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Academic literature on the topic 'National parliaments'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 10 March 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "National parliaments"

1

Jancic, Davor. "The French Parliament: A European Scrutineer or National Actor?" European Public Law 19, Issue 1 (March 1, 2013): 129–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2013007.

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With the Treaty of Lisbon in force, the expectation for national parliaments to democratize EU decision making has risen tangibly. This raises the question of the relationship between them and the European Parliament, as two channels of EU legitimation. The main argument of this article is that, in circumstances of high political salience of EU initiatives, national parliaments can be deemed to be European actors, performing their constitutional functions within a broader EU legal order as direct counterparts of EU institutions. To demonstrate this, we delve into the French Parliament's scrutiny of the Services Directive and the European External Action Service Decision, both of which have sparked strong reactions in many parliamentary corners of Europe. We focus on the role perceptions of the French MPs and senators in their ex ante monitoring of these two dossiers. The analysis reveals that political control is not always directed only at the Government, but that EU institutions can be addressees of national parliamentary scrutiny.

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Dominioni, Goran, Alberto Quintavalla, and Alessandro Romano. "Trust spillovers among national and European institutions." European Union Politics 21, no. 2 (January 17, 2020): 276–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1465116519897835.

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In this article, we study spillovers in political trust between the national parliaments of 15 Member States and the European Commission, the European Parliament and the European Central Bank in the period 2000–2015. We show that in most instances spillovers between the national parliaments and the European Commission and the European Parliament are bidirectional, asymmetric, and change over time and place. A corollary of these findings is that simultaneously achieving high level of trust in institutions at different levels of governance may require a deeper understanding of the complex inter-institutional relationships that exist in the EU multilevel governance setting.

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Jensen, Mads Dagnis, and Dorte Martinsen. "Out of Time? National Parliaments and Early Decision-Making in the European Union." Government and Opposition 50, no. 2 (August 7, 2014): 240–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.20.

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Co-decisions between the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament are increasingly adopted as early agreements. Recent EU studies have pinpointed how this informal turn in EU governance has altered the existing balance of power between EU actors and within EU institutions. However, the implications of accelerated EU decision-making are expected to have repercussions beyond the EU system and in other institutions impinging on the role of national parliaments. This study examines the implications of an alteration of EU political time on national parliaments’ ability to scrutinize their executives in EU affairs. A mixed method approach has been applied. This strategy combines survey data on national parliaments’ scrutiny process and response to early agreements for 26 EU countries with a case study examination of national parliaments in Denmark, the UK and Germany. The burgeoning research agenda on EU timescapes is applied. This study finds that the clocks of most national parliaments are out of time with the EU decision-mode of early agreements, which severely hampers the national parliaments’ ability to scrutinize national governments.

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Czachór, Zbigniew, and Janusz Ruszkowski. "Proces wzmacniania kompetencji Parlamentu Europejskiego a nowa pozycja parlamentów narodowych w systemie politycznym Unii Europejskiej." Przegląd Sejmowy 5(166) (2021): 9–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31268/ps.2021.58.

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The authors attempt to examine two parallel and often treated as incomplete processes of strengthening the competences of the European Parliament and at the same time defining a place of national parliaments of Member States in the political system of the EU. The parallelism of these phenomena may seem paradoxical, since it can be assumed that despite competency competition between the EP and the national parliaments, strengthening the competences of the former does not preclude maximising the competences of the latter. The system of unification and harmonisation present in the European Union does not have to weaken national parliaments. The more so that the parliaments of the Member States try to neutralise the autonomy of EU institutions, which “appropriate” their current field of play. The analysis was made based on a research sample consisting of methods for strengthening the EP and methods for maximising the parliaments of the Member States.

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Louis, Jean-Victor. "The Lisbon Treaty: The Irish ‘No’.: National Parliaments and the Principle of Subsidiarity – Legal Options and Practical Limits." European Constitutional Law Review 4, no. 3 (October 2008): 429–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s157401960800429x.

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Winner: national parliaments or European Parliament? – Differences between Lisbon Treaty and Constitutional Treaty – Latent rivalry – Lisbon innovation – National parliaments now actors in the Union? – Early warning mechanism as solution of compromise – Dual system of the two protocols: yellow and orange cards – Review – Compliance – Interparliamentary co-operation – Complexity of COSAC's involvement – Link between proportionality and subsidiarity – Conception of representative democracy – Position of the Court of Justice

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Neunreither, Karlheinz. "The European Parliament and National Parliaments: Conflict or cooperation?" Journal of Legislative Studies 11, no. 3-4 (October 2005): 466–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572330500273802.

