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Journal articles on the topic 'National Mobilization'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 8 February 2022

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1

Nam, Sang-ho. "The National Spiritual Mobilization Movement and Moral Suasion Mobilization." Korea-Japan Historical Review 70 (November 30, 2020): 319–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.18496/kjhr.2020.11.70.319.

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2

Özgül, Ceren. "Freedom of Religion, the ECtHR and Grassroots Mobilization on Religious Education in Turkey." Politics and Religion 12, S1 (2019): S103—S133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000779.

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AbstractThis paper examines grassroots mobilizations in Turkey against the government's policies on religion and education (RE), and the potential effects of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or the Court) on their mobilization. Specifically, it follows the ways in which grassroots actors frame their discourses of secularism and freedom of religion in education during a period when the Turkish government is aiming to increase the role of Sunni-Islam in national education, while at the same time refusing to implement ECtHR decisions regarding RE. Drawing on empirical research, it analyzes the role the ECtHR and its case law play in the diverse rights claims and discourses of three different types of mobilizations that is going on in the field of RE: (i) legal mobilization, and right to exemption and freedom from religion, (ii) political mobilization, and new discourses of pluralism and secularism, (iii) monitoring and policy-based mobilization and national and international advocacy for pluralism and equality in education.

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3

PHILLIPS, Steven. "National legitimacy and overseas Chinese mobilization." Journal of Modern Chinese History 7, no. 1 (June 2013): 64–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17535654.2013.780482.

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4

Horani, Mohammad. "Dynamics of confrontation between popular mobilization and state In Jordan: An analytical social conflict approach." Journal of Arts and Social Sciences [JASS] 7, no. 1 (January 1, 2015): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.24200/jass.vol7iss1pp135-154.

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This study aimed at analyzing the dynamics of confrontation between popular mobilization and state in Jordan from the sociological perspective of an analytical social conflict. It also concentrated on the factors that led to the emergence of popular mobilization and its Legitimacy and the variables that guided the peaceful confrontation between mobilization and state. The study results showed that economic deprivation was the main factor behid the emergence of the popular mobilization, and the political demands were emerged when the state didn’t achieve the economical Reforms , and the mobilization derives its legitimacy From its objective economical demands, the Arab revolutions and the concessions of the state which mean recognition of the Mobilization and its demands. Then the results showed that the mobilization was Fall back because of its lack of organization leadership and Ideology and the cleavages in the structure of national identity , but the conscious of the mobilization and its legitimacy may intense it again. Besides, The results indicated that the confrontation was included dialectical Relationship between the peaceful oriention of the state toward the mobilizations and the peaceful orientation of the mobilization from the other hand. This dialectical relationship constituted moral treaty between the two partisans stand out as safty valve against violence and polarization. After that, the study showed some Factors which, sometimes , provoked violence such as : the partisans, usage of violent power, and arrestation of mobilization’s activists . Then, the study showed that the confrontation was realistic , but didn’t occur substantial change in the social structure, However, it escalated the level of freedom, Raised the power of the street, and obtained the state and the society more flexibility and democracy. With regard to the theoretical approach, This study showed that the perspectives of analytical conflict are of complementarily nature, and it could be syenthesized to produce a new theoretical perspective.

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Potseluev, Sergey P., and Sergey N. Tsybenko. "THE PHENOMENON OF NATIONAL MOBILIZATION: CLARIFYING THE CONCEPT." Ars Administrandi (Искусство управления) 11, no. 1 (2019): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-9173-2019-1-1-23.

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6

Hellstrom, Anders, and Magnus Wennerhag. "National Myth-Making and Populist Mobilization in Scandinavia." PARTECIPAZIONE E CONFLITTO, no. 3 (December 2013): 30–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/paco2013-003002.

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7

Linville, Ray P. "The role of mobilization in US national security." Defense Analysis 4, no. 2 (January 1988): 184–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07430178808405347.

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8

Lago, Ignacio, Sandra Bermúdez, Marc Guinjoan, Kelly Rowe, and Pablo Simón. "Party Mobilization and Electoral Systems." Government and Opposition 54, no. 1 (January 23, 2017): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2016.46.

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How party strategies vary by electoral system remains largely unexplored in election studies. Using qualitative and quantitative data from Spanish national and European elections, we test how party strategies diverge between districted electoral systems and systems using a single national district. We use the number of visits to districts by the party leaders to determine if targeted party strategies are driven by district magnitude, the share of the population entitled to vote in every district, the number of districts or the strength of parties’ local organizations. Our results show that only the frequency of visits to districts by large parties are clearly affected by electoral systems and, more specifically, by the number of districts and district population.

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9

Stoian, Alexandru. "The Role of Public Authorities During Mobilization." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 24, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 243–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/kbo-2018-0097.

