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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'National parliaments'
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Ruedin, Didier. "Symbolic and ideological representation in national parliaments : a cross-national comparison of the representation of women, ethnic groups and issue positions in national parliaments /." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2009. http://ora.ouls.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:94320eba-9ccd-4bfa-90c8-230462fe2eb8.
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Bengtson, Christina. "National parliaments and European legislation : how scrutiny procedures have adapted and why." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2006. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/1041/.
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National parliaments have always been involved in the affairs of the European Union. They have debated and voted on joining the Community and have ratified the European treaties negotiated by their governments. On a more regular basis, national parliaments have also, to varying degrees, scrutinised European legislation and the European-level activities of their executives. Increasingly, it has been recognised that national parliaments underpin decisions taken at the European level by legitimising the actions of their executives. As Europeanisation has progressed and the impact of European legislation has become more widely felt at the domestic level, national parliaments have found that their space to manoeuvre has shrunk. National parliaments have become part of a multi-level system of governance and can no longer, singularly, determine the parameters within which they operate. The traditional model of undertaking scrutiny, with specialised European committees operating in isolation from the rest of parliament, is therefore no longer tenable. EU specialists are unable to provide the expertise on all areas covered by European integration and increasingly require the expertise found in other committees within national parliaments to perform their scrutiny adequately. Inter-parliamentary contacts have contributed to a better understanding of common parliamentary problems. Parliamentarians have become more aware of the challenges of Europeanisation and globalisation, but have also discovered ways to, collectively and individually, face these challenges. National parliaments are likely to remain firmly anchored in the domestic level, maintaining their roles as legitimisers of national executives as well as expressions of national sovereignty. They can therefore also be expected to remain independent and autonomous institutions, determining their own activities and procedures. As a consequence, the impetus behind any move by national parliaments to further develop their influence over European (or global) decision-making and activities must come from within national parliaments themselves.
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Jalvingh, H. J. "National parliaments in EU policy-making : when do they make a difference?" Thesis, University College London (University of London), 2016. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1532687/.
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In 2009, the Lisbon Treaty introduced new roles for national parliaments in EU decision-making with the aim of increasing democratic legitimacy in the EU. One key role was deemed to be the ability to ensure governments represented the electorate when negotiating at EU level. This thesis explores under what conditions national parliaments employ their formal powers for this purpose. It does so by using a normative categorisation of political representation to frame an empirical analysis comparing two national parliaments (the House of Commons in the UK and the Second Chamber in the Netherlands). Each deploys its formal powers to control and influence government representatives in different ways – the first operates by empowering them as trustees, while the second tends to treat them as delegates. The thesis compares the impact of these two approaches over a number of case studies. The main theoretical argument suggests that the formal powers of both types are relevant, but their impact varies under different conditions (like party composition, salience and the Lisbon Treaty). The empirical part of the study consists of applying the descriptive categorisation of Pitkin’s political representation theory to the world as it is, and examining to what extent mechanisms of control and influence make NPs part of a delegatory or trusteeship model based upon commonly-used indicators. Secondly, it investigates under what conditions the government is most likely to be responsive to the NP. The outcome of the case studies shows that, notwithstanding their formal powers, national parliaments can act on either a delegatory or trusteeship model of representation depending on different circumstances. The conclusions of this research contribute to the literature on institutional adaptation and to the normative debate on political representation, but are equally relevant to EU policy-makers involved in future Treaty changes focusing on further developing the EU’s democratic legitimacy.
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PAOLINI, Giulia. "The legitimacy deficit of the European Union and the role of national parliaments." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/10445.
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Defence date: 17 September 2007Examining Board: Prof. Morten Kelstrup, (University of Copenhagen) ; Prof. Peter Mair, (European University Institute) ; Prof. Gianfranco Pasquino, (University of Bologna) ; Prof. Philippe C. Schmitter, (EUI Professional Fellow)
PDF of thesis uploaded from the Library digital archive of EUI PhD theses
no abstract available
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Kiiver, Philipp. "The national parliaments in the European Union a critical view on EU constitution-building /." [Maastricht : Maastricht : Universiteit Maastricht] ; University Library, Maastricht University [Host], 2005. http://arno.unimaas.nl/show.cgi?fid=6450.
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Höing, Oliver [Verfasser], Wolfgang [Akademischer Betreuer] Wessels, and Christine [Akademischer Betreuer] Neuhold. "Asymmetric Influence: National Parliaments in the European Stability Mechanism / Oliver Höing. Gutachter: Wolfgang Wessels ; Christine Neuhold." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1080719229/34.
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Kreilinger, Valentin [Verfasser], Henrik [Akademischer Betreuer] Enderlein, and Olivier [Gutachter] Rozenberg. "National parliaments in Europe’s post-crisis economic governance / Valentin Kreilinger ; Gutachter: Olivier Rozenberg ; Betreuer: Henrik Enderlein." Berlin : Hertie School of Governance, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1176695711/34.
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Neuvonen, Mari. "National parliaments and EU policy-making : a comparative study of the UK, Finland, Poland and Estonia." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/1983/ec754b01-30bc-4957-8305-5dbe17592072.
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Hefftler, Claudia [Verfasser], Wolfgang [Gutachter] Wessels, and Christine [Gutachter] Neuhold. "Opposition Parties and EU Affairs in National Parliaments: Cooperation or Competition? / Claudia Hefftler ; Gutachter: Wolfgang Wessels, Christine Neuhold." Köln : Universitäts- und Stadtbibliothek Köln, 2018. http://d-nb.info/1168798353/34.
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Yemisi, Okunbolande A. "Comparative analysis of the role of sub-national parliaments in international human rights law in Nigeria and South Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/16759.
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Foreign policy has generally speaking been the traditional ‘responsibility of national governments’. This is
particularly true of states with unitary systems of governments but is less true in federalist states.Federalist states are states which have adopted a system of government whereby ‘powers are divided and
shared between constituent governments and a general government having certain nation-wide’
responsibilities’. Federalism is often adopted by pluralistic societies to ensure a system of uniformity
while accommodating differences and to maintain national security and economic unity. By their nature,
federalist states share responsibilities and powers between the central and constituent units.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2010.
A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Prof. Nico Steytler, Faculty of Law, University of Western Cape, South Africa. 2010
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Thomas, Anja. "The "European integration paradox" : comparing EU practice and discourse on the role of parliaments in the EU in the Assemblée nationale and the Bundestag across time." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0039/document.
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La thèse compare l’Assemblée nationale et le Bundestag en ce qui concerne l’évolution dans le temps des pratiques des affaires européennes qu’ont les députés, et de leurs discours sur le rôle des parlements dans l’UE. Elle met en lumière une évolution paradoxale : A mesure que les députés se saisissent de l’Europe, les pratiques parlementaires nationales imprègnent de plus en plus leurs discours sur la démocratie parlementaire dans l’UE. L’analyse se fait à travers une « description dense » (« thick description») fondée sur des documents, de la littérature secondaire et des entretiens avec des acteurs parlementaires, en activité aujourd’hui ou dans le passé. Les débats parlementaires sont analysés à l’aide d’une méthode qualitative-quantitative qui compare les clivages des discours dans le temps. La thèse soutient l’argument selon lequel les néo-institutionnalismes, qui prévalent actuellement dans les études européennes, ne suffisent pas pour comprendre les processus d'institutionnalisation, qui ont lieu dans les parlements nationaux, parallèlement à l'évolution de la législation européenne. En intégrant des éléments de la « practice theory », du social-constructivisme de Peter Berger et Thomas Luckmann et de l’« ancien » institutionnalisme de Max Weber, on peut comprendre les observations comme le fruit d’un changement des « motifs d’action » discursive des acteurs. A mesure que leur expérience de l’UE s’accroit, les députés évaluent la démocratie européenne de moins en moins sur la base de réflexions a priori sur le futur de l’intégration européenne, mais en fonction des pratiques qu’ils expérimentent tous les joursThe thesis compares EU practice and discourse on the role of parliaments in the EU across time, in the Assemblée nationale and the Bundestag. The thesis brings to light the presence of a European Integration Paradox: Members of Parliaments’ rising experience in EU participation has led to an increasing importance of domestic roles for MPs’ ‘word and deed’ in EU affairs. EU practice is analysed through ‘thick description,’ which is based on primary and secondary interview evidence with current and historical parliamentary actors as well as the study of documents and secondary literature. Assessments of discourse on the role of parliaments are conducted through a systematic deductive-inductive analysis of debates on selected EU treaty changes. This thesis argues that neo-institutionalisms currently prevalent in EU studies are inadequate for understanding the institutionalisation processes at work in national parliaments with increasing EU legislation. Integrating elements of practice theory, of the social-constructivists Peter L. Berger and Thomas Luckmann and the ‘old’ institutionalism of Max Weber, the observations can be interpreted as change of ‘motives’ of discursive action of the actors. With rising experience of ‘doing EU’, Members of Parliament evaluate the role of parliaments in the EU less on the basis of a priori considerations but depending of their day-to-day parliamentary practice
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Jansson, Sara. "Women in Power = Economic Growth? : A regression analysis of female representation in national parliaments and the connection to economic growth in African countries." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Nationalekonomiska institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-416776.