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Perkowski, Maciej, and Jakub A. Farhan. "Strengthening the Role of National Parliaments in the European Union – What for and How?" Studies in Logic, Grammar and Rhetoric 59, no. 1 (September 1, 2019): 123–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/slgr-2019-0033.

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Abstract In the debate on the European Union’s problems, the concept of “democracy deficit” has been present from its very beginning. This term is applied in a quite vast manner and, apart from the asymmetry of the relation between the European Parliament and the Council, it also concerns the overly limited role of national parliaments in the European Union. In this regard, inadequacy in the national position of individual parliaments is observed. On the other hand, it is necessary to emphasise their uneven activity on their European aspirations. At the time when the European dispute on the rule of law in Poland has polarized attitudes and language in statements on both sides – despite irresponsible trends – it is worth to examine the participation of national parliaments (including the Polish parliament) in the European inter-parliamentary dialogue and, consequently, to determine whether and how its constructive impact on the European Union and its law functions.

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Öberg, Jacob. "National Parliaments and Political Control of EU Competences: A Sufficient Safeguard of Federalism?" European Public Law 24, Issue 4 (December 1, 2018): 695–731. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/euro2018040.

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It is clear that the formal inclusion of the national parliament as a political actor within the EU decision-making process has been one of the most important innovations of the Lisbon Treaty. Their role, however, remains controversial. It is on the one hand disputed whether national parliaments enjoy sufficient powers to tame ‘competence creep’. On the other hand, it is contested to what extent it is desirable that they should become involved as a legislative actor in the EU’s decision-making procedure. This essay contributes to these debates by critically examining to what extent national parliaments can contribute to the enforcement of the subsidiarity principle. The article contends that national parliaments by having taken a too expansive view of their remit under Protocol No 2 appears to have ‘misunderstood’ their role within the EU- decision making procedure. Notwithstanding this, it is sustained that national parliaments could, in the absence of other trustworthy safeguards of federalism, be seen as a promising avenue for legitimate political control of the exercise of EU competences

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Esentürk, N. Nevra. "Turkish Foreign Policy and the Role of the TGNA: Cases of Syria (and Iraq) Motions." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 44, no. 1 (February 2019): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0304375419844634.

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The study aims to explore the role of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) in Turkish foreign policy with respect to the cases of the Syria (and Iraq) motions. In the academic literature, there is considerable research arguing that parliaments do not influence parliamentary democracies’ foreign policies. However, the existing literature does not provide examples or case studies that go beyond the limited role of legislatures in the foreign policies of parliamentary democracies. Parliaments, as the primary institutions for representative and participatory democracy, have limited but complementary role(s) in foreign policy, even under the circumstances where it is least likely for the parliaments to have influence on foreign policy affairs. Turkey’s decisions on the Syria (and Iraq) motions illustrate how parliament can play complementary roles in foreign affairs, which is significant in the effective functioning of the foreign policy decision. What are the specific effects of the complementary role of the parliament? What is the position of the political opposition, intraparty dynamics, and public opinion in the parliament’s playing that role? To elaborate on these questions, primary data are gathered from the proceedings of the TGNA during plenary sessions (covering the 24th, 25th, and 26th parliaments) to examine the deliberations and positions of political parties voting on the motions. In addition, the domestic context in the related terms is examined, elaborating on the state of political parties in the TGNA, single party, and intraparty dynamics. The primary data are supported by interviews. The findings of the study give significant insights that go beyond the limited role of parliaments in foreign policy and explore the complementary role of the legislature in foreign policy in terms of parliamentary legitimacy and the parliament as a venue for the opposition.

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Maurer, Andreas. "The European Parliament, the national parliaments and the EU Conventions." Politique européenne 9, no. 1 (2003): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/poeu.009.0076.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "National parliaments"

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Ruedin, Didier. "Symbolic and ideological representation in national parliaments : a cross-national comparison of the representation of women, ethnic groups and issue positions in national parliaments /." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ouls.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:94320eba-9ccd-4bfa-90c8-230462fe2eb8.

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Bengtson, Christina. "National parliaments and European legislation : how scrutiny procedures have adapted and why." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2006. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1041/.