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Abstract Imposed by states in order to defend its own territory and national values during the time of crisis, mobilization of armed forces in a contemporary global context creates new challenges for the public authorities, designers of the national legal framework and for the military authorities. In this regard, extraordinary measures can be taken in political, economic, social, administrative, diplomatic, legal and military fields, planned and prepared in peacetime. The Romanian National Defense System consists of the forces intended for defense, the resources of the national defense and the territorial infrastructure and provides a stable foundation for all types of actions related to mobilization, as long as the procedures involved are implemented at a high level of efficiency

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10

Laitin, David D. "The National Uprisings in the Soviet Union." World Politics 44, no. 1 (October 1991): 139–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010426.

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Recently published histories of national groups living under Soviet rule provide a rich secondary literature on the various paths taken by these groups to be incorporated into the Russian empire and the Soviet state. Social scientists who want a differentiated understanding of political mobilization among the various nationalities should not ignore these important contributions. This review essay attempts to synthesize these histories in order to provide a coherent model of nationality politics. Proposing an “elite incorporation model” of political mobilization, the essay accounts for different sources of national protest. The model weight not only the pressures for national autonomy and republican sovereignty but also the pressures that provide support for the Union.

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Raeisi, Alireza, Jafar Sadegh Tabrizi, and Mohammad Mehdi Gouya. "IR of Iran National Mobilization against COVID-19 Epidemic." Archives of Iranian Medicine 23, no. 4 (April 1, 2020): 216–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.34172/aim.2020.01.

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12

Vetik, Raivo. "National Identity as Interethnic (De)mobilization: A Relational Approach." Ethnopolitics 18, no. 4 (May 28, 2019): 406–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2019.1613065.

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13

Paret, Marcel. "Migration politics: Mobilizing against economic insecurity in the United States and South Africa." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 59, no. 1 (November 10, 2017): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715217739447.

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From the mid-2000s, the United States and South Africa, respectively, experienced significant pro-migrant and anti-migrant mobilizations. Economically insecure groups played leading roles. Why did these groups emphasize politics of migration, and to what extent did the very different mobilizations reflect parallel underlying mechanisms? Drawing on 41 months of ethnographic fieldwork and 119 interviews with activists and residents, I argue that the mobilizations deployed two common strategies: symbolic group formation rooted in demands for recognition, and targeting the state as a key source of livelihood. These twin strategies encouraged economically insecure groups to emphasize national identities and, in turn, migration. Yet, they manifested in different types of mobilization due to the varying characteristics of the groups involved, and the different national imaginaries and organizing legacies they had to draw upon. The analysis demonstrates the capacity of economically insecure groups to make collective claims. It also shows that within the context of anti-migrant nationalism, economic insecurity amplifies the significance of national belonging, citizenship, and migration as important terrains of collective struggle.

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14

Massicard, Elise. "Alevist Movements at Home and Abroad: Mobilization Spaces and Disjunction." New Perspectives on Turkey 29 (2003): 163–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600006154.

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The Alevist movement developed almost simultaneously in Turkey and among Turkish migrants, but it is structured and acts quite differently in these distinct, albeit related, political spaces. This comparative empirical study tries to explain the differences in the discourses and the success of Alevist movements in Turkey and Germany by relating them to the broader institutional and discursive contexts within which they are embedded. Alevist movements are incorporated differently in state policies directed to claim-makers and consequently possess different discursive and institutional resources. Spatially bounded institutional contexts and political agendas frame the discourse and strategies of Alevist claim-making, and result in divergent developments. It is thus necessary to disentangle the multiple levels of claim-and policy-making involved (local, national and supranational), and to analyze their relationships and possible articulations. ‘Transnational’ mobilization has often been understood as a mere continuation of mobilization at home or, oppositely, as its driving force. This paper questions the continuity between mobilizations at home and abroad, and argues that mobilization in migration entails specific dynamics, which may not be re-imported home.

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15

Tang, Pingzhou, and Huiying Tian. "Research on the Layout of National Economic Mobilization Logistics Centers." International Journal of Intelligent Systems and Applications 2, no. 1 (November 3, 2010): 44–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.5815/ijisa.2010.01.07.

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16

Zayakina, R. A. "Predictors of social network mobilization with participation of national university." Alma mater. Vestnik Vysshey Shkoly, no. 12 (December 2017): 88–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.20339/am.12-17.088.

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17

Albo, Xavier. "Bolivia Making the Leap From Local Mobilization to National Politics." NACLA Report on the Americas 29, no. 5 (March 1996): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10714839.1996.11722887.

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18

Mitchell, Robert Cameron, Angela G. Mertig, and Riley E. Dunlap. "Twenty years of environmental mobilization: Trends among national environmental organizations." Society & Natural Resources 4, no. 3 (July 1991): 219–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08941929109380756.

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19

Ageev, Aleksandr I., Maxim A. Averyanov, Sergey N. Evtushenko, Elena Yu Kochetova, and Ruslan L. Sivakov. "Digital Transformation of National Security in the Context of Global Hybrid Threats." Economic Strategies 144, no. 4 (August 20, 2021): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.33917/es-4.178.2021.60-69.

