Relevant bibliographies by topics / National Party (South Africa)

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'National Party (South Africa)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 August 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "National Party (South Africa)"

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Filatova, Irina, and Apollon Davidson. "‘We, the South African Bolsheviks’: The Russian Revolution and South Africa." Journal of Contemporary History 52, no. 4 (October 2017): 935–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417722399.

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In South Africa, the Russian Revolution was admired by socialists and nationalists alike. The National Party soon stopped praising the Bolsheviks, but the effect of the Revolution on the nascent Communist Party was important and lasting. South African communists closely watched developments in Soviet Russia and established relations with the Communist International (Comintern) even before the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) was born. The Party’s ideology and policy were shaped by the Comintern’s ideas and instructions. In the 1920s and 1930s the struggle around the Comintern-imposed slogan of the independent native republic and the Comintern’s campaigns for ‘bolshevization’ nearly brought the party to its demise. But it survived, and its leadership took the Comintern’s ideals and ideas into the postwar era. The Comintern’s theoretical legacy, particularly its idea of a two-stage (national and socialist) revolution proved long-lasting. This idea became entrenched in the programs of the African National Congress, the party of national liberation and since 1994, the party of government. Even today a significant proportion of South Africa’s black population cherishes the vision of a radical revolution and demands its implementation.
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Reddy, Thiven. "The Congress Party Model: South Africa's African National Congress (ANC) and India's Indian National Congress (INC) as Dominant Parties." African and Asian Studies 4, no. 3 (2005): 271–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920905774270493.

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Abstract The paper argues that the model developed to analyze the dominance of the Indian National Congress of the political party system during the first two decades of independence helps in our understanding of the unfolding party system in South Africa. A comparison of the Congress Party and the African National Congress suggests many similarities. The paper is divided into three broad sections. The first part focuses on the dominant party system in India. In the second part, I apply the model of the Congress System to South Africa. I argue that the three features of the Congress System – a dominant party with mass based legitimacy, constituted by many factions and operating on the idiom of consensus-seeking internal politics, and sources of opposition who cooperate with factions in the dominant party to influence the political agenda – prevails in South Africa. In the third part, I draw on the comparison between the ANC and Congress Party to account for why certain nationalist movements become dominant parties. I emphasize that broad nationalist movements displaying high degrees of legitimacy and embracing democratic practices are adaptive to changing contexts and develop organizational mechanisms to manage internal party conflict. They contribute to the consolidation of democracy rather than undermine it.
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Mlambo, Daniel Nkosinathi, and Victor H. Mlambo. "To What Cost to its Continental Hegemonic Standpoint: Making Sense of South Africa’s Xenophobia Conundrum Post Democratization." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 8, no. 2 (May 10, 2021): 347. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/696.

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From the 1940s, a period where the National Party (NP) came into power and destabilized African and Southern Africa’s political dynamics, South Africa became a pariah state and isolated from both the African and African political realms and, to some extent, global spectrum(s). The domestic political transition period (1990-1994) from apartheid to democracy further changed Pretoria’s continental political stance. After the first-ever democratic elections in 1994, where the African National Congress (ANC) was victorious, South Africa was regarded as a regional and continental hegemon capable of re-uniting itself with continental and global politics and importantly uniting African states because of its relatively robust economy. However, the demise of apartheid brought immense opportunities for other African migrants to come and settle in South Africa for diverse reasons and bring a new enemy in xenophobia. Post-1994, xenophobia has rattled South Africa driven (albeit not entirely) by escalating domestic social ills and foreign nationals often being blamed for this. Using a qualitative methodology supplemented by secondary data, this article ponders xenophobia in post-democratization South Africa and what setbacks this has had on its hegemonic standpoint in Africa post the apartheid era.
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B. Rapanyane, Makhura, Florence R. Sethole, Happy M. Tirivangasi, and Shingirai S. Mugambiwa. "The Politics of Employment in South Africa under the African National Congress: An Afrocentric perspective." African Journal of Development Studies (formerly AFFRIKA Journal of Politics, Economics and Society) 12, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2634-3649/2022/v12n1a8.

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The rate of unemployment (state of being unemployed) in South Africa continues to rise yearly and the youth of South Africa continue to suffer at the hands of the leading Party, the African National Congress (ANC). This article adopts the Afrocentric theory to unpack the realities of the current state of employment in South Africa. The authors argue that it is currently uneasy for youth and tertiary graduates to get employment. Some of the reasons outlined in the article include favouritism, corruption and nepotism that continue to haunt the ANC almost three decades in power. The systematic politics of employment in South Africa does not favour the ordinary citizens in dire need of jobs. This article’s central argument is that government vacancies that are regularly advertised are not often awarded to deserving individuals, but individuals aligned to the ruling ANC party. Methodologically, this paper relied heavily on document study.
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Adam, Heribert, and Kogila Moodley. "Negotiations About What in South Africa?" Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 3 (September 1989): 367–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020346.

