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Mwangi, Oscar Gakuo. "Democracy and party dominance in Kenya and South Africa : a comparative study of the Kenya African National Union and the African National Congres." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008431.
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Kenya and South Africa can be described as dominant party systems, under the dominance of the Kenya African National Union CKANU) and the African National Congress CANC) respectively. A dominant party system is in essence a democracy. The spirit of democracy may, however, apparently be contradicted by the weight of party dominance, thus questioning the content of and prospects for democracy under party dominance in both Kenya and South Africa. The study is a comparative analysis of party dominance in Kenya and South Africa. The main objective is to exan1ine the relationship between party dominance and democracy in both countries. It seeks to find out how party dominance is reproducing itself and surviving the post 1990 transition processes in Kenya and South Africa. More importantly, the study also seeks to find out how party dominance impacts upon institutions that support or uphold democratization and subsequently democracy. The findings of the study demonstrate that party dominance has reproduced itself and survived the post-1990 period, and is also impacting upon democratization and democracy. The dominant parties take a similar trajectory in pursuit of dominance over the state and its apparatuses. However, they differ when it comes to their relationship with the civil society. That between KANU and civil society is antagonistic, as the ruling party seeks to augment political power through authoritarian dominance of the latter to, while that of the ANC and civil society is responsive, as the former seeks to enhance political stability in the country. The impact of party dominance upon institutions that support democracy takes similar and different trajectories in both countries. Similarities arise with respect to the detrimental impact upon institutions of the Executive that ensure accountability and transparency, evident in the increasing cases of corruption, nepotism and political patronage appointments. Similarly, there has been a detrimental impact upon the Legislature regarding parliamentary proceedings. Parliamentary committees and opposition parties are being rendered ineffective as organs of ensuring transparency and accountability, and are often subject to delegitimation. The impact of party dominance on the Judiciary, however, differs in both countries. In Kenya, the judiciary continues to suffer from excessive interference from the Executive and the ruling party, whereas in South Africa the judicial system remains largely independent with regard to the application of justice, despite constant criticisms from the dominant party. The study concludes that South Africa is, gradually, going the Kenyan way. If this condition is left unchecked there is the possibility that South Africa could eventually end up a psuedo-democracy like Kenya, where formal democratic political institutions such as multiparty elections, exist to mask the reality of authoritarian dominance. The thesis recommends that strengthening civil society organizations, opposition political parties, and state institutions in both countries to ensure greater accountability and transparency, will reverse this detrimental effect of party dominance. It also recommends meaningful constitutional reforms that will guarantee greater independence of these institutions, and the decentralization of governmental and political power to check and limit the powers of the dominant party. Also recommended are areas for further research.KMBT_363
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Le, Roux Cornelius Johannes Brink. "Umkhonto we Sizwe its role in the ANC's onslaught against white domination in South Africa, 1961-1988 /." Pretoria : [s.n.], 1992. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-06232009-103157.
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Ansara, David. "The decline of a dominant party : the Indian National Congress, 1967-1977." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/10034.
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Includes abstract.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 104-109).
This thesis is concerned with the phenomenon of Single Party Dominance (SPD) and the implications of such a phenomenon on the party system in post-Independence India. Specifically, the work is tasked with explaining how dominance can end by providing an analytical narrative of a single case of SPD and its collapse. This will be done by examining the precipitous decline of the Indian National Congress over a ten-year period from 1967, where Congress lost its first state-level elections, to 1977, where the party was finally rejected at the national level after three decades of dominance.
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Lawrence, John. "Influence of National Socialist ideology on the South African Nationalist party 1939-1945." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/28415.
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This thesis seeks to define the relationship between Nazi ideology and the ideology of Afrikaner Nationalism as represented by the Nationalist party of South Africa during the war years between 1939 to 1945. It addresses the two separate problems, what fascist ideology is, for it is necessary to define fascism before one can understand Naziism, a species of fascism, and whether the ideology of the Nationalist party of South Africa was fascist or Nazi during World War II, a period of time when international events exercised a considerable influence on domestic politics in South Africa.
These two problems have been approached by examining authorities on the subject dealt with in this thesis, and by looking at statements of leading Nationalist politicians' documents and Nationalist party platforms, as well as the overt political behaviour of the Italian fascists, the German National Socialists, the Nationalist party, as well as other related fascist organizations. The framework into which this data has been inserted includes a historical overview of Afrikaner history in South Africa, and history of the Nationalist party, an examination of the South african political situation during the period under question, followed first by an 8 point definition of fascism and a 2 point definition of Naziism, and then by a comparison of Nationalist ideology with fascism and Naziism on each characteristic. The definition of fascism offered in this thesis is premised on the fact that a political party's ideology comes out in its overt behaviour, and is not merely a recapitulation of its stated party platform.
The conclusions arrived at show that the Nationalist party was influenced by fascist and Nazi ideology on some points, notably in its attitudes towards Communists, Jews and democracy. Dissimilarities arise when one compares the Nationalists to the Nazis in the social composition of their respective movements, and when one discovers the contrast between the nationalist party's religio-traditionalist conservatism and the Nazi's revolutionary nihilism. The Nationalist party can be shown to be a party that was open to Nazi influence but not completely swamped by it during the period in question.Arts, Faculty of
Political Science, Department of
Graduate
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Spiess, Clemens. "One-party-dominance in changing societies the African National Congress and Indian National Congress in comparative perspective ; a study in party systems and agency in post-colonial India and post-apartheid South Africa /." [S.l. : s.n.], 2004. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=97250981X.
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Hunsaker, Christine. "A study of South Africa's National Party perceptions of United States foreign policy in the 1980's with particular reference to sanctions." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1992. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/17312.