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In this article, the authors raise the issues of compliance (adequacy) of the ideology, approaches and infrastructure of the national security system in the light of global changes in the economy, de facto hybrid wars and ongoing natural and environmental emergencies. As a central element of preparation for such events and reaction to them, the authors considers mobilization in the classical sense, enshrined in the legislation, analyzes it for compliance with current hybrid threats, and also suggests new approaches to the digital transformation of the complex system of national security and mobilization, in particular.

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20

Jing, Xiangyuan, Qingmei Tan, Liusan Wu, and Xiaohui Li. "Adaptability of the Logistics System in National Economic Mobilization Based on Blocking Flow Theory." Mathematical Problems in Engineering 2014 (2014): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2014/843181.

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In the process of national economic mobilization, the logistics system usually suffers from negative impact and/or threats of such emergency events as wars and accidents, which implies that adaptability of the logistics system directly determines realization of economic mobilization. And where the real-time rescue operation is concerned, heavy traffic congestion is likely to cause a great loss of or damage to human beings and their properties. To deal with this situation, this article constructs a blocking-resistance optimum model and an optimum restructuring model based on blocking flow theories, of which both are illustrated by numerical cases and compared in characteristics and application. The design of these two models is expected to eliminate or alleviate the congestion situation occurring in the logistics system, thus effectively enhancing its adaptability in the national economic mobilization process.

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21

Olesen, Thomas. "Contentious Cartoons: Elite and Media-Driven Mobilization." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 12, no. 1 (February 1, 2007): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.12.1.k10w8k727g445gx1.

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This article analyzes the so-called Muhammad cartoons conflict that started on September 30, 2005, when a Danish newspaper, Jyllands-Posten, published twelve satirical cartoons of the prophet Muhammad. I examine how the conflict moved from the national level of Denmark to become a full-blown instance of transnational contention. The guiding argument of the article is that institutional elites and media were the prime movers in the transnational escalation of the conflict. Institutional actors, mainly the Egyptian government and the Organization of Islamic Conferences, were active from the beginning as brokers. These actors spent months preparing the ground before the conflict escalated in late January and early February 2005. Their efforts were partly supported by certification from key international institutions. The evidence also suggests that transnational news channels in the Arab and Muslim world, Al-Jazeera and Al-Arabiya, and to a lesser degree, national media, played a significant part as diffusers and brokers in the escalation.

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22

Roeder, Philip G. "Soviet Federalism and Ethnic Mobilization." World Politics 43, no. 2 (January 1991): 196–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010471.

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Central among recent changes in the Soviet Union is an expanding and increasingly public politics of federalism. The Soviet developmental strategy assigned federalism and the cadres of national-territorial administration a central role in its response to the “nationalities question.” This strategy offers a key to three questions about the rise of assertive ethnofederalism over the past three decades: Why have federal institutions that provided interethnic peace during the transition to industrialization become vehicles of protest in recent years? Why have relatively advantaged ethnic groups been most assertive, whereas groups near the lower end of most comparative measures of socioeconomic and political success have been relatively quiescent? Why have major public demands—and the most important issues of contention between center and periphery—focused to such a large degree upon the details of the Soviet developmental strategy and upon federalism in particular

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23

Armony, Ariel C., and Victor Armony. "Indictments, Myths, and Citizen Mobilization in Argentina: A Discourse Analysis." Latin American Politics and Society 47, no. 4 (2005): 27–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2005.tb00327.x.

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AbstractMost accounts of the turmoil that shook Argentina in 2001–2 focused on the harmful impact of the financial environment, imprudent policymaking, and institutional weaknesses. These explanations paid little attention to the cultural frames and cognitive patterns that underlie the connection between civil society and political society. Based on a discourse analysis of Internet forums and presidential speeches, this article argues that the Argentine crisis cannot be fully grasped without considering the link between collective behavior and ingrained conceptions of national identity. The analysis finds that national myths and definitional questions of national purpose are key factors in the way citizens behave in the context of an economic and political crisis.

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24

기세찬. "A Study on the Mobilization National Government during Sino-Japanese War." SA-CHONG(sa) ll, no. 85 (May 2015): 121–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.16957/sa..85.201505.121.

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25

Potseluev, Sergei. "Social forgetfulness as a symbolic resource of national mobilization (conceptual aspect)." Political Science (RU), no. 2 (2020): 42–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/poln/2020.02.02.

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26

Givel, Michael. "Consent and Counter-Mobilization: The Case of The National Smokers Alliance." Journal of Health Communication 12, no. 4 (June 14, 2007): 339–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10810730701326002.

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27

Mendelsohn, Matthew. "Measuring national identity and patterns of attachment: Quebec and nationalist mobilization." Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 8, no. 3 (September 2002): 72–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537110208428670.

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28

Jeffery, Charlie. "Sub‐National Mobilization and European Integration: Does it Make any Difference?" JCMS: Journal of Common Market Studies 38, no. 1 (March 2000): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-5965.00206.

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29

Sircar, Neelanjan. "The politics of vishwas: political mobilization in the 2019 national election." Contemporary South Asia 28, no. 2 (April 2, 2020): 178–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09584935.2020.1765988.

