas, como é o caso do samba de roda, do maculêlê e da capoeira. A capoeira possui um discurso político de resistência que sustenta tal identidade cultural. Esta pesquisa se inicia perseguindo uma linhagem de capoeira angola remetida ao Recôncavo Baiano, em especial à cidade de Santo Amaro. Buscando articular igualmente os planos da história e da experiência narradas por essa linhagem, se deparou com uma capoeira diferenciável. Em seus resultados compreende que o que é atualmente conhecido por capoeira se desenvolveu a partir de processos históricos. Para compreendê-los recorremos ao universo carioca do início do século XIX, quando os primeiros documentos sobre capoeiras aparecem. Entendemos esse contexto enquanto uma determinada forma de reprodução das relações sociais, comprometidas com o escravismo, resultando numa mobilização do trabalho particularmente experimentada pelos capoeiras, por meio da perseguição e prisão empreendidas pelo nascente Estado nacional. Num comparativo com o Rio de Janeiro, analisamos o Recôncavo Baiano das relações de produção canavieira, e o seu desenvolvimento no pós-abolição, implicadas em particulares formas de controle sobre os trabalhadores. A criminalização da capoeiragem em 1890 seria então um momento em que esses contextos particulares foram articulados. Essa análise apontou que por meio da capoeira é possível discutir criticamente o processo de formação das relações de trabalho no Brasil, tendo como anteparo a própria constituição do Estado nacional, culminando com o reconhecimento da capoeira e sua descriminalização a partir da década de 1930. Tais aspectos são representativos para compreender o lugar que o capoeira, em sua transformação em capoeirista, vai experimentar.The Recôncavo Baiano is an area in which diverse popular expressions of Afro- Brazilian cultural origin are preserved, as is the case for samba de roda, maculêlê and capoeira. Capoeira has a political discourse of resistance that supports such cultural identity. This research begins by pursuing a capoeira angola lineage referred to the Recôncavo Baiano, especially to the city of Santo Amaro. Seeking to articulate equally the plans of history and experience, narrated by this lineage, a differentiable capoeira came across this work. In its results, we understand that what is currently known as capoeira has developed from a historical process. To understand it we used the context of Rio de Janeiro in the early nineteenth century, when the first documents about capoeiras appear. We understand this context as a certain form of reproduction of social relations, committed to slavery, resulting in a labor mobilization particularly experienced by capoeiras, through the persecution and arrest undertaken by the nascent national state. In a comparison with Rio de Janeiro, we analyze the Recôncavo Baiano of the relations of sugarcane production, and its development in post-abolition, implied in particular forms of control over workers. So, the criminalization of capoeira in 1890 would be a time when these particular contexts were articulated. This analysis pointed out that through capoeira it is possible to critically discuss the process of the formation of labor relations in Brazil, having as a shield the constitution of the national State itself, ending in the recognition of capoeira and its decriminalization on the 1930s. Such aspects are representative to understand the place that capoeiras, in their transformation into capoeiristas, will experience.
20
Millar, Anne. "Wartime Training at Canadian Universities during the Second World War." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/33146.
Full textAbstract:
This dissertation provides an account of the contributions of Canadian universities to the Second World War. It examines the deliberations and negotiations of university, government, and military officials on how best to utilize and direct the resources of Canadian institutions of higher learning towards the prosecution of the war and postwar reconstruction. During the Second World War, university leaders worked with the Dominion Government and high-ranking military officials to establish comprehensive training programs on campuses across the country. These programs were designed to produce service personnel, provide skilled labour for essential war and civilian industries, impart specialized and technical knowledge to enlisted service members, and educate returning veterans. University administrators actively participated in the formation and expansion of these training initiatives and lobbied the government for adequate funding to ensure the success of their efforts. This study shows that university heads, deans, and prominent faculty members eagerly collaborated with both the government and the military to ensure that their institutions’ material and human resources were best directed in support of the war effort and that, in contrast to the First World War, skilled graduates would not be heedlessly wasted. At the center of these negotiations was the National Conference of Canadian Universities, a body consisting of heads of universities and colleges from across the country. This organization maintained an active presence in all major deliberations and exercised substantial influence over the policies affecting the mobilization of university resources.
21
Pischner, Kim. "EU-medborgares nationella och transnationella identiteter och dess påverkan på europeisk integration : Ett socialkonstruktivistiskt perspektiv på europeiskt integration." Thesis, Linköpings universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-157385.
Full textAbstract:
The purpose of this thesis is to examine the role of identity when it comes to European integration. Specifically, the citizen of the European Union’s identity as exclusive national or as transnational. What does the social constructivist theory say when it comes to the role of EU-citizens identity and European integration? I also want to contribute to strengthen the social constructivist theory in political science and international politics. I will examine this through a discourse analysis on four different selected materials. A campaign webpage from the Vote Leave group who ran a campaign to make the Great Britain leave the European Union, an interview the German newspaper der SPIEGEL did with Marine Le Pen who is the party leader of the French right-winged party Rassemblent National, a debate article written by the French president Emmanuel Macron and the Swedish party Liberalernas webpage campaign for the European Parliament elections 2019. I analyse how the discourse these four examples shape and creates the feeling of national or transnational identity and what the message connected to that identity-making says about European integration. With my discourse analysis and the theories of Thomas Risse and Catherine E. De Vries on social constructivism, identity and European integration I analyse and see that those who identify exclusively with a national identity are less keen on solidarity between nations, common policies and have a xenophobic view as oppose to those who have a transnational identity who are positive towards solidarity between nations, want a closer European integration and are not hostile towards migrants. I come to the conclusion that the identity of the EU-citizens is a major factor in human action, political mobilization, political action as in choosing and voting for a party, the EU-institutions way of negotiating on common political issues, public opinion and election outcomes. This means that feeling of an exclusive national or transnational identity is an important factor of European integration.
22
Pereira, Francy Webster de Andrade. "A participação popular em conselhos locais de saúde de Camaçari-BA: um olhar a partir do envolvimento dos usuários." Universidade Federal da Paraíba, 2011. http://tede.biblioteca.ufpb.br:8080/handle/tede/8746.
Full textAbstract:
Submitted by Cristhiane Guerra (cristhiane.guerra@gmail.com) on 2017-01-04T16:24:27Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
arquivototal.pdf: 2896544 bytes, checksum: e8dbd77595b0a6ec027edd97a545e917 (MD5)Made available in DSpace on 2017-01-04T16:24:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 2896544 bytes, checksum: e8dbd77595b0a6ec027edd97a545e917 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-11-16
The present study deals with the Popular Participation by the involvement of users in the Local Health Councils (CLS) in Camaçari, Bahia. He presented the following objectives: analyses the Brazilian National Health System´s users and popular organizations participation into Local Health Counsels in Camaçari – Bahia, know the creation‟s history of the Local Health Counsels - LHC, analyses the permanent education process of the Health Counsels, identify the major actions and challenges involved in formation of the LHC in Camaçari, reflected about the pedagogic process involved in relationship among social movements, health workers and health directors in creation´s process of local popular participation. It is a quantitative and qualitative study that uses the Epinfo. 6.04 program into treatment of quantitative data and research material analyses to interpretation of the qualitative results. It was done the analysis of information from forty-five (45) counsels with questionnaires and interviewed sixteen persons into four (4) researched territories witch have the LHC. Results are presented from the LHS and Citizen Participation: on the political and pedagogical. Showed that the first experiments date back to 1983 in the suburbs of the city, then strengthened and expanded from 2005, making from the Health Policy of the Municipality. The profile we saw that the majority of the directors representing the communities (users), especially with the presence of women, adults and seniors, with enrollment of high school. Many of those involved with social movements in the neighborhood or the city of Camaçari. In all LHC had elections, especially users, but the vast majority had no training. The main possibilities of these spaces show up as a channel in the construction of power decentralization to community empowerment, and health workers, with effective monitoring of local actions, but an incipient construction of a new citizenship when dialogued with the paternalistic culture while the challenges are highlighted, as offering minimal infrastructure necessary for the functioning of LHS, the organization of a permanent education policies, health councilors, especially articulated with the Municipal Health Council, focusing on training and emphasis of education policy People, strengthen the coordination of local health counselors with local social movements and lastly, joint and strengthen the support of the Camaçari‟s Municipal Secreriat of Health and Municipal Health Counsels of Local Health Counsels, especially in the process of community mobilization and structuring LHS.