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National parliaments have always been involved in the affairs of the European Union. They have debated and voted on joining the Community and have ratified the European treaties negotiated by their governments. On a more regular basis, national parliaments have also, to varying degrees, scrutinised European legislation and the European-level activities of their executives. Increasingly, it has been recognised that national parliaments underpin decisions taken at the European level by legitimising the actions of their executives. As Europeanisation has progressed and the impact of European legislation has become more widely felt at the domestic level, national parliaments have found that their space to manoeuvre has shrunk. National parliaments have become part of a multi-level system of governance and can no longer, singularly, determine the parameters within which they operate. The traditional model of undertaking scrutiny, with specialised European committees operating in isolation from the rest of parliament, is therefore no longer tenable. EU specialists are unable to provide the expertise on all areas covered by European integration and increasingly require the expertise found in other committees within national parliaments to perform their scrutiny adequately. Inter-parliamentary contacts have contributed to a better understanding of common parliamentary problems. Parliamentarians have become more aware of the challenges of Europeanisation and globalisation, but have also discovered ways to, collectively and individually, face these challenges. National parliaments are likely to remain firmly anchored in the domestic level, maintaining their roles as legitimisers of national executives as well as expressions of national sovereignty. They can therefore also be expected to remain independent and autonomous institutions, determining their own activities and procedures. As a consequence, the impetus behind any move by national parliaments to further develop their influence over European (or global) decision-making and activities must come from within national parliaments themselves.

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Jalvingh, H. J. "National parliaments in EU policy-making : when do they make a difference?" Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2016. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1532687/.

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In 2009, the Lisbon Treaty introduced new roles for national parliaments in EU decision-making with the aim of increasing democratic legitimacy in the EU. One key role was deemed to be the ability to ensure governments represented the electorate when negotiating at EU level. This thesis explores under what conditions national parliaments employ their formal powers for this purpose. It does so by using a normative categorisation of political representation to frame an empirical analysis comparing two national parliaments (the House of Commons in the UK and the Second Chamber in the Netherlands). Each deploys its formal powers to control and influence government representatives in different ways – the first operates by empowering them as trustees, while the second tends to treat them as delegates. The thesis compares the impact of these two approaches over a number of case studies. The main theoretical argument suggests that the formal powers of both types are relevant, but their impact varies under different conditions (like party composition, salience and the Lisbon Treaty). The empirical part of the study consists of applying the descriptive categorisation of Pitkin’s political representation theory to the world as it is, and examining to what extent mechanisms of control and influence make NPs part of a delegatory or trusteeship model based upon commonly-used indicators. Secondly, it investigates under what conditions the government is most likely to be responsive to the NP. The outcome of the case studies shows that, notwithstanding their formal powers, national parliaments can act on either a delegatory or trusteeship model of representation depending on different circumstances. The conclusions of this research contribute to the literature on institutional adaptation and to the normative debate on political representation, but are equally relevant to EU policy-makers involved in future Treaty changes focusing on further developing the EU’s democratic legitimacy.

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PAOLINI, Giulia. "The legitimacy deficit of the European Union and the role of national parliaments." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10445.

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Defence date: 17 September 2007
Examining Board: Prof. Morten Kelstrup, (University of Copenhagen) ; Prof. Peter Mair, (European University Institute) ; Prof. Gianfranco Pasquino, (University of Bologna) ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter, (EUI Professional Fellow)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available

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5

Kiiver, Philipp. "The national parliaments in the European Union a critical view on EU constitution-building /." [Maastricht : Maastricht : Universiteit Maastricht] ; University Library, Maastricht University [Host], 2005. http://arno.unimaas.nl/show.cgi?fid=6450.

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Höing, Oliver [Verfasser], Wolfgang [Akademischer Betreuer] Wessels, and Christine [Akademischer Betreuer] Neuhold. "Asymmetric Influence: National Parliaments in the European Stability Mechanism / Oliver Höing. Gutachter: Wolfgang Wessels ; Christine Neuhold." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1080719229/34.

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Kreilinger, Valentin [Verfasser], Henrik [Akademischer Betreuer] Enderlein, and Olivier [Gutachter] Rozenberg. "National parliaments in Europe’s post-crisis economic governance / Valentin Kreilinger ; Gutachter: Olivier Rozenberg ; Betreuer: Henrik Enderlein." Berlin : Hertie School of Governance, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1176695711/34.

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Neuvonen, Mari. "National parliaments and EU policy-making : a comparative study of the UK, Finland, Poland and Estonia." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/ec754b01-30bc-4957-8305-5dbe17592072.

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Hefftler, Claudia [Verfasser], Wolfgang [Gutachter] Wessels, and Christine [Gutachter] Neuhold. "Opposition Parties and EU Affairs in National Parliaments: Cooperation or Competition? / Claudia Hefftler ; Gutachter: Wolfgang Wessels, Christine Neuhold." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1168798353/34.