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Widespread scepticism prevails that the proper conditions for negotiations do not as yet exist in South Africa. Yet, most major parties to the conflict (with the exception of the Pan-Africanist Congress) flaunt negotiations as the magic formula for settling a seemingly intractable dispute. From the western governments to the Soviet Union, from the African National Congress to the National Party, all advocate negotiations. In 1989 the N.P. fought a successful election campaign to receive a mandate for talks. The A.N.C. issued a lengthy policy document that aims at preparing its constituency and setting wellknown preconditions (lifting of the emergency, release of political prisoners and return of exiles, free political activity). Even the Conservative Party admits that it eventually will have to negotiate the boundaries of a Boerestaat when it ‘opts out’ of an increasingly integrated, undivided one-nation state.
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Southall, Roger. "Polarization in South Africa: Toward Democratic Deepening or Democratic Decay?" ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 681, no. 1 (December 20, 2018): 194–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218806913.

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Under apartheid, white oppression of the black majority was extreme, and South Africa became one of the most highly polarized countries in the world. Confronted by a counter-movement headed by the African National Congress (ANC), the ruling National Party (NP) was eventually pressured into a negotiation process that resulted in the adoption of a democratic constitution. This article outlines how democratization defused polarization, but was to be hollowed out by the ANC’s construction of a “party-state,” politicizing democratic institutions and widening social inequalities. This is stoking political tensions, which, despite societal interdependence, are provoking fears of renewed polarization along class and racial lines.
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Turianitsa, Daria А. "South Africa – 2024: Political Parties’ Activities Ahead of Elections." Asia and Africa today, no. 2 (December 15, 2024): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s032150750030073-2.

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The article briefly examines the performance of the main South African political parties such as the African National Congress, the Democratic Alliance and the Economic Freedom Fighters on the eve of the general elections in 2024. To assess the situation, the data from think-tanks and NGO is also used. This paper highlights some issues that convey the complexity of the internal environment in the run-up to the event, such as the emergence of the Multi-Party Charter and other political players. Despite the challenges, the African National Congress continues to be the only party with “moral baggage” for voters from all population groups. In the emerging electoral race, it is interesting to observe how the “new” and “old” political forces strategize to maximize their votes from different communities in South Africa, especially among the “Coloured” community. This piece describes the emergence of new political organizations that are aimed at mobilising voters from the “Coloured” community, first and foremost in the Western Cape Province.
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Engel, Ulf. "South Africa: The 2014 National and Provincial Elections." Africa Spectrum 49, no. 2 (August 2014): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971404900204.

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On 7 May 2014, South Africa held its fifth national and provincial elections since the end of apartheid in 1994. Despite a degree of discontent, the ANC remained firmly in power, receiving 62.15 per cent of the vote. Frustration about non-delivery of services, autocratic tendencies within the ruling party and widespread corrupt practices did not translate into substantially more votes for opposition parties, except in the Western Cape and Gauteng regions (and a swing vote from COPE to DA in Northern Cape). However, voter mobilisation seems to be stagnating and ANC breakaway parties are not faring particularly well. Twenty years after the end of apartheid, popular discontent with the ANC government has expressed itself in voting apathy, particularly among the “born-free” generation. Just as in 2004 and 2009, non-voters remain the largest group in the South African electorate, outnumbering even the ANC.
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Irwin, Ronald. "ANC and its use of history to build its brand." Communicare: Journal for Communication Studies in Africa 39, no. 1 (October 6, 2022): 80–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.36615/jcsa.v39i1.1531.

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The African National Congress, South Africa’s ruling party since its liberation from apartheid in1994, has one of the most compelling stories in modern political history. Few political partiesin the world have such a momentous, historically moving narrative; and few have used it tosuch effect. The party has specialised in associating itself with the “collective memory” of theSouth African people, ensuring that the ANC has been strongly associated with the South Africanstruggle narrative of the twentieth century. This is the heart of the “good story” that has kept theruling party in power since 1994 and made it very difficult for other political groupings to claim tohave played a major role in the struggle for freedom in South Africa.
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Ejiogu, EC. "Post-Liberation South Africa: Sorting Out the Pieces." Journal of Asian and African Studies 47, no. 3 (June 2012): 257–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909611428041.

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The written history and narratives of the anti-apartheid liberation struggle in South Africa has been cast, albeit erroneously, as if it was waged and won solely by the African National Congress (ANC), its ally the South African Communist Party (SACP), and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU), the three alliance partners that have held the reins of state power since the first multi-racial democratic elections in 1994. The truth is that the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC) of Azania, the Azania People’s Organization (AZAPO), the New Unity Movement (NUMO), and several other liberation movements played significantly vital roles in that struggle. The ensuing discourse puts this state of affairs on the PAC’s diminished status in the politics of post-liberation South Africa, which derives partly from its radical antecedents from its inception that placed it apart from the ANC from which it split in 1959, earned it immediate proscription from the apartheid stage before it could root itself properly as well as notoriety in the West. The discourse argues and concludes that a more comprehensive narrative and written history of that struggle will benefit the on-going quest for the transformation of South Africa’s multi-racial democracy and the course of democracy in the rest of Africa.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "National Party (South Africa)"

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Mwangi, Oscar Gakuo. "Democracy and party dominance in Kenya and South Africa : a comparative study of the Kenya African National Union and the African National Congres." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008431.