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Includes bibliographies.This dissertation seeks to represent, as clearly as it is possible, South Africa's National Party perceptions on United States foreign policy in the 1980s. The primary area of focus is the policy switch from constructive engagement to punitive sanctions in the mid-1980s and the circumstances to which they have given rise. The following is a brief summary and the contents of the dissertation. The dissertation will give a complete and formal statement in chapter two on U.S. foreign policy toward South Africa since approximately World War Two. The dissertation will provide a clear definition and understanding of economic sanctions in chapter three and touch on the current on-going sanctions debate in South Africa. The core of the dissertation is displayed in chapter four which is a presentation the of field data collected from personal interviews with a third of the National Party caucus. This displays the National Party's perceptions on U.S. foreign policy. Following, chapter five presents alternative views to those held by the NP on the same issues discussed in chapter four. The final chapter makes an attempt at some conclusions based on the data presented in the dissertation. This study is important because it maintains that the data and questions presented in this dissertation offer interview material that has been little studied in the past, thus the findings have the virtue of freshness and uniqueness.
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Makwembere, Sandra. "Public sector industrial relations in the context of alliance politics : the case of Makana Local Municipality, South Africa (1994-2006) /." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/1175/.
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Hesjedal, Siv Helen. "Contemporary left politics in South Africa: the case of the tri-partite alliance in the Eastern Cape." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003083.
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This thesis aims to make sense of Left politics in South Africa within the Tri-partite Alliance between the ANC, SACP and COSATU. The thesis focuses on developments in the Eastern Cape, between 2000 and 2008. The thesis describes the prevalent forms of Left politics in the Eastern Cape and the tendencies in the Alliance that organise this Left. The thesis also examines the historical, social and political conditions and that shape the form and content of Left politics in the province. Based on a survey of literature on what is considered the core manifestations of Left politics globally in the 20th Century Left politics is defined as the elements of the political spectrum that are concerned with the progressive resolution of involuntary disadvantage and with a goal of abolishing class society and capitalism. Although the Alliance as a whole should be seen to be on the Left on an international political spectrum, this thesis argues that the Left/Right dichotomy is useful for understanding the politics of the Alliance, as long as the second part of this definition is taken into consideration. The Alliance Left is understood as those leaders and activists within the Alliance that have the SACP and Cosatu as their operating base. It will be argued that this Left is, in its practice, largely concerned with what insiders refer to as politics of „influence‟, rather than with politics of „structural transformation‟. It is the ANC that is the leader of the Alliance and the party in government and thus it is on the terrain of ANC strategy, policy and positions that contestation in the Alliance plays itself out. Thus, for the Left, there is strength in the idea of the Alliance. However, there are significant theoretical and political weaknesses in the Left that undermine the possibility of making good use of various corporatist platforms to pursue the agenda of the Left in the Eastern Cape. There is also increased contestation within the Alliance Left itself about the continued usefulness of this strategy.
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Spieß, Clemens [Verfasser], and Subrata K. [Akademischer Betreuer] Mitra. "One-Party-Dominance in Changing Societies: The African National Congress and Indian National Congress in Comparative Perspective: A Study in Party Systems and Agency in Post-Colonial India and Post-Apartheid South Africa / Clemens Spieß ; Betreuer: Subrata K. Mitra." Heidelberg : CrossAsia E-Publishing, 2006. http://d-nb.info/1218726458/34.
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Barratt, Elizabeth. "Choosing to be part of the story : the participation of the South African National Editors' Forum in the democratising process /." Thesis, Link to the online version, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10019/29.
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Van, Wyk Annie Helena. "Die rol van die verligtes in die Nasionale Party in die politieke ontmagtiging van die Afrikaner, 1966-1994." Diss., Pretoria : [s.n.], 2005. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-10182005-112939.
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Petersen, Shawwaal. "Does a dominant party democracy erode constitutional legitimacy? An analysis of the African national congress and the South African constitution." Master's thesis, Faculty of Law, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32325.
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It has been twenty-five years that the ANC has enjoyed political hegemony and an investigation is required into whether the legitimacy of constitutional supremacy remains intact as a state functioning under a dominant political party. There are certain pathologies which develop in a dominant political party state, pathologies which lead to autocratic rule and which has the potential to undermine the constitutional institutions such as that created by the South African Constitution. The first aspect considered is the weakened oversight role of Parliament over the executive because of the democratic centralism policies practiced by the ANC. Democratic centralism entails strict party discipline which means Parliament cannot fully exercise its role in holding the executive accountable as envisaged in the Constitution. Provisions of the Electoral Act and the Anti-defection clause in the Constitution further allows a concentration of power in the top hierarchy of the dominant political party, thus ensuring that political leaders have all the might to ensure that self-preservation is the order of the day. Parliament which is meant to represent the electorate can be considered as a mere formal or hypothetical construction as the decisions of the dominant political party affects parliamentary processes. The second constitutional implication is that courts become overburdened to make decisions on matters which are better suited to another branch of government. Whilst constitutional review is a function of a thriving and working democracy, the argument presented here is that the judiciary has come to make decisions of a highly political nature. The reason for this is first the failure of Parliament to correctly exercise its oversight role and secondly the abuse of power by high ranking politicians in the dominant political party. The unintended consequence of a dominant political party state is the expansion of the role of the courts as the courts perform the ultimate watchdog role due to the loss of accountability in a dominant party regime. Thus, trespassing onto the terrain of other branches of government and in doing so undermining the independence of the judiciary itself. The last aspect which impedes constitutional legitimacy is the large-scale ‘capture' of state institutions. This phenomenon is linked to the ANC practice of cadre deployment which is a means to safeguard policies and to ensure that promises to the electorate are carried out by party loyalists. This practice in a dominant-party political landscape has created a loophole whereby democratic values and constitutional safeguards are often compromised. Pliable cadres are deployed to key positions and reporting lines are blurred which in turn has facilitated certain corrupt tendencies, leading to the demise of accountability, transparency and the efficiency of government and state-owned enterprises. Through analyzing case law and party policies and considering the pathologies associated with dominant party rule which has developed under the ANC's governance, it is aimed to determine whether a dominant political party erodes constitutional legitimacy in South Africa.
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Dolley, Ziyaad. "Investigating the reasons for the high failure rate in the subject mathematics as part of the national certificate (NCV) at Port Elizabeth College." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/9011.