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Yemisi, Okunbolande A. "Comparative analysis of the role of sub-national parliaments in international human rights law in Nigeria and South Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16759.

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Foreign policy has generally speaking been the traditional ‘responsibility of national governments’. This is particularly true of states with unitary systems of governments but is less true in federalist states.Federalist states are states which have adopted a system of government whereby ‘powers are divided and shared between constituent governments and a general government having certain nation-wide’ responsibilities’. Federalism is often adopted by pluralistic societies to ensure a system of uniformity while accommodating differences and to maintain national security and economic unity. By their nature, federalist states share responsibilities and powers between the central and constituent units.
Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nico Steytler, Faculty of Law, University of Western Cape, South Africa. 2010
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM

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Books on the topic "National parliaments"

1

S, Katz Richard, and Wessels Bernhard 1955-, eds. The European Parliament, the national parliaments, and European integration. New York: Oxford University Press, 1999.

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Wendler, Frank. Debating Europe in National Parliaments. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51727-2.

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Kinski, Lucy. European Representation in EU National Parliaments. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-53313-7.

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Philip, Norton, ed. National Parliaments and the European Union. London: Frank Cass, 1996.

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European Parliament. Directorate General for Research., ed. Perspectives for cooperation between the European parliament and the national parliaments. Luxembourg: European Parliament, 1997.

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European Centre for Parliamentary Research and Documentation., ed. Bodies within national parliaments specialising in European Community affairs. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1990.

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European Centre for Parliamentary Research and Documentation., ed. Bodies within national parliaments specialising in European Community affairs. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1989.

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European Parliament. Directorate-General for Research., ed. Bodies specialising in European Community affairs within national parliaments. Luxembourg: European Parliament, 1988.

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9

1965-, Maurer Andreas, and Wessels Wolfgang, eds. National parliaments on their ways to Europe: Losers or latecomers? Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2001.

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10

Union, Inter-parliamentary, ed. Women in national parliaments: Statistical archive : archived data 1997-2003. [Bangkok?: Inter-parliamentary Union, 2004.

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Book chapters on the topic "National parliaments"

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Ladrech, Robert. "National Parliaments." In Europeanization and National Politics, 71–91. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-06814-9_4.

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Maatsch, Aleksandra. "National Parliaments As Deliberative Bodies." In Ethnic Citizenship Regimes, 33–48. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230307391_3.

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Gjorgjievska, Emilija Tudzarovska. "Legitimation Strategies and National Parliaments." In The Politics of Legitimation in the European Union, 152–70. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003217756-11.

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Bui, Ngoc Son. "The National Assembly of Vietnam." In Routledge Handbook of Asian Parliaments, 401–16. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003109402-25.

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Ying, Sun. "The National People's Congress in China." In Routledge Handbook of Asian Parliaments, 143–57. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003109402-11.

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Wendler, Frank. "Introduction." In Debating Europe in National Parliaments, 1–24. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51727-2_1.

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Wendler, Frank. "Theoretical Framework." In Debating Europe in National Parliaments, 25–60. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51727-2_2.

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Wendler, Frank. "Data and Method." In Debating Europe in National Parliaments, 61–70. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51727-2_3.

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Wendler, Frank. "Formats of Parliamentary Debate About the European Union." In Debating Europe in National Parliaments, 71–82. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51727-2_4.

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Wendler, Frank. "The Discursive Justification of European Integration." In Debating Europe in National Parliaments, 83–140. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-51727-2_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "National parliaments"

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Haw, Alistair, and Karen Sutherland. "H04 Securing the support of national parliaments for specialist Huntington’s disease services." In EHDN 2022 Plenary Meeting, Bologna, Italy, Abstracts. BMJ Publishing Group Ltd, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/jnnp-2022-ehdn.168.

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Antanoviča, Agnija. "Sabiedrības viedokļa ietekme uz sieviešu politisko pārstāvniecību: Latvijas gadījums pasaules situācijas kontekstā." In LU Studentu zinātniskā konference "Mundus et". LU Akadēmiskais apgāds, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/lu.szk.2.rk.01.