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Kenya and South Africa can be described as dominant party systems, under the dominance of the Kenya African National Union CKANU) and the African National Congress CANC) respectively. A dominant party system is in essence a democracy. The spirit of democracy may, however, apparently be contradicted by the weight of party dominance, thus questioning the content of and prospects for democracy under party dominance in both Kenya and South Africa. The study is a comparative analysis of party dominance in Kenya and South Africa. The main objective is to exan1ine the relationship between party dominance and democracy in both countries. It seeks to find out how party dominance is reproducing itself and surviving the post 1990 transition processes in Kenya and South Africa. More importantly, the study also seeks to find out how party dominance impacts upon institutions that support or uphold democratization and subsequently democracy. The findings of the study demonstrate that party dominance has reproduced itself and survived the post-1990 period, and is also impacting upon democratization and democracy. The dominant parties take a similar trajectory in pursuit of dominance over the state and its apparatuses. However, they differ when it comes to their relationship with the civil society. That between KANU and civil society is antagonistic, as the ruling party seeks to augment political power through authoritarian dominance of the latter to, while that of the ANC and civil society is responsive, as the former seeks to enhance political stability in the country. The impact of party dominance upon institutions that support democracy takes similar and different trajectories in both countries. Similarities arise with respect to the detrimental impact upon institutions of the Executive that ensure accountability and transparency, evident in the increasing cases of corruption, nepotism and political patronage appointments. Similarly, there has been a detrimental impact upon the Legislature regarding parliamentary proceedings. Parliamentary committees and opposition parties are being rendered ineffective as organs of ensuring transparency and accountability, and are often subject to delegitimation. The impact of party dominance on the Judiciary, however, differs in both countries. In Kenya, the judiciary continues to suffer from excessive interference from the Executive and the ruling party, whereas in South Africa the judicial system remains largely independent with regard to the application of justice, despite constant criticisms from the dominant party. The study concludes that South Africa is, gradually, going the Kenyan way. If this condition is left unchecked there is the possibility that South Africa could eventually end up a psuedo-democracy like Kenya, where formal democratic political institutions such as multiparty elections, exist to mask the reality of authoritarian dominance. The thesis recommends that strengthening civil society organizations, opposition political parties, and state institutions in both countries to ensure greater accountability and transparency, will reverse this detrimental effect of party dominance. It also recommends meaningful constitutional reforms that will guarantee greater independence of these institutions, and the decentralization of governmental and political power to check and limit the powers of the dominant party. Also recommended are areas for further research.
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Le, Roux Cornelius Johannes Brink. "Umkhonto we Sizwe its role in the ANC's onslaught against white domination in South Africa, 1961-1988 /." Pretoria : [s.n.], 1992. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-06232009-103157.

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Ansara, David. "The decline of a dominant party : the Indian National Congress, 1967-1977." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10034.

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This thesis is concerned with the phenomenon of Single Party Dominance (SPD) and the implications of such a phenomenon on the party system in post-Independence India. Specifically, the work is tasked with explaining how dominance can end by providing an analytical narrative of a single case of SPD and its collapse. This will be done by examining the precipitous decline of the Indian National Congress over a ten-year period from 1967, where Congress lost its first state-level elections, to 1977, where the party was finally rejected at the national level after three decades of dominance.
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Lawrence, John. "Influence of National Socialist ideology on the South African Nationalist party 1939-1945." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28415.

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This thesis seeks to define the relationship between Nazi ideology and the ideology of Afrikaner Nationalism as represented by the Nationalist party of South Africa during the war years between 1939 to 1945. It addresses the two separate problems, what fascist ideology is, for it is necessary to define fascism before one can understand Naziism, a species of fascism, and whether the ideology of the Nationalist party of South Africa was fascist or Nazi during World War II, a period of time when international events exercised a considerable influence on domestic politics in South Africa. These two problems have been approached by examining authorities on the subject dealt with in this thesis, and by looking at statements of leading Nationalist politicians' documents and Nationalist party platforms, as well as the overt political behaviour of the Italian fascists, the German National Socialists, the Nationalist party, as well as other related fascist organizations. The framework into which this data has been inserted includes a historical overview of Afrikaner history in South Africa, and history of the Nationalist party, an examination of the South african political situation during the period under question, followed first by an 8 point definition of fascism and a 2 point definition of Naziism, and then by a comparison of Nationalist ideology with fascism and Naziism on each characteristic. The definition of fascism offered in this thesis is premised on the fact that a political party's ideology comes out in its overt behaviour, and is not merely a recapitulation of its stated party platform. The conclusions arrived at show that the Nationalist party was influenced by fascist and Nazi ideology on some points, notably in its attitudes towards Communists, Jews and democracy. Dissimilarities arise when one compares the Nationalists to the Nazis in the social composition of their respective movements, and when one discovers the contrast between the nationalist party's religio-traditionalist conservatism and the Nazi's revolutionary nihilism. The Nationalist party can be shown to be a party that was open to Nazi influence but not completely swamped by it during the period in question.
Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Spiess, Clemens. "One-party-dominance in changing societies the African National Congress and Indian National Congress in comparative perspective ; a study in party systems and agency in post-colonial India and post-apartheid South Africa /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2004. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=97250981X.