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Over the past years the FET Colleges sector has been plagued by high failure rates in mathematics and science as part of the National Curriculum (Vocational) course. This study sought to investigate the possible reasons for the high failure rates in NCV mathematics at Iqhayiya Campus of PE College. The purpose of the research was to elicit these possible reasons from students who currently are doing the NCV mathematics course at the Iqhayiya Campus. This study follows a mixed method design using both quantitative and qualitative results. Quantitative data were gathered by means of questionnaires submitted to students doing NCV mathematics at the Iqhayiya Campus. A Likert scale was used to evaluate the questionnaires. The qualitative data for this study was collected through researcher questions in focus group interviews. The study concludes with recommendations to the management of PE College, the Department of Higher Education and all relevant role players.
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Coetzee, Mervyn A. "Blood, race and the construction of 'the coloured' in Sarah Gertrude Millin's God's Stepchildren." University of the Western Cape, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/5362.
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Magister Artium - MAIn this paper I attempt to look critically at the literary construction of one particular 'race', namely the 'Coloureds', in Sarah Gertrude Millin's God's Stepchildren. To this end, the paper draws on the historical background of Millin, and investigates the way in which Millin has consciously and strategically formed, as it were, a 'unique' Coloured identity. Furthermore, the paper explores the proximity or tension between author and narrator in the novel. This tension, I suggest, emerges in response to various pressures in the novel which in turn are based upon the author's social, political and economic background. Evidence to this effect is derived from Millin's biography and other sources. What emerges from the paper is that the concepts 'race' and 'Coloured', as they are employed in this novel, are equally elusive. In attempting to piece together a 'race', the novel communicates Millin's aversion to miscegenation, and discloses characteristics of her 'self'. Ironically, I conclude, she falls prey to the same kinds of prejudices that she projects onto her literary subjects.
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McGregor, Dale. "A high school guidance programme aimed at the primary prevention of sexual abuse of children as part of a national strategy for the prevention of child sexual abuse in South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003435.
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The sexual abuse of children has become recognised as a major problem affecting children in most, if not all, countries of the world. The prevention of such abuse has, in the last decade, become an issue of international significance. In South Africa, prevention efforts are mainly informal ad hoc strategies initiated by individuals or organisations. As such they suffer from being short-lived and often isolated. Prevention efforts fall into the general categories of primary, secondary and tertiary prevention. Primary prevention focuses on preventing abuse from occurring at all. There are two main aspects to this type of prevention. The first aims at teaching children to protect themselves. The second aims at preventing the development of a disposition to abuse. This study set out to suggest and justify the adoption of a national strategy appropriate to the South African situation, including an overview of what can be done through the schooling system. This strategy will provide a framework and context for individual efforts, and hopefully stimulate new programmes. In addition, a detailed prevention programme for implementation in the secondary school, through the medium of the subject Guidance, was developed. This programme addressed itself mainly to that primary aspect of prevention concerned with preventing people from developing a disposition to abuse. The programme consists of lesson plans, teacher's notes and worksheet materials for pupils.
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Sarmiento, Oddveig Nicole. "A postcolonial analysis of Cuban foreign policy towards South African liberation movements, 1959-1994." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/4300.
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Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a postcolonial analysis of Third World foreign policy, looking at an atypical case of state relations with national liberation movements. It is also an empirical contribution to an area of recent South African history through interrogating Cuba’s foreign policy towards South Africa’s liberation movements from 1959 until 1994. My starting point has been that meagre scholarship exists within the field of International Relations on this important area of South African history and on Cuban foreign policy. Mainstream scholars have largely overlooked relations between the Cuban state and civil society and liberation movements such as the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party, the Congress of South African Trade Unions and Umkhonto we Sizwe. By interrogating an ignored area of Third World foreign policy, this thesis furthermore aims to probe into the field of International Relations and analyses of foreign policy. Applying the methodology of a postcolonial theoretical critique, I highlight the ontological assumptions within the field that make theorising foreign policy from states and societies in the Third World peripheral within IR, as well as render states and civil society in the Third World as objects rather than subjects of the theoretical endeavour. The conceptualisation of the Cold War as a mere Superpower affair, with states in the Third World as mere sites of conflict between the Superpowers and divorced from the causal dynamics of the conflict, exemplifies the ontological assumptions that exist within the field of International Relations theory. I use the case study of Cuba’s foreign policy towards South African liberation movements in carrying out a qualitative analysis of the available literature and well as conducting interviews with senior participants of South Africa’s various liberation movements. A broad reconstruction of relations between 1959 and 1994, as well as post-1994, reveals extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements involving the Cuban state and civil society. The findings of my research include an overview of relations between Cuba and various liberation movements at the political and military level, as well as the role of Cuban civil society in areas such as education and strengthening the role of women in the liberation struggle. Respondents reveal that relations between the two spheres are not uni-directional, but in fact reveal a complex interaction in which the agency of South Africa’s liberation movements in determining the content of relations is central. In conceptualising foreign policy using a postcolonial theoretical framework, I look not only at the Cuban state but also at the role of civil society in Cuba in constructing and carrying out foreign policy towards South African liberation movements. This theoretical framework rejects a strict dichotomy between the foreign and the domestic by looking at social forces within the state as well as the role of ideology in the making foreign policy domestically. Lastly, the extensive relations between Cuba and South African liberation movements that my research reveals points to possibilities for further theoretical investigations within the field of International Relations from a postcolonial theoretical critique.