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Women’s political representation is influenced by a number of different factors, including those belonging to political, socio-economic and cultural realms. The study analyses one of these factors – public opinion, which researchers classify into a group of cultural factors. While almost half of the world’s population believes that men are better political leaders than women, the median proportion of women in national parliaments in August 2020 on average is 25%. This suggests that women’s political representation may be related to low public support for women in politics. At the same time, although Latvian society in long-term prefers men in politics, there has been a rapid increase in the proportion of women in Latvian Parliament since elections of the 13th Saeima. The aim of the study is to establish whether the situation in Latvia resembles the general global and European Union tendencies, and if not, to identify the factors influencing the increase in the proportion of women in the Saeima. The study concludes that in the context of the world and the European Union, there is a correlation between public opinion on women in politics and the proportion of women in national parliaments. The case of Latvia could be considered a deviation from the norm. The rapid increase in the proportion of women in the 13th Saeima can be attributed to factors like the election of new political forces and a party representing the leftist values, as well as the increase in women’s activity in the labour market.

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Marin, Nikolay, and Mariya Paskaleva. "AN ANALYSIS OF THE EU’S INVESTMENT POLICY AFTER CETA: EFFECTS ON THE BULGARIAN ECONOMY." In 4th International Scientific Conference – EMAN 2020 – Economics and Management: How to Cope With Disrupted Times. Association of Economists and Managers of the Balkans, Belgrade, Serbia, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.31410/eman.2020.55.

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In this paper we analyze the changes of the EU’s investment policy provoked by the mixed trade agreements. The EU’s investment policy has turned towards attaining bilateral trade agreements. One of these “new-generation” agreements is the Comprehensive Economic and Trade Agreement (CETA). It is in a process of being ratified by the national parliaments of the EU members. This study is focused on the general characteristics of CETA and the eventual problems posed by its regulatory and wide-ranging nature. We prove that the significance of this agreement pertains not only to the economic influence, that it will have on the European and Canadian economies, but CETA is also the first trade agreement to have been negotiated with a focus on investment protection and a change in the EU’s investment policy. The current study reveals the influence arising from the conclusion of CETA on the Bulgarian economy with an emphasis on electronic industry, machinery industry and manufacturing. We estimate both – the direct and indirect effects on Bulgaria’s exports, imports, value added and employment. In order to estimate the influence, we apply the multi-regional input-output model. It is proved that CETA will have a low but positive impact on the Bulgarian economy. After constructing different scenarios of development, we prove that the influence of CETA on the Bulgarian economy will amount to 0.010% GDP. The average total employment will be increased by more than 172 jobs in Bulgaria, which in turn, relative to the labor market, represents less than 0.01% of the total employment.

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Šturanović, Petar. "NARODNA SKUPŠTINA PO VIDOVDANSKOM USTAVU." In 100 GODINA OD VIDOVDANSKOG USTAVA. Faculty of law, University of Kragujevac, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/zbvu21.221s.

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The author gives his view of the Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes of 1921, pointing out its importance at that time, but also its shortcomings. The choice of a centralist, unitary state system is recognized as one of the basic aspirations of the constitution-maker, that resulted in the king's dominant position as an integrative element, which made it impossible to establish (un)wanted balances between the king and parliament. In institutional terms, orleans parliamentarism is analyzed as an established type of parliamentary system of government, and also its functioning in practice. The author analyzed the constitutional position of the National assembly, emphasizing its weakness in relations with the king, explaining instruments such as the absolute legislative veto, through which the king exercised supremacy in the legislative sphere despite the constitutional proclamation to exercise legislative competence jointly. The unlimited right to dissolve the assembly, despite the undivided opinion of the constitutional theory on the prohibition of successive dissolution, further weakened the position of the National assembly, and established the king as an inviolable arbiter in resolving parliamentary crises, which may ultimately confront the people's will. The king's unrestricted right to dissolve parliament usurped the budgetary right of the National assembly, as one of the foundations of the parliamentary system, which further made it possible for the executive to rule without a budget. Constrained by the constitutional arrangement, insufficient representative functions, burdened by the democratic deficit, the National assembly proved to be weak in articulating various political interests, but was the scene of party and national tensions.

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Norman, Michael D. "The Relationship Between ISO 9000 and PED Quality Modules." In ASME 2003 Pressure Vessels and Piping Conference. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2003-1793.

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The Pressure Equipment Directive (97/23/EC) [PED] was adopted by the European Parliament and the European Council in May 1997. Following a two-and-a-half year transition phase, the PED became mandatory on May 29, 2002. Its purpose is to harmonize national laws of Member States regarding the design, manufacture, testing and conformity assessment of pressure equipment and their assemblies, and thus ensure the free placing on the market and putting into service of pressure equipment within the European Economic Area.