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Hunsaker, Christine. "A study of South Africa's National Party perceptions of United States foreign policy in the 1980's with particular reference to sanctions." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/17312.

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This dissertation seeks to represent, as clearly as it is possible, South Africa's National Party perceptions on United States foreign policy in the 1980s. The primary area of focus is the policy switch from constructive engagement to punitive sanctions in the mid-1980s and the circumstances to which they have given rise. The following is a brief summary and the contents of the dissertation. The dissertation will give a complete and formal statement in chapter two on U.S. foreign policy toward South Africa since approximately World War Two. The dissertation will provide a clear definition and understanding of economic sanctions in chapter three and touch on the current on-going sanctions debate in South Africa. The core of the dissertation is displayed in chapter four which is a presentation the of field data collected from personal interviews with a third of the National Party caucus. This displays the National Party's perceptions on U.S. foreign policy. Following, chapter five presents alternative views to those held by the NP on the same issues discussed in chapter four. The final chapter makes an attempt at some conclusions based on the data presented in the dissertation. This study is important because it maintains that the data and questions presented in this dissertation offer interview material that has been little studied in the past, thus the findings have the virtue of freshness and uniqueness.
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Makwembere, Sandra. "Public sector industrial relations in the context of alliance politics : the case of Makana Local Municipality, South Africa (1994-2006) /." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/1175/.

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Hesjedal, Siv Helen. "Contemporary left politics in South Africa: the case of the tri-partite alliance in the Eastern Cape." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003083.

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This thesis aims to make sense of Left politics in South Africa within the Tri-partite Alliance between the ANC, SACP and COSATU. The thesis focuses on developments in the Eastern Cape, between 2000 and 2008. The thesis describes the prevalent forms of Left politics in the Eastern Cape and the tendencies in the Alliance that organise this Left. The thesis also examines the historical, social and political conditions and that shape the form and content of Left politics in the province. Based on a survey of literature on what is considered the core manifestations of Left politics globally in the 20th Century Left politics is defined as the elements of the political spectrum that are concerned with the progressive resolution of involuntary disadvantage and with a goal of abolishing class society and capitalism. Although the Alliance as a whole should be seen to be on the Left on an international political spectrum, this thesis argues that the Left/Right dichotomy is useful for understanding the politics of the Alliance, as long as the second part of this definition is taken into consideration. The Alliance Left is understood as those leaders and activists within the Alliance that have the SACP and Cosatu as their operating base. It will be argued that this Left is, in its practice, largely concerned with what insiders refer to as politics of „influence‟, rather than with politics of „structural transformation‟. It is the ANC that is the leader of the Alliance and the party in government and thus it is on the terrain of ANC strategy, policy and positions that contestation in the Alliance plays itself out. Thus, for the Left, there is strength in the idea of the Alliance. However, there are significant theoretical and political weaknesses in the Left that undermine the possibility of making good use of various corporatist platforms to pursue the agenda of the Left in the Eastern Cape. There is also increased contestation within the Alliance Left itself about the continued usefulness of this strategy.
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Spieß, Clemens [Verfasser], and Subrata K. [Akademischer Betreuer] Mitra. "One-Party-Dominance in Changing Societies: The African National Congress and Indian National Congress in Comparative Perspective: A Study in Party Systems and Agency in Post-Colonial India and Post-Apartheid South Africa / Clemens Spieß ; Betreuer: Subrata K. Mitra." Heidelberg : CrossAsia E-Publishing, 2006. http://d-nb.info/1218726458/34.

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Barratt, Elizabeth. "Choosing to be part of the story : the participation of the South African National Editors' Forum in the democratising process /." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/29.

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Books on the topic "National Party (South Africa)"

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Africa), National Party (South. National Party policy. [South Africa]: The Party, 1993.

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Africa), National Party (South. NP/National Party: Manifesto, 27 April 1994. [South Africa?: NP], 1994.

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Du Toit, P. van der P. and Esterhuyse W. P, eds. The Myth makers: The elusive bargain for South Africa's future. Halfway House: Southern Book Publishers, 1990.

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Stephen, Ellis. Comrades against apartheid: ANC andthe South African Communist party in exile. London: J.Currey, 1992.

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O'Malley, Padraig. Ramaphosa and Meyer in Belfast : the South African experience : how the new South Africa was negotiated : an occasional paper. Boston: John W. McCormack Institute of Public Affairs, 1996.

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Pressclips, S. A., ed. Negotiations: ANC vs NP, will they talk? Tamboerskloof: S.A. Pressclips, 1989.