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30

VIEIRA, ANA CAROLINA ALFINITO, and SIGRID QUACK. "TRAJECTORIES OF TRANSNATIONAL MOBILIZATION FOR INDIGENOUS RIGHTS IN BRAZIL." Revista de Administração de Empresas 56, no. 4 (August 2016): 380–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0034-759020160403.

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ABSTRACT While research on episodes of transnational activism has advanced substantially in recent years, our knowledge about how long-term trajectories of cross-border activism affect the formation of national social movements and their capacity to influence domestic institutional change is still limited. This paper addresses this gap by analyzing transnational mobilization around the political and economic rights of indigenous groups in Brazil. We show that early pathways of transnational mobilization generated a set of ideational, organizational and institutional outcomes that enabled previously marginalized actors to shape the directions of institutional change within the country at the time of the Brazilian democratic transition. We identify three initially uncoordinated trajectories of transnational mobilization taking place in the late 1960s and 1970s and show how they converged over time through two social mechanisms - institutional cross-referencing and social networking - to form an increasingly tightly knit inter-sectoral social movement that was capable of influencing institution-building during the period of the National Constitutional Assembly (1978-1988). We conclude with a discussion of the linkages between transnational activism and national social movement formation.

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31

Weisskircher, Manès. "The European Citizens’ Initiative: Mobilization Strategies and Consequences." Political Studies 68, no. 3 (July 30, 2019): 797–815. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321719859792.

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Research on the European Citizens’ Initiative has neglected the crucial role of social movements. This article contributes to the study of mobilization strategies and campaign consequences through two novel arguments: First, in explaining successful mobilization, I argue that the European Citizens’ Initiative as a political opportunity structure incentivizes the organization of nationally focused campaigns centred in at least one large, that is, populous state, instead of Europe-wide activism. Second, in explaining the multiple consequences of European Citizens’ Initiative mobilization, I show that a campaign may have important, often unintended, effects beyond (the failure to achieve) policy change, including disappointment with the democratic process leading to European Citizens’ Initiative reform and a renewed focus on national politics. This article provides an in-depth analysis of one of the only five European Citizens’ Initiative campaigns that have been able to collect the required one million signatures, while referring to other campaigns as shadow cases. The findings have important implications for debates on EU democracy.

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32

Sibilla, Alberto, Peter Nydahl, Nicola Greco, Giuseppe Mungo, Natalie Ott, Ines Unger, Spencer Rezek, Sarah Gemperle, Dale M. Needham, and Sapna R. Kudchadkar. "Mobilization of Mechanically Ventilated Patients in Switzerland." Journal of Intensive Care Medicine 35, no. 1 (August 29, 2017): 55–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0885066617728486.

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Purpose: Growing evidence suggests that early mobilization benefits intensive care unit (ICU) patients. However, national practices and the culture of individual ICUs influence mobilization activities. Materials and Methods: In a 1-day, Swiss point prevalence study conducted in 35 ICUs (representing 45% of all ICUs), the highest level of mobilization for mechanically ventilated patients was characterized using the validated ICU Mobility Scale, along with data collection for potential safety events and mobilization barriers. Results: Among 161 mechanically ventilated patients, a total of 33% (n = 53) had active mobilization, with walking achieved by only 2% (n = 4). More severe organ failure was associated with lower mobilization (respiratory Sequential Organ Failure Assessment score: P = .037, cardiac: P = .008, neurology: P < .001). Barriers to mobilization were reported in 71% (n = 115), with deep sedation significantly higher among patients receiving passive versus active mobilization (14% vs 0%, P = .005). Potential safety events occurred in 20% (n = 33) of patients without significant differences between passive and active mobilization. Availability of physiotherapists and appropriate equipment were not reported barriers. Conclusion: Mobilization during mechanical ventilation occurred infrequently with greater organ failure associated with lower mobilization. Addressing the identified modifiable barriers via structured efforts to achieve multidisciplinary culture change is essential to decrease the common use of bed rest in Swiss ICUs.

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33

Jackman, Simon, and Bradley Spahn. "Why Does the American National Election Study Overestimate Voter Turnout?" Political Analysis 27, no. 2 (November 5, 2018): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/pan.2018.36.

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Surveys are a key tool for understanding political behavior, but they are subject to biases that render their estimates about the frequency of socially desirable behaviors inaccurate. For decades the American National Election Study (ANES) has overestimated voter turnout, though the causes of this persistent bias are poorly understood. The face-to-face component of the 2012 ANES produced a turnout estimate at least 13 points higher than the benchmark voting-eligible population turnout rate. We consider three explanations for this overestimate in the survey: nonresponse bias, over-reporting and the possibility that the ANES constitutes an inadvertent mobilization treatment. Analysis of turnout data supplied by voter file vendors allows the three phenomena to be measured for the first time in a single survey. We find that over-reporting is the largest contributor, responsible for six percentage points of the turnout overestimate, while nonresponse bias and mobilization account for an additional 4 and 3 percentage points, respectively.