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The objective of the paper is to study the effect that female representation in national parliaments have on economic growth in African countries. The foundation for this research question is the assumption that an increase in female representation will lead to an increase in female education and female labour force participation and this will cause a positive effect on economic growth. To test the hypothesis panel data from 50 African countries is used during the time period 2008-2018. An OLS, entity fixed effect and time and entity fixed effect regression was conducted to test the research questions and control variables are included in the regression. The results showed no statistically significant effects of female representation on economic growth and the relationship was negative which contradicts earlier research and the initial hypothesis.
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Johansen, Hanna. "The Swedish Parliamentary Debate on European Affairs – What Makes it to the Pages? : A quantitative content analysis of news media reporting from the Riksdag." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-403137.
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The long-spun Brexit process has been named a symbol of an alleged disconnection between the European Union’s high-level decision-makers and its citizens. This thesis aims to contribute to the existing literature on the role of national parliaments in brining EU affairs closer to the citizens. More specifically, it turns attention to the Riksdag, and to how informative parliamentary debates on EU affairs are communicated to Swedish citizens. Earlier studies have provided valuable insights into how political opinions on EU affairs are presented in electoral manifestoes and behind closed doors in the Riksdag’s committees. By conducting a quantitative content analysis on Swedish news medias’ coverage of the Riksdag’s debate on EU-affairs over the last ten years, this study offers a first insight into how EU debates are conveyed to the wider Swedish audience. Drawing on previous research on national parliaments, the concept of opposition and theories from the field of political communication, three hypotheses are formulated. While the first hypothesis aims to test whether Swedish news media provide citizens a diverse set of positions from the Riksdag’s debate on EU affairs, the second hypothesis seeks to illuminate which parliamentary actors that are most prominent in medias’ reporting from the Riksdag. Finally, the third hypothesis turns attention to the mode in which EU affairs are presented in news media. None of the hypotheses are unambiguously supported by evidence. The implications are that the media to some extent filter the parliamentary debate. A filter that at occasions may exclude diverging positions on EU affairs. Further, though governments are presented as the main actor in the majority of all analysed articles, the Riksdag is close behind. The result implies that the Riksdag is indeed competing with the government in being the main agenda setter in Swedish news media. Nevertheless, it also suggests that oftentimes, the Riksdag is referred to as one unit, without news media distinguishing the diverging positions within the institution. Finally, the finding from the third hypothesis suggests that the Riksdag is somewhat restricted when it comes to shaping the discourse surrounding EU affairs. In spite of the Riksdag’s increased focus on policy-aspects of EU affairs, the mediated image of the very same debate may still be presented as a concern of polity or procedure. Ultimately, despite not providing any clear support for the hypotheses, the somewhat filtered mediated image of the Riksdag’s debate on EU affairs may carry implications for national parliaments’ ability to bring EU affairs closer to the citizens of the Union.
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Cadilhac, Marie-Cécile. "La dimension parlementaire de l'action extérieure de l'Union européenne." Thesis, Rennes 1, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017REN1G026.
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La dimension parlementaire de l’action extérieure de l’Union européenne, entendue comme la place occupée par le Parlement européen et par les parlements nationaux des Etats membres en tant qu’acteurs de l’action extérieure, se déploie à deux niveaux. Elle s’exprime tout d’abord, au sein de l’Union, à travers l’exercice des pouvoirs parlementaires octroyés par les traités (et le cas échéant par les droits constitutionnels nationaux), et ce de façon incontestable. Elle s’exprime ensuite sur la scène internationale au travers de multiples actions de diplomatie parlementaire, en l’absence de cadre juridique érigé par les traités, et ce de façon ambiguë. Dans l’un comme dans l’autre cas, la dimension parlementaire de l’action extérieure apparaît comme un atout, mais sous conditions, pour la poursuite de l’objectif d’affirmation de l’Union sur la scène internationale. Elle est en effet, en principe, un atout pour la légitimité démocratique de l’action de l’Union et pour la cohérence matérielle de l’action extérieure. Néanmoins, dans la pratique, cet atout demande à être confirmé. Afin d’être un atout effectif, la dimension parlementaire de l’action extérieure de l’UE suppose, à cet égard, d’assurer une conciliation harmonieuse de la légitimité démocratique de l’action de l’UE avec l’affirmation de l’Union sur la scène internationale. La quête de cette conciliation conduit à la formulation de réponses – réalisées ou réalisables – qui suivent un mouvement distinct selon l’espace d’expression des parlements. Lorsque le Parlement européen et les parlements nationaux agissent au sein de l’Union, les solutions résident dans la réalisation de multiples adaptations à partir du cadre juridique et institutionnel érigé par les traités. Ces adaptations, qui restent perfectibles, expliquent que la dimension parlementaire de l’action extérieure soit aujourd’hui encore un processus en construction. Lorsque le Parlement européen et les parlements nationaux agissent sur la scène internationale, les solutions résident dans la structuration d’un cadre juridique global, les règles juridiques existantes étant pour l’heure parcellaires et incomplètes. En définitive, l’action extérieure de l’Union s’enrichit d’une dimension parlementaire qui suppose, au sein de l’Union, d’approfondir les multiples adaptations réalisées à partir du cadre juridique existant et, sur la scène internationale, de structurer un cadre juridique global pour l’heure inexistantThe parliamentary dimension of the European Union’s External Action, to be understood as the involvement of the European Parliament and of the National Parliaments of EU Member States as actors of the External Action, is rolled out on two levels. Firstly, it is undoubtedly articulated within the European Union, through the exercise of parliamentary powers conferred by the treaties (and, where appropriate, by national constitutional Law). Secondly, it is ambiguously articulated on the international scene through various parliamentary diplomatic actions, without any legal framework set up by the treaties. In both cases, the parliamentary dimension of the External Action appears to be an asset, but under conditions, for the assertion of the European Union on the international scene. It is, in principle, an asset for the democratic legitimacy of the EU’s Action and for the coherence of the External Action. However, it needs to be confirmed in practice. In order to be a truly effective asset, the parliamentary dimension of the EU’s External Action requires reconciling the democratic legitimacy of the EU’s Action with the assertion of the European Union on the international scene. The quest for this conciliation leads to different answers – effective or desirable – which follow a particular pattern depending on the parliaments’ “area of expression”. When the European Parliament and the National Parliaments act within the EU, these answers consist of multiple adaptations of the legal and institutional framework established by the treaties. These adaptations, which are still imperfect, can explain why the parliamentary dimension of the External Action is still a process under construction. When the European Parliament and the National Parliaments act on the international scene, the solutions consist of the structuring of a comprehensive legal framework, since the existing legal rules remain piecemeal and incomplete. Eventually, the EU’s External Action is enriched by a parliamentary dimension which implies deepening, inside the EU, the multiple adaptations achieved from the existing legal framework, and which implies structuring, on the international scene, a global legal framework, which is missing for the moment
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Debras, Lucile. "Les relations entre le Parlement européen et les parlements nationaux depuis 1979 : étude comparative des cas allemands, belges et français." Paris 3, 2008. http://www.theses.fr/2008PA030150.
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La thèse analyse l’évolution des relations entre le Parlement européen (PE) et les parlements nationaux de Belgique, de France et e République fédérale d’Allemagne, depuis l’élection au suffrage universel direct du PE en 1979 jusqu’au début des années 2000, avec le lancement du débat constitutionnel. L’objectif est de comprendre le sens de cette évolution, la fonction des relations interparlementaires dans l’Union européenne (UE) et pour les Etats, et d’en mesurer la portée pour la réduction du déficit démocratique de l’UE, puisque ces relations parlementaires sont souvent justifiées comme un moyen de le résoudre. On s’intéressera aux rapports qu’entretiennent les parlements nationaux entre eux, afin de déterminer leur stratégie, unilatérale ou multilatérale, vis-à-vis du PE, et, inversement, la stratégie du PE face au rôle des parlements nationaux dans l’UE. Les positions des parlements face à la coopération interparlementaire sont marquées par les traditions nationales, comme le démontrent les débats internes. Ainsi, la coopération se révèle inexistante dans une première phase. Au détour des années 1990, dans une seconde phase, elle devient source de conflits comme de nombreuses initiatives : la création des Assises parlementaires ou de la Conférence des organes spécialisés dans les affaires communautaires (COSAC) - la France créant la polémique avec l’idée de fonder un Sénat européen. Dans une troisième phase, les relations entre le PE et les parlements nationaux se formalisent, grâce à leur reconnaissance progressive dans les Traités de Maastricht et d’Amsterdam jusqu’au début du débat sur l’avenir de l’Europe ; elles se confirment avec la Convention chargée d’établir une constitution européenneThis research analyses the evolution of the relationship between the European Parliament (EP) and the national parliaments of Belgium, France and the Federal Republic of Germany, from the first direct election of the EP in 1979 until the start of the constitutional debate at the beginning of the 21st century. The objective is to understand the direction of this evolution, the function of interparliamentary relations in the European Union (EU) and for the States, to measure their efficiency at reducing the democratic deficit in the UE, for these interparliamentary relations are often justified as a means of resolving this problem. We will focus on the interaction between national parliaments to determine their strategy, multilaterally or unilaterally, towards the EP, and on the strategy of the EP given the role of the national parliaments in the EU. The positioning of parliaments vis-à-vis the interparliamentary cooperation are characterised by national traditions, as the internal debates demonstrate. So the cooperation did not really exist in the first phase. In the second phase of the turnout of the 1990’s it became a source of conflict but also of many initiatives: the creation of the Assizes, the Conference of Community Affairs Committees of Parliaments (COSAC) or the French Parliament creating the debate with the “European Senate”. In a third phase, relations between the EP and the national parliaments are more formalised, thanks to the progressive recognition in the Treaties of Maastricht and Amsterdam, until the start of the debate on the future of Europe; they are confirmed with the Convent, whose task is to establish a European constitutional
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Ingschöld, Johanna. "De nationella parlamenten och EU : En studie av motiverade yttranden inom ramen för subsidiaritetsgranskningen." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-295693.