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Stephen, Ellis. Comrades against apartheid: The ANC & the South African Communist Party in exile. London: J. Currey, 1992.

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Westhuizen, Christi Van der. White power & the rise and fall of the National Party. Cape Town: Zebra Press, 2007.

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Kenney, Henry. Power, pride & prejudice: The years of Afrikaner nationalist rule in South Africa. Johannesburg: J. Ball Publishers, 1991.

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Slovo, Joe. The South African working class and the national democratic revolution. [Cape Town?]: South African Communist Party, 1989.

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Book chapters on the topic "National Party (South Africa)"

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Handley, Antoinette. "The National Party Perspective: Reform and Stability." In The New South Africa, 103–15. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26660-9_5.

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Altbeker, Antony, and Jonny Steinberg. "Race, Reason and Representation in National Party Discourse, 1990–1992." In South Africa in Transition, 49–71. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-26801-6_4.

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Schulz-Herzenberg, Collette. "The New National Party: The End of the Road." In Electoral Politics in South Africa, 166–86. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403978868_9.

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Piombo, Jessica. "The New National Party: Transforming into Irrelevance." In Institutions, Ethnicity, and Political Mobilization in South Africa, 103–23. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230623828_6.

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Furlong, Patrick J. "The National Party of South Africa: A Transnational Perspective." In New Perspectives on the Transnational Right, 67–84. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230115521_4.

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Lodge, Tom. "The African National Congress: There Is No Party Like It; Ayikho Efana Nayo." In Electoral Politics in South Africa, 109–28. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781403978868_6.

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Steenkamp, P. J. "The National Party and The Kwa-Natal Indaba." In Negotiating South Africa’s Future, 45–51. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-11328-6_5.

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Mokoene, Kearabetswe, and Grace Khunou. "Young Mothers, Labour Migration and Social Security in South Africa." In IMISCOE Research Series, 141–52. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92114-9_10.

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AbstractDue to the conditions of apartheid and social engineering, internal labour migration played an important role in shaping the roles and relationships of South African families. In a recent study on internal labour migration in South Africa, Mokoene (2017) found that even though men remain the main migrants in households, young women are becoming prominent migrants as well. This finding echoes other existing findings on national and international migration which illustrate that women continue to migrate in large numbers within and across borders in search of employment (Xulu-Gama, 2017; Kihato, 2013; Walker, 1990). Studies also show that labour migration presents both benefits and costs for migrant sending families (Mokoene & Khunou, 2019; see also Yao & Treiman, 2011). In this chapter we take a closer look at experiences of the families of young women who migrate from the rural parts of Madibeng in the North West Province of South Africa, to neighboring cities in search of employment. This is from a study by Mokoene (2017) which found that the migration of these young women come with a cost including, non-remittance, parental absence, and poverty to the families left behind.
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Xulu-Gama, Nomkhosi, and Pragna Rugunanan. "Conclusion." In IMISCOE Research Series, 261–70. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92114-9_18.

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AbstractThis book has provided a sociology of migration in southern Africa. It is widely acknowledged that Africa is historically differently positioned from other continents and that the relations within the continent are more complex in their specific, geographic and historical ways. The specific focus on southern Africa is indicative of and acknowledges the different dynamics in the various parts of Africa. This book moves away from the traditional approach in the literature, which views the African continent as homogenous with only shared characteristics. The continent has vast religious, linguistic, racial, national, ethnic, historical, economic, and geopolitical differences. While the focus of the book is on southern Africa, far-reaching empirical and theoretical conclusions can still be drawn because some of the migratory experiences discussed in this book are shared across countries in the context of a broader Global South. These commonalities are often characterised by unequal distribution of resources that shape the socio-economic and political dynamics of migration in the Global South.
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Misgun, Biniam. "Strategies and Tactics of Integration of Transnational African Migrants: Case Study of Ethiopian Migrants in South Africa." In IMISCOE Research Series, 215–27. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-92114-9_15.

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AbstractEthiopians come from a fractured country, with a heightened sense of ethnic identification. Ethnicity is central to their self-identification, accompanied by deeply entrenched ethnic cleavages at home and here in South Africa. Past and recent ethnic-based dynamics and cleavages are actively playing a part here. Such dynamics gained salience with the modern Ethiopian state’s practices and through their political history (Vaughan, 2003). These are part of the pervasively African concern: tension between the ethnic and the national, and the impulse to reconfigure and reconcile them. It is crucial to ask how these tensions evolve and transform in movements and moments in transnational spaces, and the interactions and encounters of these tensions and impulses in these spaces. Similarly, South African society too is very much divided, with its own tensions and contradictions. These coalesce with the tensions and dynamics that Ethiopians bring with them.
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Conference papers on the topic "National Party (South Africa)"

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Liebenberg, G. R., and A. L. Visagie. "Remediation of Sites Contaminated With Depleted Uranium in South Africa." In ASME 2003 9th International Conference on Radioactive Waste Management and Environmental Remediation. ASMEDC, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2003-4964.