RESUMO O presente estudo trata da participação popular, através do envolvimento dos usuários nos Conselhos Locais de Saúde (CLS) no município de Camaçari- Bahia. Apresentou como objetivos: analisar a participação dos usuários e das organizações populares em Conselhos Locais de Saúde de Camaçari- BA; conhecer o histórico do movimento de formação dos Conselhos Locais de Saúde; analisar os espaços de educação permanente dos conselheiros; identificar as principais ações e desafios na construção do CLS em Camaçari e; refletir sobre os processos pedagógicos envolvidos no diálogo entre os atores dos movimentos sociais, trabalhadores e gestores na construção da participação popular local. Tratou-se de uma pesquisa quantiqualitativa que utilizou do programa Epinfo. 6.04 no tratamento dos dados quantitativos e análise de conteúdo na interpretação dos resultados qualitativos. Foi levantado o perfil de 45 conselheiros, através de questionário, e entrevistados 16 pessoas nos 4 territórios pesquisados aonde têm os conselhos locais de saúde. Os resultados foram apresentados a partir do CLS e da Participação Cidadão na dimensão política e pedagógica. Mostraram que as primeiras experiências datam de 1983 nos bairros periféricos da cidade, depois fortalecidos e ampliados a partir de 2005, fazendo parte da Política de Saúde do Município. Quanto ao perfil, a maioria dos conselheiros representam as comunidades (usuários), com a presença principalmente de mulheres, adultos e idosos, apresentando escolarização de ensino médio, muitos destes envolvidos com movimentos sociais do bairro ou da cidade de Camaçari. Em todos os CLS tiveram eleições, especialmente dos usuários, mas a grande maioria não teve capacitação. As principais possibilidades destes espaços mostram-se como canal na construção da descentralização poder com o empoderamento comunitário, bem como dos trabalhadores de saúde, com efetivo acompanhamento das ações locais, mas uma incipiente para construção de uma nova cidadania, quando dialogada com a cultura paternalista. Os desafios apontados foram a infraestrutura mínima necessária para o funcionamento dos CLS; a organização de uma Política de Educação Permanente dos conselheiros de saúde, especialmente articulada com o Conselho Municipal de Saúde, com foco na formação política e ênfase da educação popular; o fortalecimento da articulação dos conselheiros locais de saúde com os movimentos sociais locais e; o fortalecimento do apoio da Secretaria de Saúde Municipal e Conselho Municipal de Saúde aos Conselhos Locais de Saúde, especialmente no processo de mobilização comunitária e estruturação dos CLS.
23
Venosa, Joseph L. "Paths toward the Nation: Islamic Identity, the Eritrean Muslim League and Nationalist Mobilization, 1941-61." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1304607892.
Full text
24
Wehbe, Rabih. "Islam et Chiisme politique." Thesis, Lyon, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LYSE2013.
Full textAbstract:
Dans un essai qui aurait tout aussi bien pu s'intituler « L'islam chiite entre la politique et la religion, le cas du Liban », une analyse de l'islam politique demeure nécessaire pour mettre la lumière sur la différence entre islamisme et religion musulmane. Avec un peu moins de deux milliards de musulmans dans le monde, la religion musulmane est devenue la première religion pratiquée dans le monde actuel. Le dynamique de cette religion a permis la création d'un immense empire aux populations hétérogènes. Ainsi que, la coexistence entre religion et régime politique a provoquée de véritables luttes armées entre les grandes familles politico-religieuses, notamment le sunnisme et le chiisme. Le sunnisme ayant souvent l'étiquette d'orthodoxie a gardé cette aspect alors que le chiisme devint autres chose ce qu'il était à l'origine, lorsqu'on y voyait seulement le parti qui s'était rassemblé autour d'Ali ibn Abî Tâlib, cousin et gendre du prophète Mohammad. Dans ses quelques traitements de la doctrine islamique nous constatons que ces familles politico-religieuses, tant sunnites que chiites, proliférèrent les unes à côté des autres en même temps qu'elles se combattirent et souvent se condamnèrent réciproquement. Ceci est dû au fait qu'en l'islam, il n'y a jamais eu de pouvoir interprétatif qualifié, individuel ou collégial capable de s'imposer sans conteste.L'effondrement de l'Empire Ottoman donna l'occasion à la France et la Grande-Bretagne de partager le monde arabe sur la base des fameux accords Sykes-picot. La France va restructurer les territoires syrien et libanais, elle établit la structure constitutionnelle confessionnelle complexe du Liban, faisant du pays de Cèdre le plus grand laboratoire du communautarisme. Dans le Liban d'après-guerre, le communautarisme va de soi, il reflète l'état de la société et celle de la conciliation entre spécificités confessionnelle et principe fondamental de l'Etat nation. Le communautarisme libanais va évoluer à travers des mutations économiques, sociales et politiques, notamment chez la communauté chiite. Nous présenterons l'évolution de la communauté chiite dans cet environnement, ainsi que le rôle fondamental joué par Moussa el-Sadr dans la libération de la communauté chiite. Son objectif étant une réaction à la conscience politique du «Metwali». Sa première action était la lutte contre les inégalités sociales et devait s'engager avec l'Etat libanais dans une série d'affrontements qui couvraient souvent un aspect spectaculaire: grève générale en 1970, avertissement au gouvernement et à la réunion de 1974 à Baalbeck que Moussa-El -Sadr a annoncé la naissance du mouvement AMAL. Ce mouvement joue un rôle essentiel dans la vie politique libanaise. Enfin, nous consacrons une partie de ce travail à l'émergence d'une milice radicale pro-iranienne chiite, le Hezbollah, qui a pénétré le système politique libanais. Sa place est privilégiée à cause de ses succès dans la résistance contre Israël, de ses actions sociales et humaines et de ses organisations. La timide participation du « parti de Dieu » au parlement libanais constituait un premier pas vers la « libanisation » du parti. En 2012, le parti chiite annonce sa participation aux combats en Syrie à côté de l'armée de Bachar el-Assad, freinant ainsi le processus de libanisation. Le Hezbollah devient un des acteurs incontournables de la géopolitique du Moyen Orient et retourne en force sur la scène politique libanaise pour s'inscrire dans le cadre d'un chiisme politique internationalIn an essay that might as well have been entitled "Shia Islam between politics and religion, the case of Lebanon", an analysis of political Islam remains necessary to shed light on the difference between Islamism and religion Muslim. With just under two billion Muslims in the world, the Muslim religion has become the first religion practiced in the world today.The dynamics of this religion allowed the creation of an immense empire with heterogeneous populations. As well as, the coexistence between religion and political regime provoked real armed struggles between the big politico-religious families, notably Sunnism and Shiism.Sunnism often had the label of orthodoxy, but Shiism became something else that it was originally when one saw only the party that had gathered around Ali ibn Abi. Tâlib, cousin and son-in-law of the prophet Mohammad. In his few treatments of Islamic doctrine we find that these politico-religious families, both Sunni and Shiite, proliferated alongside each other at the same time that they fought each other and often condemned each other. This is due to the fact that in Islam there has never been a qualified, individual or collegiate interpretative power capable of imposing itself unquestionably.The collapse of the Ottoman Empire gave France and Britain the opportunity to share the Arab world on the basis of the famous Sykes-picot agreements. France will restructure the Syrian and Lebanese territories, it establishes the complex confessional constitutional structure of Lebanon, making the country of Cedar the largest laboratory of communitarianism. In post-war Lebanon, communitarianism is self-evident, reflecting the state of society and the reconciliation of confessional specificities with the fundamental principle of the nation-state. Lebanese communitarianism will evolve through economic, social and political changes, especially among the Shia community.We will present the evolution of the Shiite community in this environment, as well as the fundamental role played by Moussa el-Sadr in the liberation of the Shia community. His goal is a reaction to the political conscience of "Metwali". Its first action was the fight against social inequalities and was to engage with the Lebanese State in a series of clashes that often covered a spectacular aspect: general strike in 1970, warning to the government and to the 1974 meeting in Baalbeck that Moussa-El -Sadr announced the birth of the AMAL movement. This movement plays a vital role in Lebanese politics. Finally, we devote part of this work to the emergence of a radical pro-Iranian Shiite militia, Hezbollah, which has penetrated the Lebanese political system. His place is privileged because of his successes in the resistance against Israel, his social and human actions and his organizations. The timid participation of the "party of God" in the Lebanese parliament was a first step towards the "libanization" of the party. In 2012, the Shiite party announced its participation in the fighting in Syria next to the army of Bashar al-Assad, thus curbing the process of Lebanization. Hezbollah becomes one of the key players in the geopolitics of the Middle East and returns in force on the Lebanese political scene to be part of an international political Shiism