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Zˇeleznik, Nadja, Metka Kralj, and Irena Mele. "Operational Programs for National Radioactive Waste and Spent Fuel Management Programme in Slovenia." In The 11th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. ASMEDC, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2007-7103.

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The first separate National Radioactive Waste and Spent Fuel Management Programme (National Programme) was prepared in Slovenia in 2005 as a supplementary part of the National Environmental Action Programme and was adopted in February 2006 by the Slovenian Parliament. The new National Programme includes all topics being relevant for the management of the radioactive waste and spent fuel which are produced in Slovenia, from the legislation and identification of different waste streams, to the management of radioactive waste and spent fuel, the decommissioning of nuclear facilities and management of (TE)NORM in the near future from 2006 up to the 2015. The National Programme identified the existing and possible future problems and proposed the technical solutions and action plans for two distinctive periods: 2006–2009 and 2010–2015. According to the requirement of Act on Protection against Ionising Radiation and Nuclear Safety the national Agency for Radwaste Management (ARAO) prepared the operational programmes for the four year period with technical details on implementation of the National programme. ARAO gained the detailed plans of different involved holders and proposed 9 operational programmes with aims, measures, individual organizations in charge, expenses and resources for each of the programmes. The Operational programmes were already reviewed by the Ministry of Environment and Physical Planning and are under acceptance. The orientation of the radioactive waste management according to the National Programme and operational activities within additional limitations based on the strategical decisions of Slovenian Government is presented in the paper.

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Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad, and Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. "MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY”." In Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.

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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.

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Cindra, Elva, and Vishnu Juwono. "Politics of Syrian Refugee Public Policy 2015 - 2016: A Study of the Influence of the French National Party on European Parliament Member Votes." In Proceedings of the 3rd International Conference on Administrative Science, Policy, and Governance Studies, ICAS-PGS 2019, October 30-31, Universitas Indonesia, Depok. Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.30-10-2019.2299421.

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BERMANIS, Raimonds, Inga STRAUPE, and Andra ZVIRBULE. "EUROPEAN UNION FRAMEWORK FOR FORESTRY SUPPORT AND ITS IMPLEMENTATION IN LATVIA." In RURAL DEVELOPMENT. Aleksandras Stulginskis University, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.15544/rd.2017.177.

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The Paper covers an analysis of most significant European Union (EU) legal acts regulating financial support granted for private forestry over the period of 2014-2020, coherence to support measures implemented in Latvia for a certain period. The review consists of two main legal acts from the EU - Forest Strategy for forests and the forest-based sector and the EU regulation No. 1305/2013 of the European Parliament and the Council on support for rural development by the European Agriculture Fund for Rural development, while from the national perspective, the review was prepared for Latvia’s Rural development programme (NRDP) for the period 2014-2020 and national regulations issued by the Cabinet of Ministers of the Republic of Latvia. The paper focuses on the support measures intended to foster and develop forestry sector, evaluating priorities and expected results laid down in the EU documents, versus measures implemented in Latvia through the NRDP 2014-2020, related to national regulations and rules of the responsible state authorities. The analysis contains several groups of measures applicable for private forestry: 1) Information, advice, knowledge and efficiency; 2) Forestry activities; 3) Investments in forestry; 4) Nature care. Not all the measures which may be introduced according to the EU regulations No. 1305/2013 were implemented for private forestry support in Latvia, also several in the NRDP 2014-2020 affordable measures were not introduced practically till November 2017, but regarding those which have already been implemented, their impact on forestry development should be further estimated.

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Hurajt, Marek, and Alena Novák Sedláčková. "Approach to economic regulation of airports in europe." In Práce a štúdie. University of Zilina, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.26552/pas.z.2021.2.12.

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This paper focuses on the economic regulation of airports in Central Europe and in the world, but also focuses in detail on the method of implementing economic regulation in the Slovak Republic, which results from the transposition of Directive 2009/12/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council on airport charges. The introductory part of the paper explains in detail the theory needed for a comprehensive understanding of this task, such as the basic characteristics of the airport and the economics of airports. Due to need for a comprehensive solution to the topic, the airport was examined from an operational point of view, and for the purpose of determining the scope of regulation, the paper also focuses on the characteristics of aviation and non-aviation activities. Paper characterizes the various approaches to economic regulation of airports in selected countries of the world and the countries of Central Europe, where we focused on the forms and scope of regulation, as well as in the case of EU Member States on the implementation of Directive 2009/12/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council on airport charges into national legislation. The most important part of the work a comprehensive summary of the approach to the economic regulation of airports in the Slovak Republic from its onset to the present with an indication of the legislation that regulates it. At the same time, the paper points out possible options of changes in the set system, which are benefits of the paper. Paper uses research methods such as analysis, comparison, and abstraction, as well as graphs, figures, and tables, which facilitate the understanding of the task and the researched issue.