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Like many other countries, South Africa embarked on a project involving the development of depleted uranium armour piercing ammunition during the 1980’s. Several weapon systems were tested on two proof ranges in the Northern Cape region of South Africa. These tests were conducted up to 1989 when a decision was taken to terminate the project. NECSA was contracted for the radiological clean up of these sites contaminated with depleted uranium (DU), which became a priority since 1997. The project, which was completed in 2002, was a first of its kind in South Africa and, even internationally, a unique operation. A phased approach was followed for the preparatory and clean-up activities. The first part of the presentation covers the development and planning phases of the project with particular reference to: • Introduction and typical radiological characteristics of depleted uranium weapons proof ranges. • Problem definition – extent of site contamination and site characteristics. • Development of the clean-up strategy for the sites. The second part of the presentation covers the various phases implemented for the clean up of the respective sites with specific reference to the on-site operations and methodology, radiation protection control measures, problems encountered and findings during various phases of the operation. The respective clean-up phases were the following: • Removal of surface contamination. This meant collection of objects from the surfaces of the strata identified in the radiological surveys performed on the respective sites. • Extended surface clean-up operation. This operation became eminent after a report, modelling trajectory paths, indicated that DU fragments could be expected outside the areas covered by the original site surveys. An area of ± 6 million m2 was covered by the extended clean up operation. • Contaminated metal clean-up operation. Metal target plates contaminated with entrapped uranium penetrators or layers of surface contamination had to be processed and removed from the sites. • Volume reduction by performing the following steps: * Collection of contaminated soil from the identified strata. A total of ± 35000-m3 soil was collected and stockpiled during this operation on the respective sites. * Mechanical screening of the collected soil to fractionate the DU penetrator remains into different size fractions. * Radiological screening of the soil containing the various size fractions to remove the uranium metal particles. • Radioactive waste management. The contaminated material and DU had to be removed from the sites and disposed of. Various routes were employed to execute this phase. • Materials and site clearance. Throughout each phase of the total clean-up operation radiation protection control measures were implemented based on prospective hazard assessments. The measures were further applied in such a way as to minimize exposures. At no stage did the actual exposures exceed the exposures estimated for each phase. The project was finally completed and cleared by the National Nuclear Regulator in July 2002.
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Naude, Elsa, and Tertia Horne. "Investigating Suggestions for Increasing the Throughput Rate of IS Students." In 2003 Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/2678.

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During the past few years science faculties at tertiary education institutions in South Africa have had to face increasing pressure from national as well as provincial government bodies to improve the student throughput rate. Various suggestions have been made to achieve this goal. This paper investigates the viability of two of these suggestions for solving the throughput problem. It is part of a larger reflexive research project investigating various aspects of the teaching and learning of Computing and IS through distance education. Information from the assignment records and the examination marks of students for a specific Computer Science second year module with a practical component was used for this study.
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"Political Party System and Democratization: South Africa, 1994-2009." In Nov. 27-28, 2017 South Africa. EARES, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.17758/eares.eph1117037.

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van Staden, Wynand JC. "An investigation into reducing third party privacy breaches during the investigation of cybercrime." In 2014 Information Security for South Africa (ISSA). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/issa.2014.6950503.

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Mostert, Sias, Mothibi Ramusi, Herman Steyn, and Martin Jacobs. "A National Pathfinder Satellite for South Africa." In 56th International Astronautical Congress of the International Astronautical Federation, the International Academy of Astronautics, and the International Institute of Space Law. Reston, Virigina: American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.2514/6.iac-05-b5.1.03.

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Fatoba, Olawale Samuel, and Tien-Chien Jen. "Experimental Investigation, Characterization, and Microstructural Enhancement of Laser Cladded Al-Si-Sn-Cu/Ti-6Al-4V Composite Coatings." In ASME 2023 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2023-112906.

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Abstract The manufacturing sector has not yet experienced a significant additive manufacturing (AM) effect. This is because there are a number of technical obstacles to be surmounted, such as a lack of process comprehension and in-situ process monitoring and quality control, particularly in metal AM systems. These factors can have a significant impact on the microstructure and the functionality of the manufactured coatings. AM processing parameters can be challenging to fine-tune. The process parameters can cause part deformation and microcracks, residual stresses that develop in the parts/coatings being made severely restrict their actual use. The study focuses on improving the mechanical and hardness properties of the titanium alloy (base metal) using quaternary (Al-Si-Sn-Cu) reinforcement coatings and direct laser metal deposition (DLMD) technique. The experimental work was carried out in South Africa at the National Laser Center (Pretoria) using a 3000 W Ytterbium Laser System (YLS). Multiple tracks were used, each measuring 65 mm in length, with a 2 mm spot diameter. For the purpose of characterizing the materials, standard method was used. The process factors were optimized using a L9 orthogonal design of experiment. Process variables included varying laser power, powder feed rate, and scan speed. According to the findings, the formation of titanium-aluminum (Ti3Al) led to a rise in copper weight percentage, which improved tensile strength, yield strength, and hardness properties. Additionally, copper atomic mobility during solidification led to the formation of the beta-titanium phase. The polished grains were created by adding layers, which resulted in the formation of the thin columnar and elongated grains. Increased scanning speed led to finer grains being created in the microstructure due to a faster cooling rate.
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Van Eck, Elzane, and Danie Hoffman. "The Impact of Covid-19 on Job Security of Millennial Quantity Surveyors." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002241.