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis is ‘n post-koloniale analise van Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid, dit kyk na die atipiese geval van staats verhoudinge met nasionale vryheidsbewegings. Dit is ook ‘n empiriese bydrae tot ‘n area in onlangse Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis deurdat dit Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings tussen 1959 tot 1994 ondervra. My beginpunt is dat daar skamele vakkundigheid tans bestaan binne die studieveld Internasionale Betrekkinge met betrekking tot hierdie belangrike area van Suid-Afrikaanse geskiedenis en Kubaanse buitelandse beleid. Hoofstroom deskundiges hanteer tot ‘n groot mate die verhoudinge tussen staat en burgerlike samelewing van Kuba met vryheidsbewegings soos die African National Congress, die Suid-Afrikaanse Kommunistiese Party, die Congress of South African Trade Unions en Umkhonto we Sizwe met min aandag. Deur hierdie geïgnoreerde area binne Derde Wêreld buitelandse beleid te ondervra, is dit ook ‘n verdere oogmerk van hierdie tesis om die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge en die gepaardgaande analises van buitelandse beleid te ondersoek. Deur die toepassing van die metodologie van post-koloniale kritiek, beklemtoon ek die ontologiese aannames binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge wat die teoretisering van buitelandse beleid van state en samelewings in die Derde Wêreld marginaliseer, asook om hierdie state en burgerlike samelewings in die Derde Wêreld tot objekte in plaas van subjekte van ‘n teoretiese onderneming te reduseer. Die konseptualiseering van die Koue Oorlog as bloot ‘n supermag aangeleentheid, met state in die Derde Wêreld as blote ligging vir konflikte tussen die supermagte asook terselfdertyd vervreemd van die oorsaaklike dynamiek van die konflik, beliggaam die ontologiese aannames wat binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge bestaan. Ek maak gebruik van Kuba se buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid-Afrkaanse vryheidsbewegings as gevallestudie om ‘n kwalitatiewe analise te maak op die bestaande literatuur asook om onderhoude te hê met senior deelnemers in Suid Afrika se verskeie vryheidsbewegings. ‘n Uitgebreide rekonstruksie van verhoudinge tussen 1959 en 1994, sowel as post-1994, openbaar diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat die Kubaanse staat en burgerlike samelewing behels. Die bevindinge in my navorsing sluit in ‘n oorsig van verhoudinge tussen Kuba en verskeie vryheidsbewegings op politiekeen militêre vlak asook die rol van Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in areas soos opvoeding en die verstewiging van die rol van vroue in die vryheidstryd. Respondente openbaar dat verhoudinge tussen die twee sfere nie in een rigting geloop het nie, maar dat dit eintlik ‘n komplekse interaksie openbaar in wie die agentskap van die Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings om die inhoud van die verhoudinge te bepaal ‘n sentrale deel speel. Deur buitelandse beleid te konseptualiseer deur gebruik te maak van ‘n v post-koloniale raamwerk kyk ek nie net bloot na die Kubaanse staat nie, maar ook na die rol van die Kubaanse burgerlike samelewing in die konstruksie en uitvoering van buitelandse beleid teenoor Suid- Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings. Hierdie teoretiese raamwerk verwerp ‘n eng tweeledigheid tussen die buitelandse en binnelandse deur te kyk na die sosiale magte binne die staat sowel as die rol van ideologie in die binnelandse skepping van buitelandse beleid. Ten slote, die diepgaande verhoudinge tussen Kuba en Suid-Afrikaanse vryheidsbewegings wat my navorsing openbaar dui in die rigting van moontlike verdere teoretiese ondersoeke binne die vakgebied van Internasionale Betrekkinge vanaf ‘n perspektief van post-koloniale kritiek.
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Leys, Emily H. "It's now or never for South African Women": A case study of The African National Congress' Adoption of a Quota for women on their party lists in the South African Elections of 1994." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3736.
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Jones, Dina Johanna Christina. "An evaluation of the Accelerate Christian Schools for reaching children for the Kingdom of God as part of Missio Dei in South Africa / Jones D.J.C." Thesis, North-West University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10394/7602.
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Secularist views are a challenge to the field of religious education. Their worldview and influence in
society will be discussed. This study evaluates the theocratic model under the apartheid regime, the
co–operative model and the religion policy under the new democratic government.
The areas that the researcher investigated in this study are centred on the effectiveness of the mission
calling of the School of Tomorrow, Accelerated Christian Education. In order to achieve this
outcome, the history of ACE Schools in America and South Africa will be discussed, as well as the
role of the school, the parent and the teacher in missio Dei.
An analysis and evaluation will be done on Christian educators such as Martin Luther, John Calvin
and John Knox, as well as educational deform under Hitler.
A study will be done on how Biblical doctrine was formed in children’s lives in the Old and New
Testament.Thesis (M.A. (Missiology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2012.
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Korf, Lindie. "D.F. Malan : a political biography." Thesis, Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/3991.
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Thesis (DPhil (History))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.ENGLSIH ABSTRACT: This study is a political biography of D.F. Malan (1874–1959), the first of the apartheid-era Prime Ministers, and covers the years 1874 to 1954, when Malan retired from politics. It endeavours to provide a warts-and-all account of D.F. Malan which challenges prevalent myths and stereotypes surrounding his public persona and his political orientation. While the overwhelming focus is on Malan’s political career, special attention is paid to his personal life in order to paint a multi-faceted picture of his character. The biography is written in the form of a seamless narrative and employs a literary style of writing. It is based on archival research which utilised Malan’s private collection, as well as the private collections of his Nationalist contemporaries. Malan takes the centre stage at all times, as the biography focuses on his perceptions and experiences. Malan’s views regarding Afrikaner nationalism, which was his foremost political priority, are described, and are related to his views of British imperialism as well as other ideologies such as communism and totalitarianism. This study demonstrates that there is a notable link between Malan’s perceptions of race relations and his concerns about the poor white problem. It reveals that Malan’s racial policy was, to some extent, fluid, as were his views on South Africa’s constitutional position. Debates about South Africa’s links to Britain and the nature of the envisioned republic preoccupied Afrikaner nationalists throughout the first half of the twentieth century – and served as an outlet for regional and generational tensions within the movement. Malan’s clashes with nationalists such as Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog and J.G. Strijdom are highlighted as an indication of the internecine power struggles within the National Party (NP). By emphasising these complexities, this study seeks to contribute to a nuanced understanding of the South African past.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie is politieke biografie van D.F. Malan (1874–1959), die eerste van die apartheid-era Eerste Ministers, en dek die jare 1874 tot 1954, toe Malan uit die politiek getree het. Dit poog om onversuikerde beeld van Malan te skets wat heersende mites en stereotipes aangaande sy openbare beeld en sy benadering tot die politiek uitdaag. Die fokus is hoofsaaklik op Malan se politieke loopbaan, maar besondere aandag word aan sy private lewe geskenk om sodoende veelsydige portret van sy karakter te skilder. Die biografie is in die vorm van naatlose narratief geskryf en maak van literêre skryfstyl gebruik. Dit is gebaseer op argivale navorsing, waartydens daar van D.F. Malan se privaat versameling gebruik gemaak is, sowel as die privaat versamelings van sy tydgenote. Malan is ten alle tye die sentrale figuur en die biografie fokus op sy persepsies en ervarings. Malan se denke oor Afrikaner nasionalisme, wat sy vernaamste prioriteit was, word beskryf en in verband gebring met sy opinie van Britse imperialisme, sowel as ander ideologieë soos kommunisme en totalitarisme. Die studie wys op die verband tussen Malan se denke oor rasseverhoudinge en sy besorgdheid oor die armblanke vraagstuk. Dit dui daarop dat Malan se rassebeleid tot sekere mate vloeibaar was. Dit was ook die geval met sy benadering tot Suid-Afrika se konstitusionele posisie. Afrikaner nasionaliste het tydens die eerste helfte van die twintigste eeu baie aandag geskenk aan debatte oor Suid-Afrika se verhouding tot Brittanje en die aard van die voorgenome republiek. Dit was tot mate weerligafleier vir reeds bestaande spanning tussen die onderskeie streke en generasies. Malan se botsings met nasionaliste soos Tielman Roos, J.B.M. Hertzog en J.G. Strijdom word belig as aanduiding van die diepgewortelde magstryd binne die Nasionale Party (NP). Deur op hierdie kompleksiteite klem te lê, poog die studie om bydrae te lewer tot meer genuanseerde begrip van die Suid-Afrikaanse verlede.