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Reports on the topic "National parliaments"

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Gledhill, Igle, Richard Goldstone, Sanya Samtani, Keyan Tomaselli, and Klaus Beiter. Copyright Amendment Bill Workshop Proceedings Report. Academy of Science of South Africa (ASSAf), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/assaf.2022/0078.

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The genesis of the Copyright Amendment Bill was in 2009, when the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI) initiated various studies and impact assessments. In July 2015, the DTI published a Draft Copyright Amendment Bill for public comment. The final 2017 version of the Bill was approved by Parliament in 2019 and it was sent to President Cyril Ramaphosa for action in terms of Section 79(1) of the Constitution. Section 79(1) states that “The President must either assent to and sign a Bill passed in terms of this Chapter or, if the President has reservations about the constitutionality of the Bill, refer it back to the National Assembly for reconsideration”. The President referred the Bill back to Parliament for review on 16 June 2020, on constitutionality issues. In response to the President’s reservations, Parliament’s Portfolio Committee on Trade and Industry has invited stakeholders and other interested parties to submit written submissions on certain sections of the Bill by no later than 9 July 2021. The current copyright law is outdated and does not address the digital environment. The Academy of Science of South Africa seeks to take into account the status of the copyright legislation and the anticipated effects of the amendment Bill on different issues and thereafter, provide recommendations to the President.

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Bergsen, Pepijn, Leah Downey, Max Krahé, Hans Kundnani, Manuela Moschella, and Quinn Slobodian. The economic basis of democracy in Europe: structural economic change, inequality and the depoliticization of economic policymaking. Royal Institute of International Affairs, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784135362.

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- To understand contemporary challenges to European democracy, it is crucial to look beyond the surface of politics and consider the deeper relationship between democracy and the economy. Instead of focusing exclusively on the rise of ‘populism’, it is necessary to acknowledge the multiplicity of threats to European democracy, in particular those arising from the structure of European economies and economic policymaking. - Understanding these weaknesses in the functioning of European democracies is crucial to an effective approach to future economic transformations, in particular the green transition, but also for dealing effectively and equitably with challenges such as higher inflation. It is important that the relevant policy changes and responses are democratically legitimate and do not foster the kind of political backlash that previous economic transformations did. - Over the past 40 years, economic inequality – ranging from income inequality to discrepancies in wealth and economic security – has widened throughout developed economies. In turn, these developments have generated increasing political inequality, as economic policymaking has served the interests of the well-off. - Democratic systems have also been made less responsive to electorates through the ‘depoliticization’ of policymaking, in particular economic policy, as a result of its insulation from national-level democratic scrutiny. The expansion of technocratic modes of governance – notably through independent central banks and EU-level institutions – has in many cases entrenched the policy preferences of specific groups in institutions removed from direct democratic control. - As this depoliticization has to a large extent made democratic contestation over economic policy redundant, politics has increasingly been polarized around ‘cultural’ questions. But such a focus on culture is unlikely to address the inequalities behind the dysfunction of democracies in Europe. - Strengthening European democracy requires a ‘repoliticization’ of economic policymaking, including both fiscal and monetary policymaking. In the specific context of the EU, this would mean opening up more policy space for national decision-makers and parliaments – in particular by giving them a more influential role in fiscal policy, and by making monetary policy more democratic.

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Kállai, Péter. How to Lose (the Almost) Guaranteed Representation – Recent Developments concerning Roma Parliamentary Representation in Hungary. European Centre for Minority Issues, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/djpm0924.

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As the Roma National Self-Government in Hungary failed to draw up its electoral list for the 2022 elections, it seemed that nobody would represent the most populous minority in Parliament; at least not within the framework of the preferential mandate system. This blog post covers the circumstances and developments behind this paradoxical situation and explains how uncompromising political wings have caused this outcome. The incumbent Roma minority advocate in Parliament and his allies worked hard to prevent anyone else from obtaining the first position on the electoral list and thus becoming a member of parliament, while the other political wing within the Roma self-government ruled out the re-election of the sitting advocate. As the author points out, however, the main problem lies in the very nature of the system, namely in the lack of real internal competition. Interestingly, as recent developments show, other Roma politicians may get elected on the party lists of both sides of the political spectrum.