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Pustovoyt, Yurii. "PROTEST IN THE CITIES OF SIBERIA: THE EXPERIENCE OF MEASURING FACTORS OF MOBILIZATION ACTIVITY." Вестник Пермского университета. Политология 14, no. 3 (2020): 122–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.17072/2218-1067-2020-3-122-130.

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The paper considers a set of conditions that stimulate mobilization activity. Based on the J. Goldstone’s fourth-generation revolution model, the author proposes such stimuli: the effectiveness of government, the dissatisfaction and the elites, and the protesters' notion of the power. The author reviews protesting regions’ capitals with these factors based on the assessment of mobilization. The preliminary results show that the higher the level of urban prosperity and of formal competition, the higher the mobilization activity and the ability of protest communities to establish control over resources and to achieve their goals. The main components influencing the protest identity (“anger”, “profit” and “enemy”) are proposed. Further development of mobilization takes various forms. In the most prosperous cities, it is likely for protest communities of liberal, socialist, and national-patriotic types to become an element of political competition and to complement electoral and symbolic struggle concentrated around certain leaders and topics: social justice, ecology, legal protection and values of liberalism. The other extreme (in dysfunctional cities) — short-term situational outbreaks of protest around national, state, religious or socialist ideals. The mobilization activity here is minimal, which does not exclude active street events resulting in possible personnel shifts with the relative stability of the power coalitions.

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Van Laer, Jeroen. "THE MOBILIZATION DROPOUT RACE: INTERPERSONAL NETWORKS AND MOTIVATIONS PREDICTING DIFFERENTIAL RECRUITMENT IN A NATIONAL CLIMATE CHANGE DEMONSTRATION*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 22, no. 3 (September 1, 2017): 311–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-3-311.

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The question of why some people participate in collective action, while most of them do not, has puzzled social movement scholars for decades, continuing to generate a burgeoning literature on what has been termed “differential recruitment.” Studies investigating protest participation, however, rarely compare actual participants with nonparticipants. The most important reason is a methodological one: it is difficult to organize a pre- and post-design that allows for disentangling the whole mobilization process leading towards a protest demonstration. In this article, I present data about 2,100 potential and actual participants in a national climate change demonstration in Belgium. Relying on this unique dataset, I present a comprehensive model including interpersonal networks and issue-related motivations to predict and explain participation and nonparticipation in a specific protest demonstration. Conceiving protest mobilization as a multistage process, I indicate how networks and motivations each have a distinct role in different stages of the mobilization process.

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36

Martin, Cathie Jo. "Nature or Nurture? Sources of Firm Preference for National Health Reform." American Political Science Review 89, no. 4 (December 1995): 898–913. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2082516.

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I shall explore the process by which firms develop their political preferences, using the case of national health reform. Although rising health costs have heavily burdened many companies, I argue that economic interests alone are unable to account for the variation in firm response to the national reform effort. Rather, institutional factors, shown elsewhere to shape government decision making, also influence corporate preferences. These are (1) the institutionalization of private policy expertise within the firm, (2) firm participation in policy groups, and (3) policy legacies. These findings challenge conventional views of business political mobilization that suggest largely autonomous agents acting on the basis of easily recognized self-interests. Preference formation and corporate mobilization transpire in collective settings as a new stratum of corporate policy managers search for solutions to social problems. The primacy of economic concerns is very real. But institutional analysis explains how these economic concerns are interpreted and acted upon.

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37

Xuan, Li, Xiuli Wu, Min Dai, Zhenyi Jin, Xinyu Wang, Sijian Yu, Yan Xu, et al. "The Effect of G-CSF Mobilization on the Expression of Immunoregulatory-Associated Molecules and G-CSFR Gene in the Peripheral Blood γδ+ T Cells." Blood 124, no. 21 (December 6, 2014): 3855. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood.v124.21.3855.3855.