25
Blalock, Danielle Alyse. "Democratizing the University, Democratizing the Nation: Student Activism and the Contestation of Control in Pinochet's Chile." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/560937.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis explores the history of student activism at the University of Chile from 1976 through 1985, during the middle period of the Augusto Pinochet dictatorship. I utilize the category "student" as a lens to draw new conclusions about the nature of resistance under authoritarian rule. I trace student activities in three organizations at the University of Chile: the Agrupación Cultural Universitaria, or Cultural University Group (ACU), the Federación de Estudiantes de la Universidad de Chile, or Student Federation of the University of Chile (FECH), and the Federación de Centros de la Universidad de Chile, or Federation of Student Centers of the University of Chile (FECECH). My analysis of these organizations reveals that military violence neither ended all organized opposition, nor students' political motivations in the university setting.
26
Winje, Truls. "Xinjiang : a centre-periphery conflict in display : an analysis of the Chinese state- and nation-building machinery in Xinjiang and the mobilization of Uyghur counter-cultures /." Oslo : Department of Political Science, Universitetet i Oslo, 2007. http://www.duo.uio.no/publ/statsvitenskap/2007/65150/Oppgaven.pdf.
Full text
27
Panel, Louis N. "« Forcer, au besoin, leur obéissance » ? : la Gendarmerie nationale et la Grande Guerre des Français (1914-1918)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2010. http://www.theses.fr/2010PA040072.
Full textAbstract:
Par sa durée autant que par l’ampleur des effectifs engagés, la Première Guerre mondiale pose particulièrement la question du maintien de l’ordre et de la discipline aux armées. Déployés dans la zone des armées dès la déclaration de guerre, des détachements de gendarmerie y sont réorganisés à plusieurs reprises. Après avoir dirigé la mobilisation générale, ils veillent à la fluidité et à la sécurité de la circulation et assurent la régulation du trafic. Dans les cantonnements, les gendarmes des prévôtés interviennent également pour maintenir les hommes dans l’obéissance et le respect des directives du commandement. Ils sont aussi disposés en barrage, durant la bataille, pour réprimer la désertion qu’ils traquent jusqu’à l’intérieur. Leur échoient en outre la gestion et la surveillance des prisons prévôtales, bientôt réputées être le « cauchemar » de l’arme. En certaines circonstances, et alors que sont massées des troupes en nombre considérable, leur mission s’étend au contrôle de l’hygiène et aux soins des soldats. Pourtant, à l’issue de la guerre, l’image de la gendarmerie s’est considérablement dépréciée, comme en témoigne le développement du thème des gendarmes pendus par la troupeBecause of its long duration as much as because of the vast number of troops engaged, the First World War posed the problem of maintaining order and discipline in the French armies in a particularly acute form. The task fell in a large part to the Gendarmerie, detachments of which were stationed in the armies’ sector since the outbreak of war. On several occasions the Gendarmerie had been reorganized. After having supervised the mobilization, it provided security for army movements and was responsible for traffic control. In the troop encampments the gendarmes of the military police enforced obedience to orders and ensured the implementation of directives from the (army) command. During the battle, they were arranged in roadblocks to repress deserters, whom they pursued up to the inland. Among their duties, there was also the administration and surveillance of military prisons, a task soon recognised to be a ‘nightmare’ for the service. In certain circumstances, when large masses of troops were jam-packed together, the Gendarmerie even assumed responsibility for soldiers’ personal hygiene and welfare. However, by the end of the war, the men’s respect for the Gendarmerie had declined markedly, evidenced by the spreading of the legend of gendarmes hanged by the rank-and-file
28
Gomez, Jordi. "Coopération transfrontalière et fabrique identitaire : le cas catalan." Thesis, Paris 2, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA020064/document.
Full textAbstract:
L’intérêt d’une étude portant sur les espaces périphériques européens découle des transformations qui affectent les frontières depuis les années 1980 : alors que l’intensification de flux transnationaux de différentes natures semble les ignorer, la disparition des marques physiques les symbolisant tend à les invisibiliser, et la promotion de politique de coopération au niveau communautaire, à les dépasser. Parmi les zones frontalières, celles qui partagent une histoire commune offre un véritable intérêt heuristique : l’analyse de l’évolution des rapports sociaux, économiques, politiques et institutionnels qu’entretiennent les sociétés frontalières se double d’une interrogation sur la permanence de liens identitaires par-delà la frontière. Dans le département des Pyrénées-Orientales, l’attrait pour la Catalogne se traduit, depuis le début des années 2000, par deux phénomènes concomitants : tandis que les projets de coopération se sont multipliés et diversifiés, des acteurs politiques et sociaux ont entrepris de revivifier le sentiment d’appartenance à la localité. L’étude tend à montrer que l’intensification des interactions n’a pas abouti à l’avènement d’un espace transfrontalier intégré et que les actions identitaires ne semblent pas redessiner le circuit des allégeances territoriales. Tout se passe comme si, au rebours de l’idée préconçue d’une Europe « sans frontières », les limites territoriales jouaient toujours un rôle dans la structuration des représentations et l’orientation des conduitesThe interest of a survey about european surrounding spaces follows from the transformations affecting the borders since the 1980’s : even if the transnational movements of different natures seem to take no heed of them, even if there’s a tendency to turn their physical marks invisible, and even if the political promotion of cooperation at a community level tend to overcome them. Among the border belts, those having a common history afford a real heuristic interest ; the analysis of the economical, political and institutional relation development as well as social relations maintained by border belts couples with an interrogation about the continuity of identity links over the border. Since the beginning of the 2000’s, in the Pyrénées-Orientales departement, the appeal for Catalogne has been resulting by two concomitant phenomenoms : whereas cooperation plans have increased and diversified,political and social protagonists have undertaken to revive the feeling of belonging to the local place. The survey tends to show that the interaction intensification hasn’t resulted in an integrated cross-border space advent and that identity actions don’t seem to change the territorial allegiance channel. Everything is going as if, counter to the preconceived idea of a “no border” Europe, the territorial limits were still playing an important part in the representation structures and management tendency
29
Chaker, Olfa. "Utilisation de l'image de l'enfant dans la stratégie de communication de l'UNICEF." Thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 2, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016CLF20026.