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This essay studies the national parliaments' reasoned opinions at the early warning mechanism. The study aim to declare if there is any variation in which national parliaments who is active in the early warning mechanism, and if there is a variation in type of bills in the early warning mechanism. These study also wants to describe some variation in how the national parliaments argued in the reasoned opinions. The study gives an enhanced understanding of the importance and legitimacy of the early warning mechanism and the reasoned opinions. The result shows that there is a certain group of parliaments who are more active and these are with few exceptions EU 15 countries. The study also shows that there is some kind of bills that is more prevalent than others, there is however some variation. There is also a wide variation in the arguments raised in the reasoned opinions. The results indicate that the national parliaments varies greatly in managing the reasoned opinions and it gives a negatively impacton the early warning mechanism.Studien granskar de nationella parlamentens motiverade yttranden inom ramen för EU:s subsidiaritetsgranskning. Studiens syfte är att beskriva en möjlig variation angående vilka nationella parlamenten som är aktiva inom subsidiaritetsgranskningen. Studiens syfte är även att beskriva variationen i vilka lagförslag som återfinns i subsidiaritetsgrankningen, samt om de nationella parlamenten varierar i argumentering i de motiverade yttrandena. Studien visar att det finns nationella parlament som är vanligare förekommande inom granskningen, samt att vissa typer av lagförslag föranleder fler yttranden än andra. Beträffande argumenteringen i de motiverade yttrandena fanns en stor variation.
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Lindeborg, Alicia. "Representation and its importance for women's sexual and reproductive health and rights : Does the proportion of women in national parliaments matter for the extent to which legislation and policy guarantee women's sexual and reproductive health and rights?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-432522.
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This thesis sets out to investigate if the proportion of women in the national parliament correlates with the extent to which national laws and policies guarantee women's sexual and reproductive health and rights. By conducting a cross-national comparison, this thesis contributes to the existing literature by offering an analysis of the relationship, utilizing a comprehensive measurement of states national legal and regulatory framework relating to women's sexual and reproductive health and rights. Further, it aims to offer an analysis of how the relationship appears in different regime-types, including both democratic and non- and partial democratic states. The results did not provide any support for a correlation between the proportion of women in the national parliament and the extent to which national laws and policies guarantee women's sexual and reproductive health and rights, regardless of the regime-type. While the results are inconsistent with the predictions of a correlation, this thesis is able to conclude that the concept of women's representation and how it may be connected to substantial changes in national legislation and policy is a complex relationship, worthy of further research.
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Santos, da Costa Priscila. ""Re-designing the nation" : politics and Christianity in Papua New Guinea's national parliament." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/14580.
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My thesis addresses how Christianity can constitute itself as a creative force and a form of governance across different scales. I carried out 12 months of fieldwork between 2013 and 2015 in Papua New Guinea's National Parliament (Port Moresby). My interlocutors were bureaucrats, liberal professionals and pastors who formed a group known as the Unity Team. The Unity Team, spearheaded by the Speaker of the 9th Parliament, Hon. Theodor Zurenuoc, were responsible for controversial initiatives, such as the destruction and dismantling of traditional carvings from Parliament in 2013, which they considered ungodly and evil, and the placement of a donated KJV Bible in the chamber of Parliament in 2015. My interlocutors regard Christianity as central to eliciting modern subjects and institutions. They consider Christianity to be a universal form of discernment, contrasted to particularistic forms of knowing and relating which are thought to create corruption and low institutional performance. I show how the Unity Team regarded Christianity as more than a way of doing away with satanic forces and building a Christian self. They expected Christianity to be a frame of reference informing work ethics, infusing citizenship and, finally, productive of a public and national realm. By exploring Christianity ethnographically, I offer a contribution to Anthropological discussions concerning politics, bureaucracy, citizenship, and nation-making.
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Shemer, Yoav. "La coordination transnationale des partis dans l'Union Européenne : les Verts et au delà." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017STRAG007/document.
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Comment des partis politiques dans l'Union Européenne se coordonnent-ils au sein de la même 'famille' politique ? Cette question est traitée sur quatre différentes dimensions : les élections directes au Parlement européen ; le développement des fédérations européennes de partis ; les activités diplomatiques des groupes parlementaires au Parlement européen ; la coordination interparlementaire verticale. Le résultat principal de cette thèse est que les partis politiques dans l'UE n'ont qu'un interêt limité à une coordination transnationale avec d'autres partis issus de la même famille politique et utilisent cette coordination plutôt afin d'obtenir des ressources au niveau national. La coordination transnationale de partis reste confiné au sein du Parlement européen et son environnement institutionnel bruxellois avec une influence limitée sur les organisations nationales de partisHow political parties in the European Union coordinate beyond national borders with other parties of the same party 'family' ? I examine this question from four different dimensions : the direct elections to the European Parliament; the development of transnational party federations; diplomatic activities of the European Parliament’s political groups vis-à-vis third countries; and vertical intra-parliamentary coordination. The main finding is that political parties in the EU have only limited interest in genuine transnational coordination, and generally use such coordination instrumentally, in order to gain certain resources in domestic politics. Parties' transnational coordination in the EU remains confined to the European Parliament institutional setting and thus has limited impact on the national party organisations at large
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Esteve, Alexandre. "Le député français." Thesis, Limoges, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018LIMO0026/document.
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En l’espace de soixante ans, la Constitution du 4 octobre 1958 a subi de nombreux changements à la fois juridiques et politiques. Une chose a cependant perduré : le parlementarisme rationalisé. Prenant en compte les changements intervenus depuis 1958 et les aspirations des Français à la modernisation et au rééquilibrage des institutions de la Ve République, le Constituant de 2008 a opéré une revalorisation du Parlement et proposé de rendre la fonction parlementaire plus valorisante. Mais à l’aune de dix années d’expérience, force est de constater que les améliorations attendues n’ont pas véritablement eu lieu. Dans le même temps, les exigences démocratiques des Français ont évolué. De ce fait, ce qui était acceptable hier, à défaut d'être accepté, ne l'est plus aujourd'hui. Il en est ainsi des avantages, des pratiques, des comportements individuels ou collectifs de responsables politiques.On peut dès lors s’interroger sur ce que devrait être le député de la Ve République tant au niveau de son statut que de son rôle. Il ressort de cette étude que l’actuel statut du député est appelé à se renforcer, notamment, s’agissant des moyens alloués au député, ainsi que des droits et garanties afin de permettre une plus grande mobilité entre le mandat et l’activité professionnelle de l’élu, et d’améliorer la représentativité du député par l’ouverture de l’Assemblée à un nouveau public. Le cadre institutionnel dans lequel s’exerce le travail parlementaire doit également être assoupli pour rétablir le député dans ses fonctions de collaborateur du Gouvernement pour la confection des lois et de contrôleur de l’action gouvernementale. Enfin, le travail en circonscription ne doit pas être négligé car il permet à l’élu de mieux exercer ses missions législatives et de contrôleIn the space of sixty years, the Constitution of 4th October 1958 has undergone many legal and political changes. However, one thing has remained: streamlined parliamentarianism. Considering the changes since 1958 and the aspirations of the French people for the modernisation and the rebalancing of the institutions of the Fifth Republic, in 2008 the constituent power worked on upgrading the role of the Parliament and proposed to improve the attractiveness of the parliamentarian function. After ten years of experience, it is clear that the potential improvements have not taken place. At the same time, the democratic requirements of the French have evolved. Hence, what was acceptable yesterday may not be today. This is true for the advantages, traditional practices, individual or collective behaviours of policy makers. Consequently, it may be asked what an MP of the Fifth Republic should be, in both status and function.This study shows that the status of the MP should be strengthened, notably with regard to the resources allocated to the MP, as well as rights and guarantees to allow greater mobility between the mandate and the professional activity of the elected representative, and to improve the representativeness of the MP through the opening up of the Assembly to a new audience. Also, the institutional system within which parliamentary work is performed must be more flexible to return the MP to his/her role as a legislator and overseer of government action. Finally, constituency work must not be neglected because it allows the MP to better carry out his/her legislative and overseeing missions
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Tacea, Maria Angela. "Des gouvernements sous le regard de leur parlement : la participation des parlements français, italien et britannique à l'élaboration et au contrôle des politiques européennes de justice et de sécurité intérieure." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017IEPP0018.