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Ellis, Richard. "Political party funding in South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/3763.
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Romo, Michelle. "National identity in post-apartheid South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/11536.
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Includes abstract.Includes bibliographical references (leaves 89-96).
This study investigates the changes in national identity in South Africa over time and examines conditions and perceptions that inform national identity. It has three areas of focus: examining the levels of national identity in South Africa in 2008, the most current year of survey data available; mapping the levels of national identity overtime from 1995 to 2008, and identifying sources of national identity from 2002 to 2008. Using statistical analysis, this study tests for interaction effects between race and notions of inclusive citizenship in the South African population to examine predictors of national identity. The paper explores the extent to which the ANC's program of nation building with its emphasis on inclusive citizenship, as represented by freedom and equity, both political and economic, has influenced the development of national identity.
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Lawrence, Lyn. "Regulating third party funding in arbitrations help within South Africa." University of the Western Cape, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/6408.
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Magister Legum - LLM (Mercantile and Labour Law)The decision by countries to relax the common law doctrines of maintenance and champerty to accommodate Third Party Funding (TPF) in dispute resolution has sparked a worldwide debate. The controversial practice of funding disputes in exchange for a share of a successful outcome or settlement has left courts and administering institutions in a compromising position. South Africa joined the debate in 2004 after the Supreme Court of Appeal (SCA) relaxed the application of the doctrines in favour of TPF. The SCA found that domestic courts have the necessary mechanisms to protect themselves against any repercussions of TPF without the assistance of the doctrines. The SCA limited their search to the abilities of the courts and did not consider the effect TPF could have on other dispute resolution processes such as arbitration. This study seeks to discover whether arbitration can protect itself against the repercussions of TPF. It further questions the possibility of adopting regulations to aid in the protection of arbitration should the current mechanisms be insufficient.
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Gambiza, James, Charlie Shackleton, N. Davenport, D. Atkinson, M. T. Hoffman, C. Martens, J. Puttick, and Groot W. De. "Municipal commonage: an undervalued national resource." Rhodes University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/49969.
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This policy brief will highlight the importance of municipal commonage in enhancing livelihoods of poor urban families. This will be followed by an overview of the role of municipal commonage in the land reform programme. Current challenges in securing benefits from municipal commonages are then outlined. Policy considerations to optimise benefits from commonages conclude the policy brief.
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Tali, Lolonga Lincoln. "The South African Communist Party and its prospects for achieving socialism in a democratic South Africa." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1020569.
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“It should not be forgotten that this ideological contribution impacted itself in a very real way on the whole national and democratic movement. It helped transform the ANC from its early beginnings of petition politics into a revolutionary nationalist movement.” Joe Slovo (in a speech delivered at the University of the Western Cape to mark the 70th anniversary of the SACP, 19 July 1991) At the time that the late Joe Slovo, former secretary of the South African Communist Party and former Minister of Housing in the first Government of national unity, made the speech the former party had about a year of legal existence inside the country after President FW de Klerk had unbanned all previously banned political parties in February 1990. Indeed the unbanning of political parties in South Africa was preceded by cataclysmic events in both Soviet Russia and Eastern Europe. General Secretary Mikhail Gorbachev who was leader of the Soviet Communist Party was at the helm in Moscow. He introduced a number of policies whose main objective was to democratize Soviet society and do away with some of the undemocratic practices that were always associated with the policy of communism. Consequently, there was much talk about glasnost (openness) and perestroika during the period of President Gorbachev’s rule of Soviet Russia. The two policies were the main feature of his quest to modernize Soviet Russia and gradually move away from communism. The collapse of the Berlin Wall in 1989 and the fall of Nicolai Ceausescu in Romania and the disintegration of other East European countries like Yugoslavia signalled a death knell for East European socialism. The foregoing events also implied that the era of the Cold War between the West (led by USA, Britain, and West Germany et al) and East (led by the USSR, Poland, and East Germany et al) was over. The Cold War was a period of tremendous tension as Soviet Russia sought to spread its system of communism to Third World countries in Africa and South America. The West for its part tried to counteract by supporting forces which were opposed to communism in these countries. One can cite the example of Angola where Soviet Russia supported the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) led by Augustinho Neto which had adopted the system at the independence of the country in 1975. Jonas Savimbi led the Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) which was opposed to communism and was supported by South Africa and other Western countries which were also opposed to the system of communism. In essence the Cold War was a contest between the West and the East in gaining converts to their respective belief systems. The collapse of communism was viewed by the West as triumph of its own belief system and the confirmation of the failure of communism. It is against the backdrop of these foregoing events that the South African Communist Party was unbanned together with other erstwhile banned on the 2nd of February 1990.The SACP which had much influence in the ANC in the late 1950s and early 1960s and much of the time the parties were in exile was unbanned against the backdrop of the foregoing events. Of interest to observers was whether the party after it was unbanned would be able to exert the same influence it did on the ANC during the time in exile. Would the SACP take over from the ANC after the democratic transition and impose a socialist state in South Africa even if globally the trend was to move away from communism/socialism? Would the ANC itself follow a system which had been shown to lack the ability to confront the challenges of the 20th century? Some political commentators viewed the relationship between the ANC and the SACP as that of a metaphorical rider (the latter) and donkey (the former). In essence they argued that the SACP was the one determining the general trajectory of the liberation movement and its economic policies in particular. This dissertation will show that the influence of the SACP within the Tripartite Alliance in general and the ANC government in particular swings like a pendulum. It depends on who is in charge as president of the ANC. Before