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The covid-19 pandemic brought about disruption, change and challenges in many industries including the construction industry. Quantity Surveyors are the cost consultants of this industry. In 2021, 72% of all quantity surveyors in South Africa were younger than 45 years and the vast majority of this group form part of the millennial cohort. Millennials are the future upon which the quantity surveying profession will build and job security plays a key role when it comes to retaining talent. The purpose of this study was to investigate the impact covid-19 had on job security of millennial quantity surveyors. A quantitative research design was utilised making use of a questionnaire as research instrument. The questionnaire was distributed nationally by, the Association of South African Quantity Surveyors. The main findings indicate that 63% of millennial quantity surveyors felt that their jobs are not secure anymore and 48% indicated that they were considering emigration. The findings of this paper will be of value to quantity surveying employers as well as associations and professional bodies in the Built Environment.
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Drewes, J. E., and M. van Aswegen. "National planning in South Africa: a critical review." In SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT AND PLANNING 2013. Southampton, UK: WIT Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.2495/sdp130161.

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Mirza, Abdul, Makhamisa Senekane, Francesco Petruccione, and Brett van Niekerk. "Suitability of quantum cryptography for national facilities." In 2014 Information Security for South Africa (ISSA). IEEE, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/issa.2014.6950513.

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Wandera, Henry, Vukosi Marivate, and Moinina David Sengeh. "Predicting National School Performance for Policy Making in South Africa." In 2019 6th International Conference on Soft Computing & Machine Intelligence (ISCMI). IEEE, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/iscmi47871.2019.9004323.

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Reports on the topic "National Party (South Africa)"

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Roldan de Jong, Tamara. Rapid Review: Perceptions of COVID-19 Vaccines in South Africa. SSHAP, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/sshap.2021.021.

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As of April 19, 2021, South Africa has recorded 1.56 million COVID-19 cases and almost 54,000 deaths - more than any other country on the African continent. The country has begun the national rollout of the Johnson & Johnson (J&J) COVID-19 vaccine, with over 292 thousand doses administered it aims to achieve herd immunity by vaccinating at least 67 percent of its population (around 40 million people) by the end of 2021. The government suspended its initial rollout of the AstraZeneca (AZ) vaccine due to concerns over its effectiveness, particularly against the new B.1.351 variant, which accounts for 90% of the infections in South Africa. The J&J vaccine was put on temporary hold in April due to concerns about rare clotting disorders. Although data show that expected acceptance of COVID-19 vaccines is relatively high, the suspension of two vaccines in South Africa, where fear of infection is decreasing, will likely influence public reactions. Understanding how individuals and population groups perceive and make sense of COVID-19 vaccines is critical to inform the design and implementation of risk communication and community engagement (RCCE) strategies, and guide interventions aiming to promote and sustain acceptance of COVID-19 vaccines, while encouraging compliance with other COVID-19 preventive measures. This review syntheses community perceptions of COVID-19 vaccines in South Africa to inform RCCE strategies and policies and provides examples of successful practice. It draws on multiple secondary data sources: scientific literature, qualitative and quantitative studies, grey literature, and mainstream and social media. The review was supported by consultation with four local expert key informants from different fields. It is part of the Social Science in Humanitarian Action Platform (SSHAP) series on social science considerations relating to COVID-19 vaccines. It was written for SSHAP by Tamara Roldan de Jong and Anthrologica on request of the UNICEF South Africa Country Office. Contributions were made from the RCCE Collective Service East and Southern Africa (ESAR) Region. The brief is the responsibility of SSHAP.
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Hart, Tim, J. Mary Wickenden, Stephen Thompson, Gary Pienaar, Tinashe Rubaba, and Narnia Bohler-Muller. Literature Review to Support a Survey to Understand the Socio-economic, Wellbeing and Human Rights Related Experiences of People with Disabilities During Covid-19 Lockdown in South Africa. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ids.2022.012.

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COVID-19 pandemic and associated national responses have had ramifications for societies around the world, including South Africa. The marginalisation of people with disabilities is well documented in pre-COVID times, and emerging evidence suggests that the crisis has made this worse, as well as presenting new challenges for people with disabilities. This paper presents a review of published research and grey literature of relevance to the proven or anticipated socio-economic, wellbeing and human right related impacts of COVID-19 on people with disabilities in South Africa and other contexts. Its purpose is to summarise evidence to inform a study on the experiences of South Africans with disabilities during the COVID-19 pandemic and the development of an improved inclusive framework for future management of such crises in South Africa. After a brief introduction, the paper is structured around four main sections. Context is provided by considering COVID-19 and disability both globally and in Africa. Then the literature focused on Humanitarian Disaster Risk Reduction and disability inclusion is discussed. Finally the South African policy and legislation environment on disability and humanitarian action is explored. The review finds that globally there is a limited but growing body of work on COVID-19 and disability. There is a particular dearth of evidence focusing specifically on Africa. The evidence that does exist tends either to be focused on a few particular countries or form part of large global surveys. Much of the global level grey literature published early in the pandemic and subsequently anticipates exacerbated negative experiences for people with disabilities, including exclusion from services, stigma and discrimination and lack of inclusive approaches to relief and support by governments and others. Advisory materials, sometimes focussed on specific subgroups, are generally in agreement about calling for a universally inclusive and disability aware approach to pandemic mitigation across settings and sectors. The limited primary research on COVID-19 and disability is mostly focussed on high income settings and or populations with particular health concerns.
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Covary, Theo. South Africa National Cooling Plan. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), May 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/1973109.