Full textAbstract:
L’image de l’enfant constitue un élément fondamental de la communication de l’UNICEF. L’utilisation de cette image a fait l’objet d’un certain nombre d’interrogations traitées dans cette étude en Sciences de l’Information et de la Communication. Ainsi, afin d’approfondir suffisamment les différents aspects de cette utilisation, nous avons choisi de nous baser sur une approche comparativeThe image of the child takes a central place in the communication of the UNICEF. The use of this image has been a subject of a number of questions that we addressed during this interdisciplinary study. In order to do an in-depth evaluation of the different aspects of the use of this image, we have chosen to base our study on a comparative approach
30
王瑞賢. "National mobilization reserch in military transformation." Thesis, 2009. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/85531940298671445563.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立政治大學
國家安全與大陸研究碩士在職專班
97
Ever since our national army initiated “Streamline project” in 1999, a series of military organization transformation and reengineering has gradually streamlined the military force under 280,000 soldiers, which was also adjusted from “offensive operations” to a defense concept of “tenacious defense.” Under the defense strategy guidance of “War prevention, homeland defense, strain system, and regional stability,” the military strategy is conceptualized on “tenacious defense and effective deterrence.” In addition, under the concept of “,” to integrate the combat capabilities of army, marine and air force while combining the national defense force and undertaking homeland defense in order to repel the enemies annihilate the enemies for ensuring national security. In a close examination on the series of our national military transformation, the success of “mobilization” system will become the major key in future success in wars. Therefore, how to penetrate the people’s concept with national defense under the military transformation of military service adjustment, while integrating and implementing in the Consequently, our national defense mobilization system is a mechanism that can turn the state from danger into security, achieve war prevention, maintain stability in cross-strait area and protect homeland security. Hence, a study on mobilization system has its absolute importance.
31
Chiang, Willie, and 蔣柏毅. "Explore the Future Development of Military Mobilization of Resources through the National Defense Mobilization''s Perspective." Thesis, 2016. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/57351924517043612110.
Full textAbstract:
碩士義守大學
工業管理學系
104
Modern Warfare has characteristics of sudden high, combat fast time, wide coverage and others, which result not only Casualties quickly, but also consume much larger number of substances. It requires immediate and effective supplement. Thus, the mobilization is to respond to the needs arising from the war. We know that the work of mobilization preparedness is "implicit rather than explicit" national strategic task, which involve a wide range of levels, neither happened overnight nor fought only on paper. Therefore, it must be done by the usual effective, precise control, and analyzed, integrated the complex data to achieve the targets of "supporting the disaster prevention and relief in peacetime, supporting military operations in wartime. The value for the policy practice and implementation is based on its lastingness. The first priority job is to plan for complete mobilization laws properly for correspondence with administrative requirements by laws and the spirit of crisis management. After announcing and implementing National Defense Mobilization Law since November 14 , 2001 , our country had changed original "National Mobilization Operations" in the level of military to "Civilian Defense Mobilization Preparedness Mechanisms " in the overall level of our country as for the concrete, practical behavior of civilian , national defense. The study use the methods of SPSS Statistics Analysis to distinguish between law policy, executive implementation and budgeted costs. It explores in depth about existing military resources mobilization job faceing various stifling factors and discovering various problems needed to be overcome. We advise our suggestions to carry out the future direction of the mobilization of resources for the military as a reference for future policy formulation. We wise to build a solid dependability defense network in our country-wise territory to contribute our efforts together.
32
Chang, Chien-Hsun, and 張建焄. "The Study of National Total Mobilization Institution of Republic." Thesis, 1997. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/23538736252691675898.
Full textAbstract:
碩士淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所
85
This study, originating in realizing facing up to Chinese Communist''s pressure is within the scope of total mobilization focused on that of thesystem executed in Taiwan, Penghu, Kinman, MaTsu after Martial Law''s relievingby the approach of static information analysis historical approach and on thespot intervien other than business management and public administration for theevaluation index. Some major results collected as follows:1.The measur, problems for TMI show in this way: (1)Unbalanced between obligation and power. (2)Lack of systematic authority. (3)Lack of flexibility and alternatives for the decision-making process. (4)Lack of encowagement and inductives. 4.The prospects for TMI expected as (1)Integrated with civil defense and importance laid on the safeguard and prevention of damage. (2)Streamed with total Defense Model. Suggestions for this study as:1.For unbalanced obligation and power to raise administrative level or set up responsible units.2.For authorative system to concrete legal basis.3.For offering inductives to satisfy personnel''s substantirl needs such as public praise giving vacations or bonus.4.For adjusting TMI developing tendency to change the name of it. It should be relized that the study of TMI has direct link to national secu-rity as well as its contemporary significance namely the the adjustment aboutTMI most comply with the changing of international situation the advancementof technology and the future uncertain war. There fore the continous study isabsolutely essential.
33
Tong, Cong-Pu, and 童琮溥. "A Study of National Defense Mobilization on Military Operations Improvement." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/22c5r8.
Full textAbstract:
碩士義守大學
資訊管理學系
107
The National Defense mobilizes the research on how the executive ministries will implement the implementation. Most of the papers published in the past years only deal with the military industry and material mobilization theory. The main part of the national defense mobilization support military operations does not specify the relevant departments. In the specific practice of the meeting, how to turn the argument of "powering people into my strength and integrating my strength into combat power" into a concrete and feasible plan, so that it will not be able to make people look at the whole picture; in fact, the national defense mobilization is "national defense" The main body not only strengthens the national consensus on national defense, but also enables consensus to be the support of substantial power, that is, the "national defense" is applied to the best interpretation of military operations, including material mobilization, civil defense organization construction and national defense mobilization. The only combination of the three is the true meaning of "national defense". National defense mobilization is the main link in preventing wars and preparing for war. Any highly prosperous country does not emphasize national defense and economic development and keeps pace with each other. It maintains the growth of economic development with its national defense strength, not to mention the CCP that seeks my future. However, the general mobilization work is extensive and complicated, and it is often adjusted and changed due to the constant changes of the subjective and objective environment. In the future, the promotion of the national defense mobilization work, only the overall planning and unified application, can show its strength in wartime or extraordinary times. Strength and organizational strength are supported by the transformation of the country''s potential. However, it is not a glimpse of it. It still depends on the institutionalization of the total mobilization work, and it can only be done by means of "preparation without use". The purpose of preparation.
34
Kao, Ming-Hsien, and 高明賢. "A study the changing of China national defense mobilization framework." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/88582090292294697661.