and during the exile years as the ANC was led by the late Oliver Tambo, the party enjoyed relatively better influence within the former organizations. The two organizations co-operated well in many ventures like the Defiance campaign, drafting of the Freedom Charter and the establishment of Umkhonto Wesizwe in 1961. During the presidency of Nelson Mandela most SACP members were in the first democratic cabinet though they did not exert as much influence as would be desirable. The main economic policy that the ruling ANC advocated was under the umbrella of what was termed the Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) and was not even the brainchild of the SACP but of the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). In 1996 Thabo Mbeki, then deputy president to Nelson Mandela, came with the neo-liberal policy of Growth, Employment and Redistribution to try and salvage the South African economy which at the time was not performing at its best. Not only was GEAR unashamedly neo-liberal, it was also done without consultation of the SACP by its alliance partner the ANC. This engendered palpable tension within the alliance and led to name-calling from the party which derogatively referred to all the advocates of GEAR as the ‘Class of 1996’. The tension between the SACP and the ANC continued until former President Thabo Mbeki and his ‘Class of 1996’ were ousted from office in the 2007 ANC Polokwane elective conference. After the Polokwane conference, Jacob Zuma who had been Thabo Mbeki’s deputy president in both government and the ANC, assumed power. Zuma did not deviate much from the policies that were adopted by his predecessor though the SACP had played a significant role in bringing him to power. Just like Mbeki and Mandela before him, he had a number of SACP members in his cabinet and, in his case, some of them in key cabinet posts like Ebrahim Patel (a member of the SACP) who serves as Minister of Economic Development. Though he has these staunch members of the party in his cabinet, the Zuma administration has been able to adopt a neo-liberal economic policy which it has termed: National Development Plan which has been criticized by communists as no better than GEAR. This dissertation will show how the party sometimes struggle and sometimes wins that struggle to influence government policy.
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Zhang, Haoyi. "National innovation system : South Africa and China compared." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/19954.
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Thesis (MScEng)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The concept of National Innovation System (NIS) as new conceptual framework appeared in the late 1980s. The framework of NIS not only focuses on the science and technology development of a country, but also on concerns about a nation’s demand and strategy. The best technology, as well as patents, can be found in developed countries. Their development leads world development in many ways and influences the development model in developing countries. Although it is not hard to see that they seem to be progressing well, the question is why development just happens in some countries. Even fast developing countries, like China, India, Brazil, and South Africa have fewer such well-known or successful business models, compared to developed countries. The thesis attempts to scrutinise the internal and external factors in NIS which may influence countries and the innovation of enterprises within South Africa and China. The thesis focuses on fundamental research of the NIS of South Africa and China. The objective of the thesis is to find out which factors are involved in the NIS and how the system works in South Africa and China. The purpose of the study is to ascertain the difference and gap between these two countries and other more innovative countries, as well as the differences between South Africa and China. The literature study and quantitative method will be used to research and compare the NIS of South Africa and China.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die konsep van Nasionale Innovasie Stelsels (NIS) as ʼn nuwe konsepsionele raamwerk het in die laat 1980s na vore gekom. Die raamwerk van NIS het beide op die wetenskap en tegnologiese ontwikkeling, asook nasionale strategie van ʼn land gefokus. Die beste tegnologie sowel as patentregte kan in ontwikkelde lande gevind word. Hul bydrae is aan die voor front van globale ontwikkeling en het ʼn direkte invloed op ontwikkelingsmodelle vir ander ontwikkelende lande. Die voorspoed in hierdie lande is vir almal duidelik, maar die vraag is waarom ontwikkeling slegs plaasvind in sommige lande. Lande soos China, Indië, Brasilië en Suid Afrika het minder goeie en suksesvolle besigheidsmodelle, in vergelyking met ontwikkelde lande, alhoewel ontwikkeling steeds vinnig plaasvind. Die tesis poog om interne en eksterne faktore van die NIS te ontleed wat sal bydra tot die innovasie van ondernemingsontwikkeling in Suid Afrika en China. Die tesis fokus op fundamentele navorsing op die NIS van Suid Afrika en China. Die doel van die tesis is om uit te vind watter faktore die NIS in beide Suid Afrika en China beïnvloed. Die besondere oogmerk van die studie is om verskille en gapings tussen die twee lande en ander innovasie georiënteerde lande te beklemtoon, asook die verskil tussen Suid Afrika en China. Die literatuurstudie en kwantitatiewe metode word geïmplementeer om die NIS in Suid Afrika en China te ondersoek en vergelyk.
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Boynton, Elspeth Whitney. "Protectionism and national migration policy in South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/19953.
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In the past two decades, South Africa has become the "new migration hub" in Africa. The country has witnessed the dramatic rise of people flowing into its borders post-apartheid from the continent and beyond. However, in response to the large influx of migrants (legal and illegal), South Africa has adopted protectionist and nationalistic migration policies, emphasizing border control, rather than migration facilitation or migrant protection. Despite South Africa's post-apartheid commitments to human rights, democracy, and Pan-Africanism, the restrictive nature of these laws has led to the mistreatment and neglect of refugee and asylum seekers, the unlawful detention and deportation of legal in-migrants, and the failure to address societal xenophobia. These policies have also contributed to a severe skills shortage in South Africa, impeding the growth of the South African economy, while also thwarting SADC's ability to govern migration cooperatively in the region. In light of the most recent migration reforms implemented in 2014, instigating more protectionism, this thesis examines and seeks to explain why South Africa has adopted and continues to maintain these policies post-apartheid despite their negative implications and lack of congruence with South Africa's new national identity. The international relations theories of constructivism and neoclassical realism (NCR) are used to understand and explain South Africa's decision to maintain a protectionist migration agenda. Ultimately, the thesis argues that South Africa's reasons for adopting a protectionist migration agenda are numerous and exist at all levels of analysis. These reasons include (1) South Africa's formation of an exclusionary national identity post-apartheid, (2) the persistence of mass legal and illegal in-migration to the country, (3) the institutionalized perception of migration as a threat to national and social security by South African policy-makers/media/community leaders, and (4) the failure of the state to provide adequate social service delivery, impacting the implementation of more liberal policies in the new millennium.