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Cette thèse explique la participation des parlements nationaux à l’élaboration et au contrôle des politiques européennes de justice et de sécurité intérieure. Le décalage que l’on observe entre les prérogatives formelles des parlements nationaux et la réalité de leur participation à l’élaboration des politiques européennes de justice et de sécurité intérieure nous conduit à adopter une grille de lecture fondée sur le cadre juridique, sur sa concrétisation et sur son interprétation par les acteurs parlementaires. La participation parlementaire est étudiée à l’aide d’une comparaison en deux temps. En premier lieu, les déterminants de l’activité parlementaire sont spécifiés à l’aide d’une comparaison quantitative de l’ensemble des parlements nationaux européens pour la période 2010-2012. La portée de ces déterminants est saisie, en second lieu, par une étude de l’examen parlementaire de trois enjeux de justice et de sécurité intérieure — la Convention d’application de l’accord de Schengen, les négociations pour les Accords Passenger Name Record (PNR) avec les États-Unis et la réforme de la gouvernance de Schengen — dans trois systèmes de gouvernement parlementaire majoritaire différents — la France, l’Italie et la Grande-Bretagne. La comparaison des cas contrastés a confirmé que, malgré les spécificités organiques et fonctionnelles nationales, le contrôle parlementaire des actes européens de justice et de sécurité intérieure revêt, dans les systèmes de gouvernement parlementaire majoritaire, des formes similaires. La participation des parlements nationaux à l’élaboration et au contrôle des politiques européennes de justice et de sécurité intérieure s’explique par un dosage variable de règles formelles relatives au contrôle parlementaire des politiques européens de justice et de sécurité intérieure, d’une part, et par les volontés des parlementaires à en faire usage, d’autre partSince the end of the 1980s, the traditional role of national legislatures regarding internal security and the protection of fundamental rights has been questioned by the progressive enforcement of the European Union’s legislative power. This thesis explains how national parliaments contribute to the decision-making process and to the scrutiny of the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice (AFSJ). The gap between the formal scrutiny prerogatives of national parliaments and the reality of their participation in the AFSJ decision-making process leads us to adopt an approach based on the legal framework, its concretization and its interpretation by the parliamentary actors. The involvement of national parliaments in the AFSJ is examined using a two-step comparison. First, the determinants that contribute to the variation of parliamentary activity in the AFSJ are specified through a quantitative analysis of all 27 European national parliaments for the period 2010-2012. Second, the scope of each determinant is assessed though a study of the parliamentary scrutiny of three AFSJ issues – the Convention implementing the Schengen Agreement, the negotiations of the Passenger Name Record Agreement with the United States and the Schengen governance reform- in three different majoritarian parliamentary systems - France, Italy and Great Britain. The most different systems design has confirmed that, despite institutional and functional national specificities, the parliamentary scrutiny of AFSJ takes on similar forms in majoritarian parliamentary systems of government. A mix of formal scrutiny prerogatives and MPs incentives explain the involvement of national parliaments in the AFSJ
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Bicket, Douglas. "Media constructions of Scottish national identity though the prism of the new Scottish parliament /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/6199.
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Sait, Lynette. "Strategies for the National Assembly to ensure the effective implementation of the National Development Plan of South Africa." Thesis, Cape Peninsula University of Technology, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11838/2099.
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Thesis (MTech (Public Management))--Cape Peninsula University of Technology.The primary objective of this study was to contribute evidence and analysis that the administration of Parliament and structures such as portfolio committees can utilise during their oversight activities to ensure the successful implementation of the National Development Plan (NDP). In this regard, this study endeavoured to shed light on the current legislative, oversight and public participation practices of the National Assembly with respect to the executive. In particular, the study considered the strengths and weaknesses of the many ways in which Parliament pursues its mandate, through its oversight methods such as debates, questions, portfolio committee oversight activities, and legislation, amongst others. As such, the study’s recommendations are geared towards strengthening the capabilities of Parliament to deliver improved outcomes and, in so doing, raise the level of accountability within and throughout the institution. A number of gaps and weaknesses in the way in which Parliament executes its mandate were found. Significantly, accountability – which is the axis around which the roles of Members of Parliament and Parliament itself revolves – has been significantly weakened by competing political agendas. The highly political context and the proportional representative system influence the autonomy and commitments of Parliament. The NDP (2012:45) holds that “accountability is essential to democracy and that the accountability chain should be strengthened from top to bottom”. Serious questions emerged about the ability of Parliament to hold the executive to account. Capacity constraints which pertain to both members and staff and the building of coalitions (external expertise) were factors that require attention.
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Stolt, Denise. "Does the Level of Gender Equality in National Parliament have an Impact on Economic Growth?" Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-25031.
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It is clear that economic growth is achieved by a number of means depending on theoretical affiliation and also that growth rate varies across countries. The thesis investigates the relationship between economic growth and the proportion of representation by women in national parliament across countries. Women are discriminated at every level in the society based on gender and the thesis analyses the effects on production and growth, based on the fact that half of the population are not given equal opportunities to participate in economic activities. The study is performed through two cross-country regression analyses, divided by low- and high-income countries with secondary data. The variables included are: the proportion of seats represented by women, initial GDP/capita, FDI, level of education, population growth, and terms of trade and level of democracy. The variables are chosen in accordance to growth theories. The findings cannot isolate if a high proportion of female parliamentarians increase growth, but the result indicates that a more gender equal economy operate at a higher production level. Increased proportion of female representation in local parliament should according to theory, increase inclusive incentives and policies for women in the labour force and enrolment in higher education, thus increasing the average level of human capital. Previous studies support the result; gender equality is viewed as “smart economics”.
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IANNI, PIERPAOLO. "IL RUOLO DEI PARLAMENTI NAZIONALI NEL PROCESSO DI INTEGRAZIONE GIURIDICA EUROPEA DOPO IL TRATTATO DI LISBONA." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/17948.
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Questa tesi di ricerca si occupa del ruolo rivestito dai parlamenti nazionali italiano, britannico e tedesco. Analizza il modo in cui questi parlamenti partecipano al processo decisionale ed implementano il diritto dell'Unione europea dopo il Trattato di Lisbona. La ricerca si concentra su un'analisi comparata delle leggi, delle procedure e consuetudini parlamentari al fine di esaminare il ruolo rivestito dai parlamenti nazionali nel contesto europeo. Il nuovo quadro giuridico previsto dal Trattato di Lisbona promuove la creazione di un sistema parlamentare integrato, basato sulle istituzioni europee e sui parlamenti nazionali cui è attribuito un ruolo più incisivo nel processo decisionale europeo, nella convinzione che un loro maggiore coinvolgimento possa contribuire a garantire un livello più efficace di democrazia nel funzionamento complessivo dell'Unione. I parlamenti nazionali possono contribuire a rendere l'U.E. più o meno efficiente. Essi sono chiamati a svolgere un ruolo rilevante nel processo legislativo europeo, in particolare nella fase di formazione delle politiche e del diritto dell’Unione europea (c.d. fase ascendente) e nel monitoraggio dell'esecuzione del principio di sussidiarietà. Il Trattato di Lisbona introduce norme di partecipazione diretta dei parlamenti nazionali nel processo legislativo europeo, trasformandoli in "guardians of subsidiarity". Il Trattato di Lisbona e i relativi Protocolli riconoscono il ruolo della cooperazione interparlamentare, affidando ai parlamenti nazionali il compito di promuovere e organizzare la sua realizzazione all'interno dell'Unione europea. In questa prospettiva le competenze delle commissioni specializzate in affari europei e della COSAC (Conference of Parliamentary Committees for Union Affairs of Parliaments of the European Union) sono ulteriormente potenziate.This research thesis deals with the role of national parliaments in Italy, United Kingdom and Germany. It analyses the way in which these Parliaments participate in the European Union and implement the Law of the European Union after the Treaty of Lisbon. The research focuses on a comparative analysis of parliamentary procedures, instruments, and practices in order to examine the respective roles of the European Institutions and the national parliaments within the European framework. The new legal framework laid down the Treaty of Lisbon encourages the creation of an integrated parliamentary system, based on the European Parliament and on the national parliaments which are assigned a more incisive role in the European decision-making process, in the belief that these innovations may contribute to guaranteeing a more effective level of democracy in the overall functioning of the Union. The national parliaments can contribute to making Europe more or less effective. They will be called on to play a more important role in the European law-making process, specifically in the pre-legislative dialogue with European institutions and particularly in the monitoring of the enforcement of the subsidiarity principle in European legislation proposals. The Treaty of Lisbon regulations introduce direct participation of national parliaments in the European law-making process, transforming them into the "guardians of subsidiarity". The Treaty of Lisbon and the related protocols recognise and encourage interparliamentary cooperation, entrusting national parliaments with the task of promoting and organising its achievement within the European Union. In this perspective, the competences of the Conference of Community and European Affairs Committees of Parliaments of the European Union (COSAC) are further enhanced. In this thesis, the reasons for overall inclusion of national parliaments in the European Union activities are analysed. The role of national parliaments in the EU according to the specific provisions of the EU treaties is also discussed and the largest part of the work is devoted to the ex ante subsidiarity principle control mechanism (the Early Warning System), which gives the right for the national parliaments to influence the EU legislative process.