Full text
35
Sun, Hsiao Ming, and 孫曉鳴. "Study on National Defense Mobilization System and Disaster Prevention and Rescue." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/42172359520706701205.
Full textAbstract:
碩士佛光大學
公共事務學系
103
Abstract Our country currently faces two major threats, that is, Mainland China has never given up the attempt to take Taiwan by force and various threats of major disasters. Whether it is from a military threat or the threat of major disasters, the way in response to in the future is that the force of government agencies, military troops and the community must be integrated. It integrates the national energy to minimize the damage. In other words, the modern warfare and national defense are not purely military approach, but the comprehensive performance of the entire national power. The armed forces shall take the disaster prevention and rescue as the central task after Typhoon Morakot and the role of the armed forces shall be switched from “accept applications and support” to “initiative and coordinate to implement”. The armed forces is facing staffing cut and the revolution in military service system; therefore, this research attempts to inspect the actuality of current defense mobilization and organizational operation of disaster prevention, rescue through organizational theory, propose the organizational design met and required for national condition of our country and recommendation of interactive strategy. It is sorted out the following four important findings after summarized and analyzed by the researcher: (1) It will weaken the effectiveness of policies that impose restriction on themselves, organizational impediment, transparency deficiencies of information, weakly legal awareness and so on between organs and departments of disaster prevention organization. (2) National defense mobilization system assists in disaster prevention and rescue with three aspects of regular troops, reserve troops and equipment mobilization, and it can concert efforts to complete the task of disaster prevention with the mechanism of disaster prevention and rescue. (3) The management system of disaster factors hinders practical cooperation in disaster rescue between ministries. (4) The organizational structure of disaster prevention and rescue remains to be strengthened. After the findings, it further proposes five improvements as follows: (1) The armed forces executes the muster-call to invest in the aspect of disaster prevention and rescue, relevant laws and provisions still are not inclusive and it easily derives from the conflict of rank of decree. It shall cooperate to review and revise the “convening rules” and adjust the muster-call belonging to convening part of support disaster prevention and rescue. (2) The disaster rescue cannot rely solely on or expect to complete alone by any government unit or non-governmental organization, but need teams to support and assist each other to complete it together. (3) All dedicated units of disaster prevention shall enrich the equipment of disaster rescue and expect to take appropriate response measure when the disaster early occurs. Then it depends on the needs of disaster combining the energy of defense mobilization to assist in disaster rescue. (4) Mandatory disaster response measure shall be legalized to make personnel perform forced evacuation or remove equipment and object obstructing disaster rescue have the legitimacy of law enforcement and avoid conflicting with the public. (5) Government organs shall properly budget the funds of disaster rescue. They can quickly allot to effectively response to the needs of disaster prevention task when disaster occurs.
36
Franqui, Harry. "Fighting For the Nation: Military Service, Popular Political Mobilization and the Creation of Modern Puerto Rican National Identities: 1868-1952." 2010. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI3412048.
Full textAbstract:
This project explores the military and political mobilization of rural and urban working sectors of Puerto Rican society as the Island transitioned from Spanish to U.S. imperial rule. In particular, my research is interested in examining how this shift occurs via patterns of inclusion-exclusion within the military and the various forms of citizenship that are subsequently transformed into socio-economic and political enfranchisement. Analyzing the armed forces as a culture-homogenizing agent helps to explain the formation and evolution of Puerto Rican national identities from 1868 to 1952, and how these evolving identities affected the political choices of the Island. This phenomenon, I argue, led to the creation of the Estado Libre Asociado in 1952. The role played by the tens of thousands of Puerto Ricans in the metropolitan military in the final creation of a populist project taking place under colonial rule in the Island was threefold. Firstly, these soldiers served as political leverage during WWII to speed up the decolonization process. Secondly, they incarnated the commonwealth ideology by fighting and dying in the Korean War. Finally, the Puerto Rican soldiers filled the ranks of the army of technicians and technocrats attempting to fulfill the promises of a modern industrial Puerto Rico after the returned from the wars. ^ In contrast to Puerto Rican popular national mythology and mainstream academic discourse that has marginalized the agency of subaltern groups; I argue that the Puerto Rican soldier was neither cannon fodder for the metropolis nor the pawn of the Creole political elites. Regaining their masculinity, upward mobility, and political enfranchisement were among some of the incentives enticing the Puerto Rican peasant into military service. The enfranchisement of subaltern sectors via military service ultimately created a very liberal, popular, and broad definition of Puerto Rico’s national identity. When the Puerto Rican peasant/soldier became the embodiment of the Commonwealth formula, the political leaders involved in its design were in fact responding to these soldiers’ complex identities, which among other things compelled them to defend the “American Nation” to show their Puertorriqueñidad . ^
37
Su, Cing-Ren, and 蘇慶仁. "A Study on ROC Armed Forces’ Natural Disaster Relief Policy within the National Defense Mobilization Mechanism." Thesis, 2014. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/88487498490626074585.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國防大學政治作戰學院
政治研究所
102
Global Climate Change causes many natural disasters, which not only threaten people's lives and property but also result in tremendous economic losses. With the invasion of annual typhoon and earthquake hazards, disaster prevention and relief efforts have become one of the most important issues for Taiwan government. These accelerate the transformation of the government agenda and the use of organizational networks. Taiwan’s armed forces take on the responsibility of disaster relief, but with their current downsizing, they are faced with manpower shortages. To achieve the objectives of defending people’s lives and property, there must be close cooperation between the military and civil power. This study focuses on how our government forms disaster prevention and response policy, makes a smooth implementation of the relief effort, and combines different organizations into dense networks. Under this policy, the military must use its limited human resources to maximize the result of related policies. This study examines 921 earthquake, Jiasian earthquake, SARS epidemic and the H1N1 epidemic, Typhoon Morakot and Typhoon Parma to understand how the military and civil forces join hands to reach a more positive result of disaster mitigation and relief. The cooperation between the military and the civilians in the course of disaster relief enhances the ability to quickly mobilize the country during wartime and results in a better disaster prevention and rescue work performance. This not only proves the necessity for the armed forces to join hands with the civilians but also raises people's awareness of all-out defense. Disaster prevention and response in the public and private sector create higher value for the implementation of public policies and the development of more specialized organizational models; moreover, it shows that the downsized military still has an irreplaceable function and status in our government.
38
Lin, Chien-Li, and 林建利. "The Action Research of Service Learning Integrated Vocational High Schools with National Defense Education - Defense Mobilization." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/26021480230416501591.