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Stinson, Andrew Todd. "National identity and nation-building in post-apartheid South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003042.
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Throughout South Africa’s post-Apartheid history, the ANC-led government has undertaken a distinct nation-building program in pursuit of “a truly united, democratic and prosperous South Africa” (ANC, 2007). This is reflected in a two-pronged approach, coupling political and socioeconomic transformation with the social-psychological aspect of forging a broad and inclusive national consciousness. The ANC’s “rainbow nation” approach embraces cultural diversity through what I shall call the practice of “interculturalism”. Interculturalism is a way of recognizing commonalities, reducing tensions and promoting the formation of social partnerships among different cultural groups. The ANC has also promoted a civic culture based on the principles of liberal democracy, non-racism, equality and the protection of individual rights. Interculturalism and civic nationalism are critically important factors to South African nation-building since together they foster a shared public culture and support meaningful participation in the creation of a truly just and democratic South Africa. Unfortunately, in many ways South African society remains deeply divided by race, ethnicity and economic inequality. This thesis analyses various theoretical approaches to national identity and nationbuilding with the aim of identifying several concepts which arguably throw light on the problems of South African nation-building and national identity formation. It is argued that interculturalism and civic nationalism are context appropriate approaches which have been adopted by the ANC to further an inclusive sense of shared public culture and promote participation in the creation of a shared public future. These approaches have led to the limited emergence of a broad South African national identity. However, South Africa’s commitment to socio-economic transformation has been less successful in generating widespread support for a broad national identity. While some of those previously disadvantaged under Apartheid have benefited from poverty alleviation schemes, service delivery initiatives and black economic empowerment programs, many continue to suffer from homelessness, unemployment and worsening economic conditions. Increasing economic marginalization has caused growing discontent among South Africa’s poor and constitutes the biggest threat to the formation of a cohesive national identity in South African society. Ultimately, it is argued that while interculturalism and civic nationalism have played an important role in fostering the growth of a broad national identity, true South African social cohesion will fail to emerge without a massive and sustained commitment to wide-ranging socio-economic transformation.
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Sowaga, Dulile Frans. "Lessons for South Africa's national identity: the political writings of Aggrey Klaaste." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1021077.
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This study is a content analysis of political writings of Aggrey Klaaste (1988-2002). Six theoretical themes suggest that Klaaste’s Nation Building philosophy can help deal with racial and social divisions in the country. These historical divisions are the source of racial tensions, lack of inter-racial socialisations and cause separate living. Lack of social cohesion makes it impossible for post apartheid South Africa to achieve much-needed single national identity. The process of nation building proposed by Klaaste starts with breaking down what he refers to as ‘the corrugated iron curtain’. Social curtaining is deliberate actions by people of different racial groups, religious formations and social classes to build psychological, physical, institutional, political, economic and religious boundaries around themselves to keep others outside their living spaces. These conscious barriers result in unstable democracy as the majority (black population) get frustrated with shack dwellings - as symbols of poverty - while the white population and the middle class blacks move to white suburbs. Moving to upmarket suburbs does not necessarily make race groups to cohere and share a common national identity. Instead informal settlements breed social ills such as poverty, crime and drug substances abuse. This status quo can cause serious political instability which will affect everyone – black and white. Klaaste argues that for collective survival all race groups need to enter into politics of action. For this he proposes specific processes and actions through Nation Building. It is argued that political solutions have failed to unite people and leaders from all sectors of society should emerge. Blacks cannot moan and hate forever. Whites will be affected and must actively support the rebuilding process. This treatise proposes nation building as a process to help everyone to find uniting issues free of political ideologies to create new brotherhood and Ubuntu.
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Maluwa, Lutendo Obed. "Satisfaction levels of visitors at the Tsitsikamma National Park." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/18058.
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The literature reviews on tourist satisfaction revealed that a satisfied tourist leads to positive word of mouth recommendation to friends and family, loyalty (return visits), competitive advantage and long-term profitability and sustainability. These favourable benefits resulting from satisfaction are necessary for any destination to survive in the competitive tourism industry. South African National Parks (SANParks) manages all 21 national parks in South Africa, with the TNP being the third in terms of visitor numbers and income generated from tourism products. Data captured from visitors to the TNP was used to achieve the goal and objective of this study. This goal was achieved by conducting a questionnaire survey at Storm’s River rest camp within the TNP from 01 May to 31 July 2015. A total of 120 questionnaires were completed and included in further analysis. The aim of this research was to determine the relationship between satisfaction, service and travel motivations of the visitors to the TNP. The statistical test was used to determine whether or not visitors’ expectations were met. This was also used to determine the relationship between travel behaviour, travel motives, and service satisfaction of the visitors to the TNP. Park management can use these results as tools to ensure that the product offered guarantees visitors’ satisfaction and therefore contributes to long-term park sustainability. Therefore, park management is able to obtain the ideal tourist experience by not only focusing on the travel motives but also on the quality of service delivered at the park. The results showed that park management needs to become aware of what the visitor sees as important factors for a memorable visitor experience and they can adapt certain aspects to improve the visitor’s experience. Park management can therefore improve their services and products as well as the quality thereof by knowing what the tourists see as important when visiting a national park to obtain a memorable experience, which will lead to positive word of mouth sharing, loyalty, increased revenue and sustainability of the TNP.
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Piombo, Jessica R. 1973. "Entering one-party dominant democracy in South Africa : political institutions, social demographies and party strategies, 1994-1999." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/8029.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2003.Includes bibliographical references (p. [357]-377). Includes bibliographical references (p. ).