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IANNI, PIERPAOLO. "IL RUOLO DEI PARLAMENTI NAZIONALI NEL PROCESSO DI INTEGRAZIONE GIURIDICA EUROPEA DOPO IL TRATTATO DI LISBONA." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/17948.
Full textAbstract:
Questa tesi di ricerca si occupa del ruolo rivestito dai parlamenti nazionali italiano, britannico e tedesco. Analizza il modo in cui questi parlamenti partecipano al processo decisionale ed implementano il diritto dell'Unione europea dopo il Trattato di Lisbona. La ricerca si concentra su un'analisi comparata delle leggi, delle procedure e consuetudini parlamentari al fine di esaminare il ruolo rivestito dai parlamenti nazionali nel contesto europeo. Il nuovo quadro giuridico previsto dal Trattato di Lisbona promuove la creazione di un sistema parlamentare integrato, basato sulle istituzioni europee e sui parlamenti nazionali cui è attribuito un ruolo più incisivo nel processo decisionale europeo, nella convinzione che un loro maggiore coinvolgimento possa contribuire a garantire un livello più efficace di democrazia nel funzionamento complessivo dell'Unione. I parlamenti nazionali possono contribuire a rendere l'U.E. più o meno efficiente. Essi sono chiamati a svolgere un ruolo rilevante nel processo legislativo europeo, in particolare nella fase di formazione delle politiche e del diritto dell’Unione europea (c.d. fase ascendente) e nel monitoraggio dell'esecuzione del principio di sussidiarietà. Il Trattato di Lisbona introduce norme di partecipazione diretta dei parlamenti nazionali nel processo legislativo europeo, trasformandoli in "guardians of subsidiarity". Il Trattato di Lisbona e i relativi Protocolli riconoscono il ruolo della cooperazione interparlamentare, affidando ai parlamenti nazionali il compito di promuovere e organizzare la sua realizzazione all'interno dell'Unione europea. In questa prospettiva le competenze delle commissioni specializzate in affari europei e della COSAC (Conference of Parliamentary Committees for Union Affairs of Parliaments of the European Union) sono ulteriormente potenziate.This research thesis deals with the role of national parliaments in Italy, United Kingdom and Germany. It analyses the way in which these Parliaments participate in the European Union and implement the Law of the European Union after the Treaty of Lisbon. The research focuses on a comparative analysis of parliamentary procedures, instruments, and practices in order to examine the respective roles of the European Institutions and the national parliaments within the European framework. The new legal framework laid down the Treaty of Lisbon encourages the creation of an integrated parliamentary system, based on the European Parliament and on the national parliaments which are assigned a more incisive role in the European decision-making process, in the belief that these innovations may contribute to guaranteeing a more effective level of democracy in the overall functioning of the Union. The national parliaments can contribute to making Europe more or less effective. They will be called on to play a more important role in the European law-making process, specifically in the pre-legislative dialogue with European institutions and particularly in the monitoring of the enforcement of the subsidiarity principle in European legislation proposals. The Treaty of Lisbon regulations introduce direct participation of national parliaments in the European law-making process, transforming them into the "guardians of subsidiarity". The Treaty of Lisbon and the related protocols recognise and encourage interparliamentary cooperation, entrusting national parliaments with the task of promoting and organising its achievement within the European Union. In this perspective, the competences of the Conference of Community and European Affairs Committees of Parliaments of the European Union (COSAC) are further enhanced. In this thesis, the reasons for overall inclusion of national parliaments in the European Union activities are analysed. The role of national parliaments in the EU according to the specific provisions of the EU treaties is also discussed and the largest part of the work is devoted to the ex ante subsidiarity principle control mechanism (the Early Warning System), which gives the right for the national parliaments to influence the EU legislative process.
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Szczepanik, Melchior. "The socialisation of Polish Members of the European Parliament 2004-2009 : from national to European politicians?" Thesis, Loughborough University, 2009. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/35685.
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The aim of the thesis is to investigate how service in the European Parliament (EP) between 2004 and 2009 influenced the attitudes, identities and behaviour of the Polish members of the chamber. The study of the Polish contingent is carried out with a view to contributing to discussions of the phenomenon usually referred to as the "socialisation" of Members of the European Parliament (MEPs). For the purposes of the present analysis, three aspects of socialisation are differentiated: institutional learning (MEPs learning to participate effectively in the work of the chamber), adaptation to the institutional culture of the EP (MEPs discovering the norms and codes of conduct characteristic for the EP) and attitude change (evolution of political views as a result of contacts with other MEPs).
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Willis, Jonathan Richard. "Explaining the support of the British National Party (BNP) in the 1999, 2004, and 2009 European Parliament elections." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2011. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/4722.
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In the past decade, there has been a surge of interest in extreme right Western European parties. Well-established parties such as the National Front (FN) in France, Vlaams Belang (formerly Vlaams Blok) in Belgium, and Lega Nord in Italy have been scrutinized. However, extreme right parties that have just recently begun to experience electoral successes such as the British National Party (BNP) have received less evaluation and discussion in the literature. Therefore, this study examines the BNP's electoral fortunes in the European elections of 1999, 2004, and 2009. I explore the support for the BNP using the traditional variables of unemployment, education, income, and immigration. In addition to these variables, I examine how support for other parties present in Great Britain, such as the right-wing United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP) and the center-right Conservative Party affects electoral support for the BNP. I find that support for other right-wing parties in Great Britain do exert an influence on BNP electoral fortunes (the UKIP a positive one, and the Conservative Party a negative one). I also find a strong negative link between BNP support and education and a weak positive one between BNP support and unemployment. However, income and immigration rates appear to have no effect on voter support for the BNP.ID: 030646218; System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader.; Mode of access: World Wide Web.; Thesis (M.A.)--University of Central Florida, 2011.; Includes bibliographical references (p. 62-71).
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; International Studies Track
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Majozi, Joyce Jabulile. "A functional terminological analysis of a “Multilingual parliamentary/ Political terminology list” of the Department of Arts and Culture." University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6679.
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Magister Artium - MASouth Africa’s National Language Policy Framework was formulated in 2003. The framework was designed to create an enabling environment for the development of instruments and initiatives intended to promote multilingualism in the country. Following the formulation of the National Language Policy Framework, National Parliament, in collaboration with the Western Cape and the Eastern Cape Legislatures, commissioned a project of developing a Terminology List of terminology that is used in these settings. This Terminology List was taken over and expanded in 2005. According to the Terminology List’s preface, “stakeholders embarked on the enlarged terminology project in order to ensure that multilingualism was possible in this field. The Multilingual Parliamentary/Political Terminology List will promote multilingualism in Parliament and elsewhere, and will facilitate effective communication between parliamentarians, politicians, national and provincial language offices, provincial legislatures and Hansard offices” (DAC (2005: iii-iv). With perhaps one exception (Rondganger, 2012) focusing on the English-Afrikaans language pair, there are no known studies evaluating the Multilingual Parliamentary/Political Terminology List. As a result, it is not known to what extent envisaged target users (e.g. language practitioners) in National and Provincial Legislatures are even aware of its existence. It is also not known to what extent the terminology resource is able to support target users in the typical usage situations envisaged in the preface. More generally, there has also been no determination of how the Multilingual Parliamentary/Political Terminology List has contributed to language development, specifically, making possible the use of the nine indigenous African languages for parliamentary-related discourse. As a consequence of the above dearth of knowledge around the Multilingual Parliamentary/Political Terminology List, there also is no empirical database upon which suggestions can be made for improving it; that is, responding to the call in the preface for suggestions: “the compilers acknowledge that it might be useful to expand the collection, and any suggestions in this regard will be welcomed” (DAC (2005: iv). This research draws on the sociology of dictionary use (Kühn 1989, Flinz 2010) and on a knowledge-attitude-practice (KAP) approach to terminology evaluation (Antia 2000, Antia & Clas 2003; Rubin 1977, Kummer 1983) to analyse the Multilingual Parliamentary Terminology List.
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Mthembu, Thabisile Augustine. "The responsiveness of the library collection to the information needs of researchers at the Parliament of the Republic of South Africa." University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6582.