Full textAbstract:
碩士慈濟大學
教育研究所
103
Abstract This research is aimed at exploring how vocational high school students perform under disaster prevention and protection after service learning blends into All-out Defense Military Education. The purpose of this research are as follow: 1. To understand how All-out Defense Military Education- Defense Mobilization was applied in vocational high school. 2. To organize the curriculum of service learning blending into All-out Defense Military Education- Defense Mobilization. 3. To explore the process, and solutions when encountering problems as the curriculum of service learning blending into All-out Defense Military Education- Defense Mobilization begins. 4. To analyze the performances of vocational high school as well as elementary students in Defense Mobilization Disaster Prevention Service Learning after service learning blending into All-out Defense Military Education- Defense Mobilization puts into practice. 5．To research the growth of the researcher after service learning blending into All-out Defense Military Education- Defense Mobilization carries out. This research adopts action research. The subjects were 20 students in a practical skill class in researcher’s vocational high school. The ones that received the service learning course were 16 students in the fifth grade. The research tools include the curriculum of service learning blending into All-out Defense Military Education- Defense Mobilization, interview scripts, notes and journals, educational videos, class records, students’ work sheets, etc. The materials were collected, coded, analyzed and writen. The following were the concluded results: 1. The advantages of service learning blending into All-out Defense Military Education- Defense Mobilization are suitable teaching progress, direct statements of key points, and making good use of indoor as well as outdoor space. However, the disadvantages are failure to fulfill the idea of student centered teaching, unable to cultivate students’ oral expressions, lack of ability to communicate to solve problems, and make use of traditional paper examination. 2. The characters of service learning blending into All-out Defense Military Education- Defense Mobilization include using blending curriculum to process service learning, cultivate students system of value to care about the society, applying All-out Defense Military Education in service learning, motivating students through practice, broadening the service range from school to community elementary schools, and gaining experiences through the records of service learning. 3. To observe how students’ attitude changed from lack of confidence through cooperating to accomplish the tasks. 4. The average scores of post-test were higher than that of pre-test by 12.25 in the cognition of service learning test, which showed the progress of students. Moreover, the satisfaction scale of elementary school students after the service learning class were an average of 4.6, which showed their satisfaction toward service learning. 5. Researcher found that after service learning blending into All-out Defense Military Education-Defense Mobilization puts into practice, service learning curriculum can guide students to develop disaster protection skills as well as increase the confidence of vocational high school students.
39
Shu, Felix, and 許宏任. "Research on the Development Trend of the National Defense Mobilization of the Communist Party of China (CPC)." Thesis, 2010. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/40299548498454105206.
Full textAbstract:
博士國防大學政治作戰學院
政治研究所
99
In the past, the mobilization by the CPC aimed at war, and was called War Mobilization, which meant that “the state gathers manpower, material resources and financial resources, and turns the national system and corresponding activities, all or partially, from the common state into the war state through the planned procedure.” However, under the impact of internal and external factors, the CPC has currently replaced War Mobilization with the concept of National Defense Mobilization, stressing the “integration of national defense mobilization, war mobilization and emergency mobilization”, and using the “scientific outlook of development” as well as the “theory of social harmony” as the guiding principles for the construction of the national defense mobilization in order to achieve good governance. In order to understand how the CPC reaches the goal of “Integration of Mobilization for National Defense, War and Emergency”, this study analyzed the development trend of the CPC’s mobilization using the “scientific outlook of development” and “theory of social harmony”. Since mainland scholars usually adopt “goal of governance”, “public authority”, “management rules” and “governance mechanism” to construct the framework for analyzing the governance of CPC, this study also adopted this conceptual structure to discuss how the CPC achieves the goal of “Integration of Mobilization for National Defense, War and Emergency”. From the results of the study, three trends of the CPC’s national defense mobilization reform were discovered: (1) In the establishment of public authority, the study found the following trends: (a) Developing from divided management to a coordinated matrix system with vertical management; (b) Synthesis of the national defense mobilization and the emergency management system. (2) In the management rules, the study found the following trends: (a) Regulations are made regarding the combination of the war mobilization and emergency mobilization; (b) the National Defense Mobilization Law is enacted. (3) In the construction of the governance mechanism, the study found the following trends: (a) The participating parties in the mobilization are growing; (b) Social resources are being utilized for national defense mobilization. The study also found three restrictions of the CPC’s national defense mobilization: (1) In the establishment of public authority, (a) the traditional pattern “led by the military force and supported by the government” remains the same; and (b) the management system for the “Integration of Mobilization for National Defense, War and Emergency” has not yet been established. (2) In the management rules, (a) the mobilization is still promoted using administrative measures; (b) The rights guarantee for mobilization objects is still incomplete. (3) In the construction of the governance mechanism, although more parties have participated in the mobilization under the concept of “Integration of Mobilization for National Defense, War and Emergency”, the government still adopts the Political Mobilization method to address emergency public events, which means that its national defense mobilization still lacks the effective participation of multiple parties. The study concludes that the “Integration of Mobilization for National Defense, War and Emergency” of the CPC will develop in three major directions. First, it has been forecast that the Defense Mobilization Committee will change its role from the coordination institute to a commanding center, and that the military led pattern will change to the government led pattern, thus clarifying the administrative authority and executing subject of mobilization. Second, it has been forecast that the CPC will issue the National Economic Mobilization Law and Transportation Mobilization Law to fully legalize mobilization. The National Defense Law shall act as the basic law, supported by the Emergency Law or Regulations on the Army Participating in Disaster Relief, in order to further complete related laws and regulations for “Integration of Mobilization for National Defense, War and Emergency”. Third, it has been forecast that the governance mechanism will gradually adopt multi-party participation and utilization of social resources, which will be displayed in military exercises and in addressing emergencies. The potential and ability for defense mobilization will further increase, especially in regard to cross-area mobilization and multi-task execution.
40
Mowery, Christine Elizabeth. "The impact of national resources on state woman suffrage outcomes a re-examination of the resource mobilization framework /." Diss., 2006. http://etd.library.vanderbilt.edu/ETD-db/available/etd-03182006-072730/.
Full text
41
Chu, Chien-Liang, and 朱建良. "National defense mobilization system and non-profit organizationThird study of the relationship –for example to control Taiwan's disaster." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/pvb5d8.
Full textAbstract:
碩士中國文化大學
國際企業管理學系
100
Taiwan's growing number of crises, disasters and frequence government departments invested considerable human and material resources, financial resources involved in disaster prevention and relief, and still record the relief to no avail, improper disposal, and even helpless, but has been criticized. Per year of natural disasters, Acts of countless people's lives and property damage, government departments how to effectively manage the various types of crisis and emergency disaster, has become urgent and must look squarely at issue. All-people defense mobilization preparation was originally the Department in response to the outbreak of war, the establishment of a mobilization of the preparatory work of the National resources to support operations. Defense Mobilization in the past put a heavier emphasis on military-oriented, emphasizing the mobilization in order to meet the defense needs of the military, the country's human, material and financial resources from a peacetime state to the wartime state, and national strength to do the most effective play. "But in order to the connotation of national security and the threat of change, and China may face emergency incidents or major disaster caused by man-made and natural factors, the purpose of defense and mobilization in response to expand to cover the emergency Incident and Major disaster. Non-profit organization in Taiwan after the lifting of martial law, the trend of rapid growth, regardless of religious groups, social welfare organizations or the development trend, regardless of religious groups, social welfare groups or special interest groups have been established in a number of enthusiastic members to support these non-profit organizations to get plenty of financial resources and help, making an important contribution to community, some organizations more actively promote public policy, prompting the government to face up to social change, even to the legislative play the watchdogs of government, but also people's recognition and support. Especially during Chi Chen disaster, through the operation of these non-profit organizations, the release of huge non-governmental forces, investment in disaster relief and reconstruction work, their performance even more than the government's actions.
42
Hsu, Tsai-Lin, and 徐材霖. "All-Out Defense and National Security─The Functions of The All-Out Defense Mobilization Mechanism at Normal and War Times." Thesis, 2004. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/51991943733718200886.