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Abstract Background Granulocyte colony-stimulating factor (G-CSF) mobilized peripheral blood stem cell has been used more frequently than bone marrow as the source of stem cells in allogeneic hematopoietic stem cell transplantation. Although it contains more mature T cells, neither the incidence nor the severity of acute graft-versus-host disease (aGVHD) is higher compared with bone marrow transplantation. This might be due to the immunoregulatory effects of G-CSF on T cells, including that G-CSF directly modulated via its receptor on T cells or indirectly modulated T cell immune responses via effector cells and cytokines. Recent studies have shown that γδ+ T cells have immunoregulatory function, and might also participate in the pathogenesis of GVHD. However, these mechanisms are not fully understood, and whether G-CSF could influence the immunoregulatory-associated gene expression of γδ+ T cells remains unknown. The aim of this study is to investigate the effect of G-CSF mobilization on the expression of immunoregulatory-associated molecules and G-CSFR gene in the peripheral blood γδ+T cells. Methods Peripheral blood γδ+ T cells were sorted by magnetic activated cell-sorting system. The expression levels of immunoregulatory- associated molecules (Foxp3, CD25, CTLA-4, GITR, TLR8, STAT-1, STAT-3 and RORc) and G-CSFR gene were analyzed in peripheral blood γδ+ T cells from 10 donors before and after G-CSF mobilization, using real-time reverse transcription polymerase chain reaction with SYBR Green I staining. The β2-microglobulin gene was used as an endogenous reference, and the relative mRNA expression level of each gene was evaluated by the 2-ΔCt×100% method. Results The expression levels of Foxp3, CD25, CTLA-4 and GITR genes in peripheral blood γδ+ T cells were similar before and after G-CSF mobilization (P=0.827, P=0.667, P=0.053 and P=0.129). The expression level of TLR8 gene in peripheral blood γδ+ T cells after G-CSF mobilization (0.731% ± 0.350%) was significantly higher than that before mobilization (0.188% ± 0.176%) (P=0.001). The expression level of STAT-1 gene in peripheral blood γδ+ T cells did not differ significantly before and after G-CSF mobilization (P=1.000), while the expression levels of STAT-3, RORc and G-CSFR genes in peripheral blood γδ+ T cells after mobilization (0.536% ± 0.234%, 0.683% ± 0.250%, 8.208% ± 6.175%) were significantly higher than that before mobilization (0.243% ± 0.134%, 0.356% ± 0.179%, 1.947% ± 1.442%) (P=0.003, P=0.003 and P=0.007). Conclusions G-CSF mobilization might increase the expression levels of TLR8, STAT-3, RORc and G-CSFR genes in peripheral blood γδ+T cells. The result suggested that G-CSF might play the role of immunoregulation by affecting γδ+ T cells. Disclosures Xuan: It was supported by National Natural Science Foundation of China (81270647, 81300445, 81200388); National High Technology Research and Development Program of China (863 Program) (2011AA020105): Research Funding. Wu:It was supported by National Natural Science Foundation of China (81270647, 81300445, 81200388); National High Technology Research and Development Program of China (863 Program) (2011AA020105): Research Funding; It was supported by the Technology Plan of Guangdong Province of China (2012B031800403); the project of the Zhujiang Science & Technology Star of Guangzhou city (2013027).: Research Funding. Liu:It was supported by National Natural Science Foundation of China (81270647, 81300445, 81200388); National High Technology Research and Development Program of China (863 Program) (2011AA020105); National Public Health Grand Research Foundation (201202017): Research Funding; It was supported by Natural Science Foundation of Guangdong Province (S2012010009299); the project of health collaborative innovation of Guangzhou city (201400000003-4, 201400000003-1): Research Funding; It was supported by the Technology Plan of Guangdong Province of China (2012B031800403); the project of the Zhujiang Science & Technology Star of Guangzhou city (2013027): Research Funding.

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Xuan, Li, Xiuli Wu, Zhenyi Jin, Xu Wang, Min Dai, Yu Zhang, Yangqiu Li, and Qifa Liu. "Effect Of Granulocyte Colony-Stimulating Factor Mobilization On The Expression Of Th1/Th2 Chemokines and Their Receptors." Blood 122, no. 21 (November 15, 2013): 4512. http://dx.doi.org/10.1182/blood.v122.21.4512.4512.