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Magister Artium - MACollection development plays a significant role in the successful achievement of the library’s purpose. The reason for the existence of the library is to meet the information needs of the community it serves. To determine if the PIC is responsive to the information needs of parliamentary researchers, the study used a mixed method of data collection. A survey method in the form of a questionnaire was used to collect quantitative data from parliamentary researchers. Other researchers at Parliament, for example researchers employed by political parties are not part of this study. Qualitative data was collected through interviews with a selection of librarians involved in the PIC collection development process and an evaluation of the Collection Development Policy of the PIC. Four librarians from the PIC were interviewed, and the PIC Collection Development Policy was analysed to triangulate data collected from the questionnaire and interviews. The information needs of parliamentary researchers are triggered by the information needs of parliamentarians, and therefore it is significant that the PIC provide a collection that responds to the information needs of researchers so they can provide relevant information to parliamentarians. The findings indicate that the responsiveness of the library material varies according to the needs of the researchers. The PIC will benefit from a proactive involvement of parliamentary researchers in the collection development process. Customised orientation, proper needs analysis and collection evaluation will improve usage of the library resources and responsiveness of the library material to the clients.
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Unver, Hamid Akin. "Defining Turkey's Kurdish question : discourse in the US Congress, the European Parliament and the Turkish Grand National Assembly, 1990-99." Thesis, University of Essex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.510897.
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Ovey, Joey-David. "Between Nation and Europe : labour, the SPD and labour in the European Parliament, 1994-1999 /." Opladen : Leske + Budrich, 2002. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/50738826.html.
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Lindberg, Anton. "Assessing the electoral outcome in the 2019 European Parliament election : Substantially influenced by European issues, or still dominated by national issues?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-413112.
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This thesis compares two theories of voter behavior in the 2019 European Parliament election (EP election). The second-order national contest theory claims that the European Parliament elections are basically seen as unimportant and are predominantly about national issues. In contrast, the competing Europe matters theory (or EU matters) claims that voters to a significant degree are motivated by European issues. Research on earlier elections has presented evidence strongly in favor of the second-order national contests theory, however, the most recent elections show more ambiguous results. With Europe having gone through a refugee crisis since the last EP election, and with Brexit taking place in the run-up to the election in 2019 making the future of the Union uncertain, there are strong reasons to challenge the second-order theory, and examine if voters did care more about European affairs in the 2019 EP election to substantially make this election about Europe. This thesis will focus on political parties and the predictions the different theories make on the electoral outcome. The study will use a quantitative research design to investigate if changes in voter support for parties in the 2019 EP election compared to the preceding national general election (national election), are the result of national or European issues. The findings suggest that the EP elections are still primarily about national issues and the expectations from the second-order national contest theory can largely explain the outcome of the 2019 EP election. For instance, in the 2019 EP election, the popularity of governing parties in the national arena seems to significantly affect their electoral performance in the EP election. Furthermore, small parties overperform, suggesting voters do not vote strategically and have little interest in the EP election. At the same time party position on European integration only had minor effect on the outcome, which is expected to be substantial if the elections are about Europe. This study shows that it is too early to dismiss the long-held notion of European Parliament elections as being second-order national contests. More research is, however, needed to examine different aspect of the EP election and the different mechanisms at play for a more complete understanding of the nature of the EP elections.
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Wirtz, Martin [Verfasser], Thomas [Akademischer Betreuer] Saalfeld, Thomas [Akademischer Betreuer] Gehring, and Marc [Akademischer Betreuer] Helbling. "Immune to National Interests? Potential and Limitations of Strategic Framing in the European Parliament / Martin Wirtz ; Thomas Saalfeld, Thomas Gehring, Marc Helbling." Bamberg : Otto-Friedrich-Universität Bamberg, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1133073980/34.
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Gradin, Angelica. "The votes are burning : A natural experiment on the effect of the Swedish wildfires on the 2018 national election to the Swedish parliament." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-402874.
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This thesis examines the Swedish wildfires 2018 and their effect on the voting patterns in the national election the same year. With a departure point from the field of voting behaviour and electoral studies, it follows the theory of retrospective voting. Building on the previous research of retrospective voting in the context of natural disasters, this thesis contributes to the field with the case of the Swedish wildfires 2018 and government’s crisis response that followed. The crisis concerned a great deal of the population and was geographically widely spread. Additionally, international aid was needed to control the aggressive fires. The main actor ultimately responsible for the crisis response was the government, which also became the main target for criticism. By using the design of a natural experiment and analysing the Swedish municipalities’ relative burned area and the change in vote shares for the government parties, through the method of regression analyses, the results show that the electorate did punish the government in the following election to the Swedish parliament. More precise, the reached conclusion is that the electorate punished the government to the extent of a decrease with 6.246 percentage points in the government’s vote shares for each percentage point higher relative burned area. Moreover, it was the Social Democratic Party that was punished, holding a vast majority of the minister posts, and not the other part of the government coalition, the Green Party. This suggests support for the retrospective voting theories, that the electorate does hold the government accountable by evaluating their actions and either punishes or rewards it based on the outcomes of their actions.
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Demirkol, Hatice Gunseli. "The Turkish Grand National Assembly Complex: An Evaluation Of The Function And Meaning Of Parliamentary Spaces." Phd thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12610528/index.pdf.
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This study is an evaluation of the function and the meaning of parliamentary spaces of the Turkish Republic, focusing on the parliamentary complex of the Turkish Grand National Assembly in the capital city of Ankara. Parliament buildings are symbols of the nation and the nation state, representing the national identity via expressional aspects of their functional space. The issue is of national prestige, security and power that remain in effect albeit adapting to changing situations in time. This study attempts to contribute to a better understanding of the spatial, stylistic as well as the urban characteristics of parliamentary spaces in Turkey by examining the earlier experiences in late Ottoman and early Republican periods, and by not only analyzing the establishment of the complex as designed by Holzmeister in the late 1930s, but also evaluating its enlargement as affected by the changing exigencies in contemporary political agendas after the Assembly had started to use the complex in the 1960s until today. The study examines the formation and the transformation of the Assembly complex in Turkey under the pressure of the highly dynamic political realities of the twentieth century, in order to reflect upon the continuities and discontinuities in functions and meanings of the parliamentary spaces throughout the process.
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Schulze, Heidi. "The Spitzenkandidaten in the European Parliament Election Campaign Coverage 2014 in Germany, France, and the United Kingdom." Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2016. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-203491.
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Elections to the European Parliament are characterised by a steady decline in voter turnout. To tackle this problem, in 2014, several groups of the European Parliament nominated pan-European Spitzenkandidaten who were expected to personalise the elections and mobilise European voters. Based on this development, this study analyses the media cov-erage of the 2014 EP elections with special focus on the role of the Spitzenkandidaten. A quantitative content analysis of European election campaign coverage in the opinion leading newspapers of three influential EU member states, Ger-many, France, and the United Kingdom was carried out. The results show large candidate- and country-specific differ-ences regarding the visibility and thematic coverage of the EP elections in general as well as the presentation of the Spitzenkandidaten. The Spitzenkandidaten were not very visible in either the German, French, or British newspaper cov-erage. With respect to the presence and media personalisation of the Spitzenkandidaten, the newspaper coverage of the EP election does not demonstrate any mobilising effect and thus does not reflect the high expectations the European Parliament attributed to the nomination of the Spitzenkandidaten.
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Zhang, Hui, and Clara Bergman. "Gender Equality in the Labor Force : How is the proportion of seats held by women in the national parliament related to the female education level?" Thesis, Jönköping University, IHH, Nationalekonomi, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-53106.
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This study aims to examine the relationship between the ratio of seats held by women in parliament and the years of female education. The study is a cross-national study across 91 countries that uses the average value of data from 2014 to 2018. The findings show no significant relationship between the two variables, and based on the theoretical background, different areas are explored to clarify what caused this result. It is believed that patriarchy, cultural attitudes towards women, income level of individuals, and differing majors in higher education between men and women are why we see this correlation. The study also tests if labor force participation of women and female parliament seats are correlated, and it is found that there is a positive relationship between the two. The interest in this topic comes from looking closer at if women have the same opportunities in politics and generally in the labor force. It is essential since diversity in organizations and the labor market can have significant economic benefits. The results from previous studies into female seats in parliament and education have varied, so this study adds national income to see if that affects the variables.
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Thiec, Annie. "La question constitutionnelle et l'identite nationale en ecosse de 1979 a 1997." Paris 3, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA030101.