Full textAbstract:
碩士淡江大學
國際事務與戰略研究所
92
In response to the need for Taiwan to defend themselves at wartime, based on the National Defense Act and the Regulations of All-Out Defense Mobilization Preparation, which provides the stages of the all-out defense mobilization mechanism, the paper examines the coordination and support of all the forces in preparation for wartime, and the establishment and use of military forces at wartime. The objective of the paper is to establish an effective system to integrate forces such as manpower, material resources, financial resources, technology, and military mobilization at peacetime in preparation for war; to abide by the Disaster Prevention Law and send backups in disasters and be ready to manage disaster response; to follow the Anti-Terrorism Act and deal with changes in the system during unexpected situations; to integrate and make use of civilian forces, support military combat, and response to emergencies and disasters at wartime; and to assist government agencies to respond to crisis, and to provide basic needs for the people. This paper consists of five chapters: The first chapter is the introduction. This chapter explains the motive and objective of the paper, explains the scope and constrain of the paper, defines important keywords, and looks into relevant theories. Through examining the theories, the results can be verified and theories can be put into practice. The second chapter is the concept of All-Out Defense. This chapter examines the meaning and objectives of the all-out defense. Then, we examine the all-out defense mobilization mechanism of advanced countries such as America, Singapore and so on. The mobilization mechanism of other countries will serve as a model for Taiwan. Finally, we explain what we have learned from the 911 terrorist attacks on the United States. The section first explains the new concept of homeland security in the United States after the terrorist attack, including the impacts of the terrorist acts on national security. It then examines the significance of the homeland security concept on Taiwan. The third chapter examines Taiwan’s all-out defense. The first section looks into laws related to national defense. The second section examines the organizations and operations of Taiwan’s all-out defense mobilization mechanism, and covers topics such as national defense and mobilization preparedness of the Executive Yuan, organizations directing all the forces, and mobilization preparedness of cities and counties. In addition, the section explains the responsibilities and missions of the Reserve Command in the All-Out Defense Mobilization Mechanism. The third section examines the restrains and errors in promoting the All-Out Defense Mobilization Mechanism. The fourth section looks into the Wanan Exercise to understand the results of the mechanism. The forth chapter is about improving the functions of Taiwan’s All-Out Defense at peacetime. The first section explains the reformation of the administrative mobilization preparedness. The second section explains the reformation of military mobilization preparedness, including policies such as “recruiting on duty (standing) soldiers and conscripting reserve status soldiers,” and “ standing soldiers attack while reserve soldiers defend the homeland,” and concepts such as “a large reserve army and a small standing army.” The third section gives constructive suggestions on the integration and cooperation between administrative mobilization preparedness and military mobilization preparedness, including forming a homeland security network, integrating mobilization activities, and establishing the relative security new concept and carry out total national defense plans. The fifth chapter is the conclusion. This chapter gives suggestions on all-out defense policy and actions, including being cautious and prepared, carrying out civil-based defense, strengthening military defense, establishing and implementing a mobilization system, and improving reserve forces.
43
Yang, Yu-Ru, and 楊玉如. "Research on the mobilization of the whole people''s defense -A Probe into the Effect of National High School Students in National Defense Education in Taoyuan City." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/3p2mar.
Full textAbstract:
碩士健行科技大學
企業管理系碩士在職專班
105
The Greek philosopher Aristotle once said, "Education is the cheapest defense." Today, when my country''s security is still seriously threatened, it is important to actively promote national defense education in order to implement national defense and ensure national security With prosperity. Although national defense plays an important role in safeguarding national security, it is not easy to carry out. The key is to mobilize all the people, must first get universal support, otherwise it is easy to become slogans and empty talk. And the establishment of national defense consensus and the development of skills must rely on systematic education to be complete and effective, so that "national defense education" will play an important role in the hope that through systematic education, so that nationals can establish a consensus on the maintenance of national security, And have the basic defense skills, in order to be able to successfully put in the defense needs, in different positions to do their duties. And "school youth" is the most vibrant group among the whole people, but also represents the hope of the future of the country, its potential mobilization force can not be small, but should be the government should pay attention to the important work of planning. Therefore, the motivation of this study is based on the above factors, for high school vocational school students to implement the "national defense education" to study the status quo, in order to improve the "national defense mobilization" work plan reference.
44
WONG, HUEI-FEN, and 翁慧芬. "Study on Promoting Youth to Participate in Service Mobilization as a Part of Civilian National Defense Education in Senior High Schools." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/63280064292232032384.
Full textAbstract:
碩士國立中正大學
政治學研究所
100
This study is based on the concept of developing civilians’ national security awareness, which is also the fundamental objective of national defense. In order to protect the nation’s security, every civilian should understand the importance of national defense by participating in national defense education. Accordingly, during the critical stage of future exploration of careers, as students, teenagers should be encouraged to consider participating in national defense affairs through the development of a curriculum geared toward national defense education acts, which includes systematic organization, fixed training, and simulation, in order to focus on expanding their basic knowledge of national defense. By fostering military duty service skills and improving their professional abilities, students can gain a better understanding of their responsibility to the nation and society instead of merely pursuing personal fortune and fame. Hence, the moral educational goal will be achieved at the same time. Therefore, the topic of this study is senior high and vocational school students and their need for a curriculum that covers national defense education. Documentary research asserts that the goal of national defense education is to promote the idea that youth service mobilization is an extension of the civilian defense mobilizing system. This renewable approach to youth services, which includes the fundamental idea of protecting family, country, and nation, not only is useful when requesting civilian-based defense mobilization during major catastrophes, such as war and natural disasters, but is also necessary to help develop solid attitudes and substantial acts that combine local students with the nationwide defense system so that they can recognize, appreciate, and respect the importance of human lives as well as natural and environmental resources. Moreover, based on interviews conducted with military training instructors and students in senior high and vocational schools, their experience, acknowledgements, and opinions were collected with the intention of exploring the reasons for emphasizing youth service mobilization and also providing references for further research and policies for renewing the civilian national defense educational system.
45
Jarnecke, Meaghan L. "Mobilizing Children to Aid the War Effort: Advancing Progressive Aims Through the Work of the Child Welfare Committee of the Indiana Woman's Council of National Defense and the Children's Bureau during World War One." Thesis, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/20367.
Full textAbstract:
Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)This thesis examines the motivations of the Woman’s Council of National Defense. It will examine how women in Indiana and Illinois organized their state and local councils of defense as they embraced home-front mobilization efforts. It will also show that Hoosier women, like women across the United States, became involved in World War One home-front mobilization, in part, to prove their responsibility to the government in order to make an irrefutable claim for suffrage. As a result of extensive home-front mobilization efforts by women, the government was able to fulfill its own agenda of creating a comprehensive record of its citizens, thus guaranteeing a roster of citizens eligible for future wartime mobilization. By examining the Child Welfare Committee and the Children’s Year in a broad view, this thesis supports the assertions of historians like Robert G. Barrows, William J. Breen, and Lynn Dumenil, who have shown how Progressive-minded women advanced Progressive reforms by embracing the war effort and using it to their own advantage.
46
KUO, CHING-YI, and 郭靜怡. "National Army Military Training Institutions on Participation Motivations and Obstructive Factors in Leisure Activity- A Case of Reserve Mobilization Cadre Training Center." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/33e5js.