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Background Granulocyte colony-stimulating factor (G-CSF) mobilized peripheral blood stem cell (PBSC) has been used more frequently than bone marrow as the source of stem cells in allogeneic hematopoietic stem cell transplantation (allo-HSCT). Although it contains more mature T cells, neither the incidence nor the severity of acute graft-versus-host disease (aGVHD) is higher compared with bone marrow transplantation. This might be due to the immunoregulatory effects of G-CSF on adaptive immunity, including that G-CSF directly modulated via its receptor on T cells or indirectly modulated T cell immune responses via effector cells and cytokines. However, these mechanisms are not fully understood, and whether G-CSF could influence the expression of Th1/Th2 chemokines and their receptors remains unknown. The aim of this study is to investigate the effect of G-CSF mobilization on the expression of Th1/Th2 chemokines and their receptors. Methods The expression levels of Th1 chemokines (CXCL9, CXCL10, and CXCL11), Th2 chemokines (CCL17, CCL22) and their receptors CXCR3 and CCR4 were analyzed in peripheral blood mononuclear cells (PBMCs) from 25 donors before and after G-CSF mobilization, using real-time RT-PCR with SYBR Green±staining. The β2-microglobulin gene (β2-MG) was used as an endogenous reference, and the relative mRNA expression level of each gene was evaluated by the 2-ΔC t×100% method. Results The median expression level of CXCR3 was similar before and after G-CSF mobilization (0.1426% and 0.1109%) (P=0.278), while the expression level of CCR4 after G-CSF mobilization (0.0985%) was significantly lower than that before mobilization (0.1415%) (P=0.039). The median expression levels of CXCL9, CXCL10, and CXCL11 genes before mobilization (0.0048%, 0.0576% and 0.0079%) were not significantly different from that after G-CSF mobilization (0.0143%, 0.0666% and 0.0088%)(P=0.086, P=0.535 and P=0.680). The median expression levels of CCL17 and CCL22 were also similar before and after G-CSF mobilization (P=0.155, P=0.476). The expression pattern of three Th1 chemokines before mobilization was CXCL10> CXCL11> CXCL9, whereas it changed to CXCL10> CXCL9> CXCL11 after mobilization. The expression pattern of two Th2 chemokines before mobilization was CCL17> CCL22, whereas it changed to CCL22> CCL17 after mobilization. The relative expression levels of CXCL10 and CXCL11 genes before mobilization both showed a positive correlation to that after mobilization (P<0.001, r=0.760; P=0.024, r=0.470). Before mobilization, signiﬁcant positive correlation was observed between the expression levels of CXCL9 and CXCL10, CXCL11 and CXCR3, CXCL11 and CCL22, CXCR3 and CCL22 (P<0.001, r=0.902; P=0.003, r=0.584; P=0.022, r=0.473; P<0.001, r=0.674, respectively). After G-CSF mobilization, signiﬁcant positive correlation was observed between the expression levels of CXCL9 and CCL22, CXCL10 and CXCL11, CXCR3 and CCR4, CXCR3 and CCL22, CXCR3 and CCL17, CCL22 and CCL17 (P=0.001, r=0.653; P=0.001, r=0.665; P=0.002, r=0.602; P=0.028, r=0.458; P<0.001, r=0.738; P=0.044, r=0.424, respectively). Conclusions Our findings suggest that G-CSF mobilization might mainly influence the expression level of CCR4 genes in Th1/Th2 chemokines and their receptors. The expression patterns of Th1 chemokines and Th2 chemokines might both change after G-CSF mobilization. Disclosures: Li: This work was supported by Grants from National Natural Science Foundation of China (30871091 and 91129720), the Collaborated grant for HK-Macao-TW of Ministry of Science and Technology (2012DFH30060), the Guangdong Science & Technology Project (2012B0506: Research Funding. Liu:It was supported by 863 Program (No. 2011AA020105).: Research Funding; It was supported by National Public Health Grand Research Foundation (Grant No. 201202017), National Natural Science Foundation of China (Grant No.81000231, No.81270647).: Research Funding; It was supported by Science and Technology Program of Guangzhou of China (11A72121174).: Research Funding.

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Hutchison, Marc L. "Territorial Threat, Mobilization, and Political Participation in Africa." Conflict Management and Peace Science 28, no. 3 (July 2011): 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894211404790.

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The link between territorial issues and incidents of militarized conflict is one of the most consistent patterns found in the empirical study of international relations. Consequently, disputes over territory are generally perceived to be more salient to state decision-makers than other types of issues. Given this relative issue salience, state elites are thought to be more likely to engage in domestic mobilization efforts when territory is externally threatened. The political participation literature observes wide cross-national differences in participatory behavior and contends that the level and timing of participation is partially a function of elite-led strategic mobilization. I propose that these phenomena are connected and that territorial threats are associated with overall patterns in non-voting political participation across countries. I assess this relationship with cross-national, multilevel models using 27 Afrobarometer surveys collected in 16 different countries from 1999 to 2003. As expected, if salient external threats are triggering domestic mobilization efforts, I find that territorial threats are positively associated with most forms of non-voting political participation. However, I also observe lower levels of protest behavior in states that recently experienced a territorial threat—a finding that corresponds with previous research linking salient external threats to increased societal cohesion.

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Johnston, Hank, and Aili Aarelaid-Tart. "Generations, Microcohorts, and Long-Term Mobilization: The Estonian National Movement, 1940–1991." Sociological Perspectives 43, no. 4 (December 2000): 671–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1389553.

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Crowther, William. "The Politics of Ethno-National Mobilization: Nationalism and Reform in Soviet Moldavia." Russian Review 50, no. 2 (April 1991): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/131158.

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Wang, Xinran Joyce, Rhonda K. Reger, Wenjun Zhou, and David W. Williams. "Cross-Border Social Disapproval: Social Media, National Animosity, and Nationalism as Mobilization." Academy of Management Proceedings 2017, no. 1 (August 2017): 17092. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2017.17092abstract.

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Smith, James. "Sub-national Mobilization and the Scottish Government’s Action Plan on European Engagement." Public Policy and Administration 25, no. 2 (April 2010): 216–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076709356863.

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Tzfadia, Erez, and Oren Yiftachel. "Between urban and national: Political mobilization among Mizrahim in Israel’s ‘development towns’." Cities 21, no. 1 (February 2004): 41–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2003.10.006.

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Nepal, Pramshu. "Comparative Study of Local Resource Mobilization of Rupandehi's VDCs with National Level." Butwal Campus Journal 2, no. 1 (April 1, 2020): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/bcj.v2i1.35668.

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Faruque, M. Omar. "Nationalist Imaginaries and Political Mobilization Against Global Extractive Capital." Critical Sociology 46, no. 7-8 (May 23, 2020): 1251–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920520925860.