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Il aura fallu attendre dix-huit ans apres l'echec, en 1979, du projet d'assemblee pour l'ecosse propose par le gouvernement de james callaghan, avant qu'un parlement ne voie le jour a edimbourg, pres de trois cents ans apres le traite d'union de 1707. L'echec du referendum sur la devolution, le 1er mars 1979, puis le retour au pouvoir du parti conservateur, apres les elections du mois de mai 1979, marquerent le debut d'une longue periode d'introspection pour le parti national ecossais (snp). Les resultats des elections legislatives de 1987 et l'impopularite des reformes mises en oeuvre en ecosse par margaret thatcher au cours de son troisieme mandat de premier ministre, permirent finalement au snp de faire avancer la cause de l'independance. La progression du snp amena alors le parti travailliste a prendre clairement position sur la question de l'avenir constitutionnel de l'ecosse, en participant notamment a la convention constitutionnelle ecossaise mise en place en 1989. La question constitutionnelle fut au centre de la campagne pour les elections legislatives de 1992, au cours desquelles le snp obtint des resultats decevants, mais qui donnerent finalement l'occasion a son nouveau leader, alex salmond, d'engager le parti sur la voie de la renovation. De fait, integration et tolerance sont devenus les maitres mots du nationalisme qu'incarne aujourd'hui le snp d'alex salmond. Offrant une vision de la nation ecossaise plutot " civique " qu' " ethnique ". Mais quelles representations identitaires les ecossais ont-ils de la scotticite, et comment envisagent-ils l'avenir de l'ecosse, a l'aube du vingt-et-unieme siecle? le parlement ecossais mis en place par le gouvernement de tony blair menera-t-il l'ecosse a l'independance, comme le pense le leader des nationalistes ? nul ne saurait le dire, mais il ne fait aucun doute que les elections legislatives du 1er mai 1997 et la campagne pour le referendum du 11 septembre sont appelees a occuper une place particuliere dans l'histoire politique de l'ecosse : les premieres en raison du fait que la victoire du parti travailliste a ouvert la voie a la devolution, et la seconde parce que les trois partis favorables a une reforme du statut de l'ecosse au sein du royaume-uni ont fait campagne ensemble pour defendre le projet de devolution propose par le gouvernement, malgre leurs divergences de vue sur la finalite du projet.
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Weinblum, Sharon. "The management of security and democracy in political discourse: an analysis of the competing discursive articulations of the security-democracy nexus in the Israeli Parliament." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209748.
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This dissertation departs from the common understanding that the democratic challenge is to strike the right balance between security and democracy; rather it asserts that the relations between security and democracy are discursively constructed by political actors. The dissertation takes as case study a state where the security discourse has been acute and omnipresent since the very beginning of its establishment: Israel. Drawing on discourse theory premises and narrative analyses, the research enlightens how the security-democracy nexus is articulated in political discourse. The study offers a careful analysis of a set of debates held within the Israeli parliament, the Knesset, over laws and decisions taken in the name of security and that generated discussions over democratic values and principles. The main focus of the analysis is the post-second intifada laws, but the study also offers account of previous discursive articulations at play in the 1980s. Indeed, the understanding of the discursive articulations of the security democracy nexus would not be possible without digging into the roots of its discursive articulations. The overall work gives a detailed account of the way the dominant narrative, by articulating security and democracy in a "defensive democracy" story, has reproduced and reshaped the boundaries of the Israeli polity.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Wide, Jessika. "Kvinnors politiska representation i ett jämförande perspektiv - nationell och lokal nivå." Doctoral thesis, Umeå University, Political Science, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-921.
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The purpose of this dissertation is to map and analyze the spatial and temporal variation in women’s political representation at both the national and local level. In the dissertation it is argued that women’s political representation is the outcome of the interplay between structures, institutions and actors. The perspective is a comparative one, in which quantitative analyses and more qualitative case-studies complement each other. When analysing spatial variation a mainly quantitative approach is taken, while the case-study approach is applied to the temporal variation.
The first empirical chapter examines whether female representation in the lower houses of the world’s parliaments co-varies with other indicators of the political situation of women in order to ensure the validity of the analysis. In the second empirical chapter female representation in parliaments of the world during the post-war period is analyzed. In the third empirical chapter the focus narrows down to women’s political representation in Western Europe during the post-war period, where both the national and local level is analysed. The fourth empirical chapter consists of case studies of six countries. Sweden, Norway and the Netherlands feature high female representation; France, Greece and Ireland low female representation. In the fifth empirical chapter women’s political representation at the local level in Norway and Sweden is analysed during the post-war period. In the sixth empirical chapter the temporal variation in female representation in a number of Swedish municipalities is analysed, from the introduction of female suffrage in 1921 until 2002.
The result is that both structures, institutions and actors are necessary to explain the spatial and temporal variation in female representation. There is no direct link between structures and female representation. The structure does affect the actors and co-varies with the institutions, but successful actors as entrepreneurs might boost female representation. Actors are important. The increase in female representation cannot be seen as an automatic process taking care of itself. Conscious actors are necessary both to affect and to monitor the development. An unfavourable structural context might be compensated for by actors and institutions which favour female representation.
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Jamot, Didier. "Le Parlement et les relations internationales." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1005.
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Le Parlement est généralement considéré comme un acteur institutionnel ne pouvant s'impliquer dans les relations internationales. Seul, le pouvoir exécutif disposerait de la capacité à agir dans ce domaine. En réalité, cet état de choses qui était vrai à l'aube de la Vème République n'est plus d'actualité. L'évolution du monde au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale avec la décolonisation, la fin de la guerre froide, la mondialisation, mais aussi l'accélération de la construction européenne, a été à l'origine de l'attrait des parlementaires pour les questions de politique étrangère. Les révisions constitutionnelles successives, les modifications des règlements des assemblées et l'adoption de plusieurs lois leur ont alors fourni les moyens d'agir.Désormais, les députés et les sénateurs exercent une influence sur la politique étrangère de la France ; ils disposent d'outils parlementaires leur assurant une information et un contrôle des activités internationales du Gouvernement ; et ils sont parvenus à mettre en place une véritable diplomatie parlementaire tant bilatérale, comme dans le cadre des groupes d'amitié, que multilatérale, comme dans celui des assemblées parlementaires internationalesParliament is generally thought to be an institution which is incapable of influencing international relations. The Executive Power alone is said to be capable of acting in this sphere.In reality, while this was true at the dawn of the Fifth Republic, it is no longer the case. The way the world changed after World War II – decolonization, the end of the Cold War, globalization, but also the rapid European integration – was the fundamental appeal of foreign policy for members of Parliament. The constitutional changes which then occurred, changes to Rules of Procedure of the assemblies and the adoption of several laws, afforded them the ability to act. Ever since, deputies and senators have influenced French foreign affairs. They have access to tools which assure them information and a certain control of the Government's international activities. They have likewise succeeded in establishing a parliamentary diplomacy equally bilateral – like Friendship groups – as multilateral, as is found in international parliaments
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Viktorovitch, Clément. "Parler, pour quoi faire ? : la délibération parlementaire à l’Assemblée nationale et au Sénat (2008-2012)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013IEPP0068.
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Les théories de la démocratie délibérative admettent deux modèles, dialogique et rhétorique, réservant chacun au Parlement un rôle central : élaborer les décisions par la discussion délibérative ; contribuer à la formation du jugement des citoyens par le débat contradictoire. Cette thèse explore les fondements empiriques de ces modèles. A travers l’analyse argumentative des débats en séance publique et l’observation ethnographique des échanges en commission, elle compare l’idéal normatif aux pratiques du Parlement français. Discussions délibératives et débats contradictoires se révèlent alors faire partie intégrante des interactions parlementaires. La discussion délibérative se déploie principalement au Sénat et en commission, bien qu’elle émerge parfois à l’Assemblée nationale et en séance publique. Son influence sur la législation demeure limitée, sans être pour autant négligeable. L’hémicycle de l’Assemblée nationale apparaît, lui, comme l’espace privilégié du débat contradictoire. Ces résultats plaident en faveur du bicamérisme, qui permet de concilier les rôles pédagogique et législatif des débats parlementaires. Ils mettent également en avant l’incertitude de la séance publique : loin de se contenter d’enregistrer les décisions gouvernementales, celle-ci se révèle fréquemment comme un espace d’arbitrage et d’élaboration des décisions. Cette étude est enfin l’occasion, à travers l’analyse inductive des données recueillies, de proposer une contribution à la théorie politique : identifier les caractéristiques argumentatives de la discussion délibérative, confirmer et préciser les vertus du débat contradictoire, affiner l’effet du huis clos sur les discussionsDeliberative democracy theories allow two different dialogical and rhetorical models which both give a central role to the Parliament: elaborating decisions by way of deliberative discussion and contributing to the formation of the citizens’ judgement by way of contradictory debates. This thesis explores the empirical foundations of these models. Through the argumentative analysis of public session debates and the ethnographical observation of exchanges in committees, it compares the normative ideal to the practices of the French Parliament. Deliberative discussions and contradictory debates thus reveal themselves to be an integral part of parliamentary interactions. Deliberative discussion is mainly deployed in the Sénat and in committees, even though it sometimes emerges at the Assemblée nationale and during public sessions. Its influence on legislation remains limited though not entirely insignificant. On the other hand, the hemicycle of the Assemblée nationale appears to be a prime space for contradictory debate. These results advocate for a bicameral system, which allows the educational and legislative aspects of parliamentary debates to be reconciled. They also highlight the uncertainty of public sessions: far from being restricted to the registering of governmental decisions, these sessions are frequently used to arbitrate and elaborate decisions. Finally, through the inductive analysis of the collected data, this study is the opportunity to put forward a contribution to political theory: identifying the argumentative characteristics of deliberative discussion, confirming and pointing out the virtues of contradictory debate, and clarifying the effects of an in camera environment on discussions
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Tejic, Maja. "Social citizenship beyond the nation-state : A qualitative analysis of the European parliamentary debates concerning the development of an EU welfare." Thesis, Södertörns högskola, Institutionen för samhällsvetenskaper, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:sh:diva-36711.