Full textAbstract:
碩士大仁科技大學
休閒事業管理研究所
106
The purpose of this study is to explore the relationship between the motivations of participation and constraints of recreational sports of trainees in the Reserve Forces Mobilization Cadre Training Center. The research population is the trainees of the Reserve Forces Mobilization Cadre Training Center, and purposive sampling is adopted in the process of data collection and analysis. 233 formal questionnaires are distributed, and 228 of them are returned, with a return rate of 95.80%; after eliminating 8 invalid questionnaires, the total of valid questionnaires is 220, with a return rate of 91.67%. The relevant research data is then analyzed by the statistics software of SPSS for Windows 12.0 version; the methods for analyzing the data are descriptive statistics, independent samples t-test, one-way analysis of variance, and Pearson Product-Moment Correlation and significant level, etc. The author hopes that the conclusion and suggestions in this research may serve as a reference for the Ministry of National Defense and other organizations to elevate the quality of life for all military personnel and cultivate united and harmonious atmosphere in the armed forces, as well as for follow-up researchers. The conclusions and suggestions of this research are as follow:1. Conclusions：(1) The percentage of military personnel who are women and with a bachelor’s degree has increased.(2) The senior the military personnel is, they put more emphasis on the interaction among peers, and the percentage of sergeant-level personnel who agrees with this statement is higher than that of lieutenant-level personnel. (3) Due to heavy workload and family reasons, the amount of time participating recreational sports is affected.(4) The change of values prompts people to put more and more emphasis on the psychological needs of themselves.2. Suggestions:(1) It is suggested that female military personnel to cultivate the interest in participating in recreational activities. (2) It is suggested that the Reserve Forces Mobilization Cadre Training Center may hold recreational sports or sports games competition from time to time.(3) It is suggested that it is best to find partners when participating in recreational sports, be them family members or colleagues. (4) It is suggested that future researchers may conduct qualitative research concerning this topic.
47
Odaga, Geoffrey. "Funding the watchdog role : an exploratory study of the current funding climate for civil society organizations in Africa : the case of National Education Coalitions supported by the Global Campaign for Educations." Diss., 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/19038.
Full textAbstract:
Strengthening civil society participation in development is a prerequisite to enhance access to opportunities and political influence by the poor. An active civil society can improve development accountability. In fact, Africa cannot improve its governance without investing in the role of civil society. This study examines the problem of resource mobilization for NECs in four Africa countries; assessing factors and strategies, which influence their ability to mobilize resources. Utilizing qualitative and quantitative methods, the study found that effective NECs exist in all four countries. The success of these NECs depended on “being strategic” about resource mobilization. The lack of resources mobilization strategies was a key factor in all four NECs. This often meant lack of proactiveness in resource mobilization. In its recommendations, the study presents a model aimed to encourage CSOs to organize and manage resource mobilization in ways that generate income for today, tomorrow and the future in order to sustain their watchdog role in educational development process.Development Studies
M.A. (Development Studies)
48
Feng, Li-Shin, and 馮力行. "The Study of Defense Mobilizes The Mechanism of ROC That Combine The National Risk Management Standard and FMEA－To Take Material Mobilization of ROC Army as an Example." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/96033563089990299648.
Full textAbstract:
碩士中華大學
科技管理學系(所)
95
AbstractThe risk management is the organization regarding each kind of latent risk cognition and the weight, then the choice suitable processing method performs to control and process. We hope to cost the lowest risk cost that can safeguard the goal of management security. That also uses systematized the policy, the step and the work, recognizes, the appraisal, processing and the surveillance, achieves the organization goal. The army mobilization take the manpower mobilization, the material mobilization as the main axle, may give dual attention to the state economy development and the defense operational requirement, usually maintains the right amount armament and the army organization, other bring into line with in the mobilization scheme, the wartime implementation procurement takes over for use the way, gathers folk each item of resources, supports the military operational mission. This research will use the AS/NZS4360 that establishes the framework of national troops material mobilization risk management. That will recognize the risk factors of national troops material mobilization. We hope to combine the FMEA to complete the whole appraisal. That will compress the national troops material mobilization operations and strengthen the national troops combat preparations.
49
Brunner, Anja. "Reconciling transition paradigms : a cross-national analysis of democratization during the third wave." Thèse, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1866/18366.
Full text
50
Rodrigues, Sheila Souza. "Exploração sistemática de estratégias de dinamização das populações para as questões de saúde no Brasil: a comunicação na Semana Nacional de Humanização do SUS." Master's thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10284/5542.
Full textAbstract:
Neste trabalho serão analisadas características da comunicação organizacional, de
mobilização social e da comunicação em saúde, para, na parte empírica, analisar a
comunicação para mobilização social no evento Semana Nacional de Humanização,
realizado pela Política Nacional de Humanização, no Brasil, em 2014. Em um primeiro
momento, buscamos compreender as características principais da comunicação
organizacional na forma prática, assim como os aspectos que propiciaram seu
surgimento. A fim de compreender como essa comunicação tem aplicabilidade no
cotidiano das empresas, se buscou pormenorizar as etapas de formulação do
planejamento de uma comunicação voltada às organizações, sua implementação e
relacionamento com a imprensa, e como atividades de marketing e publicidade se
inserem na comunicação para organizações. Mais adiante, já buscando demonstrar as
similaridades e especificidades entre a comunicação organizacional e a comunicação
específica para mobilização social em questões de saúde, solidifica-se conceitos acerca
da aplicabilidade desta última, suas características e resultados esperados. Só a partir daí
se começa a analisar a comunicação dentro do evento promovido pela Política Nacional
de Humanização (PNH), a Semana Nacional de Humanização. Concentra-se, portanto,
em explicar como o evento se insere no Sistema Único de Saúde no Brasil (SUS). A
PNH busca humanizar o serviço e estimular a participação efetiva dos três atores que
compõe o sistema: gestores, trabalhadores e usuários. A Semana Nacional de
Humanização surgiu como mais um espaço de debate para unir estes atores na
construção dessa humanização. O presente estudo, por meio de questionários enviados
aos inscritos no evento buscou, então, analisar o alcance desse objetivo e como a
comunicação contribuiu neste processo. Apesar de ter sido muito exitosa no sentido de
reforçar boas práticas e percepções dos inscritos no evento, a comunicação lidou com
alguns desafios com a extensão territorial do país, a diferença cultural e ainda a
resistência do usuário em conhecer e participar de ações do SUS. Além de analisar
acertos e falhas, também se buscou apontar caminhos para futuros eventos afim de
aumentar a mobilização e melhorar a comunicação.In this work of organizational communication features will be analyzed, social mobilization and communication in health, for, in the empirical part, analyze the communication for social mobilization in the event National Humanization Week, organized by the National Policy of Humanization in Brazil in 2014. at first, we tried to understand the main characteristics of organizational communication in a practical way, as well as the aspects that bring about its emergence. In order to understand how this communication is applicable in daily business, he sought detail the formulation stages of planning a communication focused organizations, implementation and relationship with the press, and how marketing and advertising activities are part of the communication to organizations. Further, since trying to demonstrate the similarities and specificities between organizational communication and specific communication for social mobilization on health issues, solidifies concepts about the applicability of the latter, its characteristics and expected results. Only then one begins to analyze communication in the event sponsored by the National Humanization Policy (PNH), the National Week of Humanization. It focuses, therefore, to explain how the event is included in the Unified Health System in Brazil (SUS). The NHP seeks to humanize the service and encourage the effective participation of the three actors that make up the system: managers, workers and users. The National Week Humanization came as another forum for debate to unite these actors in building this humanization. This study through questionnaires sent to subscribers in the event sought, then, to analyze the scope of this objective and how communication contributed to this process. Despite having been very successful to reinforce good practices and perceptions for event registrants, communication dealt with some challenges to the territorial extension of the country, cultural differences and even the user's strength to know and participate in the SUS actions. In addition to analyzing successes and failures, also sought to point out ways for future events in order to increase the mobilization and improve communication.