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Cochran, Edwin S. Post-Apartheid South Africa and United States National Security. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, June 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada353177.

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Vega-Araújo, José, Juliana Peña Niño, Elisa Arond, and Fernando Patzy. Navigating a just energy transition from coal in the Colombian Caribbean. Stockholm Environment Institute, December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.51414/sei2023.063.

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The findings reported in this paper provide insights into the power dynamics and distributional politics that shape resistance to phasing out coal and to opportunities for change, as part of a broader project comparing these lessons and experiences in Colombia, South Africa and Indonesia, aiming to understand challenges to a just energy transition in coal-producing countries in the Global South. The current Colombian government has helped centre the concept of a just energy transition in public debate, encompassing a broad range of questions and concerns. National, regional and local discussions have different frameworks and visions for a future beyond fossil fuels, particularly regarding coal, which is a major export commodity but not a major fuel for domestic use in Colombia. For thermal coal–producing regions in Colombia, this debate touches on the challenges of both the legacy of extractive activities and the repercussions of losing a significant industrial sector, affecting local and regional economies and communities. Drawing on a series of workshops, a literature review, and interviews around transitions from coal in the Colombian departments of Cesar and La Guajira, researchers identified different visions of a just energy transition put forward at the national and regional levels, as well as some of the interests and strategies leveraged by different actors and groups in pushing certain visions of such a transition. In addition to presenting these results, the authors of this report provide insights into the power dynamics that shape resistance to phasing out coal and opportunities for transitions to more sustainable futures, with a strong emphasis on the efforts of civil society to create and achieve their visions of transition.
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Kranefeld, Robert. Beyond the grid : post-network energy provision in Rwanda. Goethe-Universität, Institut für Humangeographie, February 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gups.53186.

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In many parts of the world, the centralized grid provides energy to the population only to a limited extent. The electrification for sub-Saharan Africa countries is the lowest in the world, representing half of the world's population withoutelectricity. However, during the last years there has been an increased attention to rural areas in the Global South beyond the centralised grid, especially with respect to improved possibilities of solar power systems. The transition from one dominant form of energy provision to various alternatives includes different dimensions and depends on specific socio-spatial contexts. Energy systems are framed within systems of spatial practices, performed by a variety of involved actors, like consumers, local suppliers, international for-profit companies, international development donors as well as national and regional authorities. As such power systems arealways cause and effect of socio-technical change This study takes the example of Rwanda to analyse the marketization of decentralised energy systems. Based on empirical field work with energy entrepreneurs it combines Post-Colonial Theory with Science and Technology-Studies to theorise the role of energy to the social production of space beyond the grid.
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Hodey, Louis, and Fred Dzanku. A Multi-Phase Assessment of the Effects of COVID-19 on Food Systems and Rural Livelihoods in Ghana. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/apra.2021.041.

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The COVID-19 crisis has disrupted food systems in Ghana since its emergence in the country in March 2020. According to the United Nations World Food Programme, the socio-economic impact of the pandemic caused by the imposition of restrictions on social and commercial activities appears to be more devastating than the actual virus in many countries. This study is part of the Agricultural Policy Research in Africa programme’s assessment of the impact of the COVID-19 crisis on food systems and livelihoods in Ghana and seven other African countries – Ethiopia, Kenya, Malawi, Nigeria, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Conducted between June–July 2020 and February–March 2021, the study seeks to estimate the potential impact of COVID-19 on food systems and livelihoods in south-western Ghana.
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Smith, Gideon F., David Schindel, Richard Smith, and Scott Miller. Priority-driven Barcoding of Life for Southern Africa, and beyond: Report of a Southern Africa Regional DNA Barcode Meeting, South African National Biodiversity Institute, Cape Town, South Africa. Smithsonian Research Online, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5479/10088/106722.

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White, Edward L. In Search of a United States National Security Strategy: Republic of South Africa. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 1988. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada202040.

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Edwards, Mark, Theresa Kayzar-Boggs, Allison Wende, William Kinman, Joanna Denton, Jeremy Inglis, Robert Steiner, and Jerry Davydov. US-DOE and Republic of South Africa Uranium Benchmarking: Results From Los Alamos National Laboratory (Study Report). Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), July 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/1810527.

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