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Welfare and questions regarding social security have historically been a concern of the nation state, but the development of the European Union’s integration project has created a necessity for an international legal framework that covers that specific field. It has been found that international cooperation on welfare issues is not such an easy task, and numerous scholars have given different answers to why this has been the case. The purpose of this study is to examine if there exists a path dependency in the argumentations in the European parliamentary debates through the following research question: Is it able to see signs of path dependency concerning welfare regimes in the debates of the European parliament and do these affect how far the EU is willing to go concerning the development of the social citizenship, or has this more to do with the ideological stances between party group affiliations? Gösta Esping-Andersen suggests an almost path dependent development of welfare regimes and suggests that they have an impact on political behavior, and his theory on welfare regimes has been used in this study. This study has been conducted through an analysis of plenary debates in the European parliament between the years 2001-2010 using Toulmin's argumentation analysis model which focuses on deducing underlying warrants in the statements. Based on this model, the result is that the debates are an ideological conflict. The difference in opinion between the representatives are rather ideologically influenced than based on the path dependence of welfare regimes.
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Jonsson, Alexander. "Do Eurosceptic Parties Affect the Turnout in European Elections? : A quantitative study on Eurosceptic Parties and how their vote shares in National Parliament elections influences the changes between European Elections." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-412432.
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McColl, Heidi. "Men in Power: The Significance of the Representation of Women in terms of Gender Equality in the National Legislatures of Sweden and Canada." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2726.
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The representation of women in numbers in national legislatures is an issue of great importance to Feminist researchers around the world. While the representation of women is an accomplishment in its own right, what remains to be said is whether or not the representation of women in national parliaments affects the level of gender equality present to a great extent. In this paper, gender equality is measured in terms of general working conditions in parliament, such as the distribution of women among standing parliamentary committees, and the attitudes of parliamentarians towards the issue of gender equality. In this multi-strategy research design a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods is used in the form of questionnaires, interviews and statistical analyses in order to establish the significance of the representation of women in the national legislatures of Sweden and Canada. The national legislatures in Sweden, the Riksdag, and Canada, the House of Commons, were compared as the Riksdag represents a progressive case in terms of the presence of women with 45 percent women, while the House of Commons represents a less progressive case with only 21 percent women. The Politics of Presence theory represents the theoretical framework for this study and is tested in order to determine whether the presence of women truly matters.
In this study it is found that the presence of women in national legislatures does not signify gender equality as conditions of gender inequality are found in the attitudes and working conditions in the Canadian House of Commons and in the working conditions of the Swedish Riksdag. It is concluded that the representation of women does not matter with regards to gender equality as situations of gender inequality exist in both national legislatures investigated.
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Künzel, Mathias. "Enthalten die Stellungnahmen der NPD-Fraktion im Plenum des sächsischen Landesparlamentes rechtsextremistische Elemente?" Master's thesis, Saechsische Landesbibliothek- Staats- und Universitaetsbibliothek Dresden, 2010. http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bsz:14-qucosa-27521.
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Die Arbeit untersucht die Stellungnahmen der NPD-Fraktion im Sächsischen Landtag auf rechtsextremistische Inhalte. Dafür werden die entsprechenden Abschnitte der Plenarprotokolle aus dem ersten Teil der 4. Legislaturperiode (Oktober 2004 bis Juli 2006) mittels einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse untersucht.
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Rayder, Benjamin [Verfasser], Thomas [Akademischer Betreuer] Saalfeld, Servent Ariadna [Akademischer Betreuer] Ripoll, and Johannes [Akademischer Betreuer] Marx. "Calculated Competitors or Ideological Bedfellows? A Comparative Analysis of the Policy Similarities and Differences Between the National Democratic Party of Germany (NPD) and Die Linke in the Saxon State Parliament During the 5th Legislative Period, 2009-2014 / Benjamin Rayder ; Thomas Saalfeld, Ariadna Ripoll Servent, Johannes Marx." Bamberg : Otto-Friedrich-Universität Bamberg, 2017. http://d-nb.info/114004334X/34.
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Poyet, Corentin. "Le député prisonnier de sa circonscription : étude de la réactivité des parlementaires au prisme des contraintes institutionnelles et territoriales." Thesis, Bordeaux, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016BORD0361/document.
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Cette recherche traite de la réactivité des parlementaires français vis-à-vis de leur circonscription.Ce faisant, notre thèse investit l’aspect dyadique de la représentation politique qui a été largementignoré par la littérature française et offre ainsi un nouveau regard sur la variété des activités desdéputés français tant à Paris qu’en circonscription. En s’inspirant des écrits du néoinstitutionnalismedes choix rationnels, notre thèse vise à mettre en lumière les déterminantsinstitutionnels de la réactivité vis-à-vis de la circonscription ainsi que les logiques qui sous-tendentles pratiques de représentation. En surmontant le descriptivisme de beaucoup d’études à ce sujetet à l’aide de solides matériaux empiriques, nous montrons que le territoire d’élection affectegrandement le comportement des députés tant dans le contenu que sur la forme des activités. Lacirconscription et les attentes différenciées des citoyens agissent de manière systématique sur lamanière dont les députés mènent leur mandatThis research deals with French MPs responsiveness. This dissertation studies the dyadicrepresentation in the French Assemblée nationale which was largely neglected by scholars. It givesthus a new insight on the diversity of French MPs activities both in Paris and in their district.Following the arguments of the rational choice new institutionalism, our dissertation aims tohighlight the institutional determinants of MPs responsiveness toward their district and the logicsthat underlie their practices of representations. By overcoming the descriptiveness of many studiesand thanks to original and solid empirical data, we show that the characteristics of the districtstrongly affect both the kind and the content of MPs activities. The district and the various citizens’expectations systematically affect the way French MPs conceive their mandate
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Gavoille, Nicolas. "Individuals matter : three essays on French politicians." Thesis, Rennes 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015REN1G011/document.
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L’objectif de cette thèse est d’introduire de manière explicite les caractéristiques personnelles des décideurs publics dans l’analyse de processus politiques français. Trois cas sont successivement analysés, soulevant chacun une problématique distincte. Le premier chapitre s’intéresse à l’échelon municipal, et se base sur un jeu de données original comportant des informations sur l’ensemble des maires des municipalités de plus de 10000 habitants entre 2000 et 2012. L’objectif est de décrire comment l’influence idiosyncratique d’un maire sur la politique d’investissement municipal impacte sa probabilité de réélection. Les résultats indiquent que plus la taille de la municipalité augmente, moins les électeurs se basent sur ce type d’information. Le second chapitre a pour objet la production législative française, et s’appuie également sur une base de données originale. Un double cycle de production législative émerge, généré par les élections présidentielles et législatives. Il apparaît également que les caractéristiques personnelles des ministres influencent la stratégie du gouvernement, notamment l’âge et l’expérience. Enfin, le troisième chapitre se focalise sur l’impact de la compétition électorale sur le processus de recrutement politique. Un important travail de collecte de données concernant la production parlementaire de chaque député de la Ve République permet d’étudier cette relation ainsi que son évolution au cours de la période 1959-2012. Il en ressort que les députés élus dans des circonscriptions compétitives ont une activité parlementaire plus importante, toutes choses égales par ailleurs. Cependant, ce lien entre activité et compétition est en constante diminution depuis les années 1980The aim of this thesis is to explicitly introduce the decision-maker into the empirical analysis of different political processes in the French context. Three cases are successively analyzed,each raising a specific problematic. The first chapter focuses on French municipalities. A new original dataset, covering mayors of municipalities of more than 10,000 inhabitants over the period 2000-2012, underpins the study. The objective is to investigate to what extentthe mayor’s personal influence on the investment policy affects his/her reelection probability. Results show that this information plays a significant role only in small municipalities. Chapter twostudies the French legislative production, exploiting another original dataset. A dual cycle of the production of laws emerges, connected to both the presidential and the legislative elections. A link between government members’ personal characteristics and legislative output is established. Finally, chapter three investigates the relationship between electoral competition and political selection. A third important dataset providing data about the individual parliamentary work of the deputies over the period 1958-2012 allows such an analysis. Resultsindicate that deputies elected in contested districts have a higher overall productivity. The intensity of the relationship reached its peak in the 1980’s, but is continuously decreasing since then