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Contemporary scholarship on neoliberal globalization and countermovement tends to focus on the global dimension of political struggles. The role of nationalist imaginaries in mobilizing grievances against neoliberal globalization receives little attention in this literature. This article probes these ideas using the case of NCBD, known for its political struggles against global extractive capital in Bangladesh. Drawing on critical globalization scholarship vis-à-vis the power of the state and the ability of countermovements to contest neoliberal globalization, the article analyzes how NCBD’s political imaginaries center on nature, nation, and the state to achieve its movement agenda. Based on qualitative data derived from a set of interviews and relevant organizational documents, it demonstrates the relevance of national scale as a movement site in mediating local and global questions for emancipatory political struggles. It explains how NCBD articulates nationalist imaginaries to mobilize a political vision of the “national” in an era of neoliberal globalism.

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Lee, Cheol-Sung. "Labor Unions and Good Governance: A Cross-National, Comparative Analysis." American Sociological Review 72, no. 4 (August 2007): 585–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000312240707200405.

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Using network-based measures of unions' centrality among civic associations, this article builds and tests a theoretical framework that highlights labor unions' central role in enhancing governance. I first construct three measures to capture the connectedness and power of representative voluntary civic associations, membership density, degree centrality (comemberships), and power centrality, based on the affiliation network matrices for 54 countries, using the latest World Values Survey. I then test the key argument that unions' power centrality has significant positive effects on governance, controlling for general socioeconomic and international factors. The findings from standard statistical analyses, as well as from comparative case studies of affiliation networks, support my claims that union-centered or union-linked civic mobilization achieves a balance of class power not only in civil society, but also within state institutions, strengthening reformist parties and policy makers. This article also suggests that this power shift in the state power structure leads to better governance. I highlight the role of labor-based organizations in making governments effective and responsible, and I bring the bottom-up process of civic mobilization and social accountability back into the discussion of social capital and governance.

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Köllner, Patrick. "Upper House Elections in Japan and the Power of the ‘Organized Vote’." Japanese Journal of Political Science 3, no. 1 (May 2002): 113–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109902000166.

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Vote mobilization qua local and national organizations has played an important role in postwar Japanese elections for both Houses of Parliament. However, while there is an abundant literature on personal support organizations (kôenkai) of individual politicians in the Lower House, the role of national organizations for vote mobilization in Upper House elections has so far received only scant attention. The phenomenon of the ‘organized vote’ in postwar Upper House elections in Japan raises a number of questions. How important has it been in terms of voting behavior? What are the factors underlying organized voting? And how has the electoral clout of national organizations changed over time? This article tries to make a modest contribution to the debate on ‘organized voting’. In particular, it addresses the proposition that the ability of national interest groups to mobilize votes has declined significantly. The main empirical point of reference in this article are the 2001 Upper House elections.

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Shuper, Viacheslav A. "National Idea: the View of a Geographer." Voprosy Filosofii, no. 8 (2021): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2021-8-5-14.

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The formulation of the national idea takes place in the context of a sharp escalation of the struggle for power as a result of the transition to a multipolar world, a fundamental slowdown in demographic and economic growth, the beginning of the second global disintegration cycle and the end of the five-hundred-year domination of the West. Russia developed Siberia, but was at the same time a product of it. Probably, the national character and the national idea were largely formed by centuries of moving to the Pacific. Without Siberia, the country would now occupy the same modest place other metropolises of former colonial empires do. National idea should be inspired by the independence of thoughts and the spirit of the pioneers. The large-scale projects which form large-scale personalities to prevent the spread of ignorance and a learned-out helplessness are necessary for the development of the country. The L.N. Gumilev’s geographic-psychological concept gains in this context special interest. “The saving of the people” should have not only the demographic but also the energetic dimension. Gumilev’s concept is meant to restore the position of the natural sciences in the formation of the scientific view of the world which sees humanity as a part of nature with special qualities. It is also necessary to rethink the position of V.I. Vernadsky about the organization of the learning people in the context of the mobilization model of the development of society. The essence of this model should be the mobilization model of education, which should be considered as the basis of the national idea.

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Janssen, Joseph I. H. "Postmaterialism, Cognitive Mobilization and Public Support for European Integration." British Journal of Political Science 21, no. 4 (October 1991): 443–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400006256.

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This article reviews the trends in public support for European integration in West Germany, France, Italy and Great Britain. The first conclusion is that the picture one gets depends heavily on the indicator one uses to measure support. This finding is probably a consequence of the fact that many people are only dimly aware of the issue. Furthermore, it appears that there are striking cross-national differences in support and in the development of support through time. To explain these differences, as well as the formation of individual attitudes towards integration, Inglehart's theory of the Silent Revolution is used. The theory and its central concepts – postmaterialism and cognitive mobilization – are put on trial at three levels of aggregation. The results are poor. Postmaterialism appears to be unrelated to attitudes towards European integration, while the concept of cognitive mobilization makes sense only at the individual level. The conclusion is therefore that Inglehart's theory is of almost no use in explaining attitudes towards integration and cross-national differences in support.

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