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Hopkins, Anna, Sarah Foxen, Kathryn Oliver, and Gavin Costigan. Science Advice in the UK. Foundation for Science and Technology, September 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.53289/gutw3567.

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This report examines the science advisory system in the UK, how it has changed and how it may develop further in the future. It looks at structure and functions within the UK Government (including the Government Chief Scientific Advisor, the Government Office for Science, government departments, scientific advisory committees - including SAGE - and the Science and Engineering Profession). It also describes science advice in the UK Parliament. The report looks at the role of public research funders, particularly UK Research and Innovation and its research councils, and it discusses how universities are responding to incentives to improve the supply of evidence and expertise. There are brief sections discussing the role of other actors (such as national academies, charities and industry) and discussion of some cross-cutting themes.

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Elming, William, David Phillips, Carl Emmerson, and Paul Johnson. An assessment of the potential compensation provided by the new ‘National Living Wage’ for the personal tax and benefit measures announced for implementation in the current parliament. Institute for Fiscal Studies, September 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1920/bn.ifs.2015.00175.

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Pichler, Rupert. The Research Financing Act. A New Framework for Publicly Funded Research in Austria and its Impact on Evaluation. Fteval - Austrian Platform for Research and Technology Policy Evaluation, July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22163/fteval.2021.514.

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On 7 July 2020, the National Council – the first chamber of the Austrian Parliament – passed a package of legislation introducing a new framework for the methods of allocating federal budgets to research, technology, and innovation (RTI). Its core is the Research Financing Act (RFA), complemented by several amendments to existing laws that are necessary for its implementation. Entry into force was on 25 July 2020, the amendments became effective as of 1 January 2021 (BGBl1. I No. 75/20202). The RFA is the biggest legislative project in the field of RTI policy since 2004 when the Research Funding Agency (FFG) was established (Pichler et al. 2007, pp. 329-336; Stampfer et al. 2010, pp. 775-776). For the first time, budget law regulations are now aligned with the needs of institutions performing or funding RTI (Pichler 2021). This article outlines the background and content of the RFA and concludes with a view on the significance of evaluation within the new system.

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UK, Ipsos. Survey of public attitudes towards precision breeding. Food Standards Agency, October 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46756/sci.fsa.ouv127.

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The Genetic Technology (Precision Breeding) Bill is currently going through Parliament. Although this bill is ‘England only’ and food and feed safety and hygiene is a devolved issue, the Food Standards Agency (FSA) will introduce a separate regulatory framework for precision bred organisms (PBOs), should the Bill become law. The FSA will also work with stakeholders in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland to ensure consumers’ interests are protected in relation to PBOs. The FSA / Food Standard Scotland (FSS) is science and evidence led. In August 2022, the FSA and FSS commissioned Ipsos UK to conduct a two-phase social research project on precision breeding. Phase One, now complete, involved a survey of 4,177 UK residents with robust samples in each UK nation to allow comparisons between and within nations. Phase Two, scheduled to start in September 2022 and report in early 2023, will comprise a series of Citizens’ Forums in England, Wales and Northern Ireland(footnote 1). The overall aims of this project are to: explore consumer attitudes towards precision breeding gather consumer views on the FSA’s proposed regulatory framework understand consumer information needs inform how to communicate with consumers about precision breeding. This document presents interim findings for this project, reporting descriptive data from Phase One. Phase One’s core aims were to provide a snapshot of consumers’ awareness and self-assessed knowledge of precision breeding, its perceived acceptability, risks and benefits, and consumer appetite for information about this production method. These data show that awareness of precision breeding is very low, something which should be borne in mind when considering these findings. While these data reveal that there is a general openness to trying precision bred foods across the UK, with more people anticipating benefits than disbenefits from the use of precision breeding, there is a large degree of uncertainty about what impact precision bred foods may have on the different parts of the food system. This is reflected in the relatively large proportions of people taking a neutral stance or indicating they do not know enough to answer survey questions and in the strong appetite expressed for information about precision breeding to be provided. The next phase of this project will be essential for the FSA’s ability to interpret these findings’ implications, and to understand what is informing consumers’ views. The purpose of Phase One has always been to let the FSA know ‘what’ consumers think about precision breeding; Phase Two’s purpose is to build our understanding ‘why’ they think it. This will allow the FSA to develop a more nuanced understanding of consumers’ needs and incorporate this into the design of the future regulatory framework and any engagement with consumers on precision breeding. FSS will be carrying out further research in Scotland.

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