This study explains the construction and maintenance of a one-party dominant democratic political system in South Africa between 1994 and 1999. Against conventional explanations that rely on historical conditions and voting patterns driven by ascriptive identities, this study offers an explanation of events that focuses on the role of political institutions and social demographics in structuring the incentives that shape strategic choices made by political parties. The process by which the ruling African National Congress (ANC) entrenched its dominant position between 1994 and 1999 was attributable to a number of factors. The analysis found that the ANC actively manipulated political cleavages to perpetuate its hegemonic position in South African politics, rather than simply resting on its status as the liberation party or the ethnic loyalties of its supporters. The process of establishing and maintaining dominance, for the ANC, involved maintaining strategic alliances with labor and leftists, manipulating social and political discourse to reinforce the unity of the political community of non-Whites on whose electoral support the party relied; and finally, manipulating state institutions to help the party to reward supporters and maintain the focus of power on the national level. Through each of these strategies, the ANC worked to maintain a political black-White cleavage, perpetuating electoral patterns that promoted the continued dominance of the party. On the other hand, the major opposition parties in South Africa inadvertently contributed to the dominance of the ANC by failing to activate social divisions and potential political cleavages within the ANC's support base.
(cont.) In response to political institutions that focused political competition on the national sphere and the structure of social cleavages that worked against the cultivation of small ethnic support bases, most parties pursued mobilization strategies capable of providing easily mobilizable, large bases to deliver short-term electoral gains. In pursuing these strategies, the opposition rejected mobilizing smaller groups within the ANC's support base that had long-term potential to fracture the support base of the ANC. In developing these strategies, the each of the parties based their strategies on complex relationship between race, class and political affiliation.
by Jessica R. Piombo.
Ph.D.
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Van, Eeden Quinton. "Communities of practice as a national skills development strategy." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49887.
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Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The South African society and economy are characterised by a duality - one is highly developed and able to participate in the global KnowledgeEconomy; the other, largely focused on subsistence with no access to the "infostructure" and opportunities of the Information Age. At the root of this duality is the disparity in skills between the developed and developing sectors of our society. Whileskills development is required in the developingsector along with other measures to address the "digital divide", skills retention through the transfer and sharing of knowledgeis required in the developed sector where various factors are causing a flight of skills from South Africa. These disparate objectives further exacerbate the unequal distribution of skills, knowledge, opportunities, and income and increase the chasm between "the two economies", negating any participation by South Africa in the global Knowledge Economy. Communities of Practice, as a proven and mature knowledge management strategy, is proposed as an appropriate method whereby skills development and knowledge transfer can take place in South African organisations and it is proposed that the National Skills DevelopmentStrategy recognises communities of practice as a core element. Individual and organisational learning in terms of skills development and knowledge transfer as well as the nature, support, structure, and value of communities of practice are conceptualised and described to provide a broad understanding of and illustrate the contribution that that communities could make to South Africa's ability to participate in the KnowledgeEconomyand closing the divide between our "twoeconomies".
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: KENNISGEMEENSKAPPE AS 'N NASIONALE VAARDIGHElDS ONTWIKKELING STRATEGIE Die Suid Afrikaanse samelewing en ekonomie word gekenmerk deur 'n dualiteit - een sektor is hoogs ontwikkel en neem deel aan die globale Kennis Ekonomie; die ander is hoofsaaklik gefokus op oorlewing met geen toegang tot die inligting infrastruktuur van die Inligtings Era nie. Die ongelykheid in vaardighede tussen die ontwikkelde en ontwikkelende gemeenskappe is die kern van die genoemde dualisme. Die ontwikkelende sektor benodig dat die vaardighede van die breë samelewing ontwikkel word ten einde hulle in staat te stel om deel te neem aan die kennis samelewing. Aan die ander kant is daar 'n behoefte by die ontwikkelde sektor om bestaande kennis oor te dra en te deel ten einde die aaneenlopende verlies aan kennis en vaardighede te bekamp. Kennisgemeenskappe as 'n bewese kennisbestuur strategie, word voorgestel as 'n gepaste metode waardeur die ontwikkeling van vaardighede en die oordrag van kennis kan plaasvind binne Suid Afrikaanse organisasies en dit word aanbeveel dat kennisgemeenskappe erken word as 'n kern element van die Nasionale Vaardigheids Ontwikkeling Strategie. Individuele en organisatoriese kennis inname/bestuur in terme van vaardigheidsontwikkeling en kennis oordrag asook die aard, struktuur, ondersteuning en waarde van kennisgemeenskappe word bespreek. Dit word gedoen ten einde 'n breë begrip daar te stel van die aard en inhoud van, en die bydrae wat kennisgemeenskappe kan maak tot Suid Afrika se deelname aan die Kennis Ekonomie te illustreer. Dit word gestel dat kennisgemeenskappe kan bydra om die dispariteit tussen die twee ekonomieë in Suid Afrika aan te spreek.
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Barrell, Howard. "Conscripts to their age African National Congress operational strategy, 1976-1986 /." Thesis, [Pretoria, South Africa : South African History Online], 1993. http://www.sahistory.org.za/pages/sources/barrel%5Fthesis/.
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Originally issued as a Ph. D. thesis from the University of Oxford, 1993.Title from introductory page (SAHO website, viewed July 28, 2005). Includes bibliographical references. HTML version of the print thesis.
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Shandler, David. "Structural crisis and liberalism : a history of the Progressive Federal Party, 1981-1989." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/14740.
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Bibliography: leaves 253-264.Whereas an extensive literature has developed on the broad conditions of crisis in South Africa in the seventies and eighties, and on the dynamic of state and popular responses to it, little focus has fallen on the reactions of the other key elements among the dominating classes. It is the aim of this dissertation to attempt to address an aspect of this lacuna by focussing on the Progressive Federal Party's responses from 1981 until 1989. The thesis develops an understanding of the period as one entailing conditions of organic crisis. It attempts to show the PFP's behaviour in the context of structural and conjunctural crises. The thesis periodises the Party's policy and strategic responses and makes an effort to show its contradictory nature. An effort is made to understand this contradictory character in terms of the party's class location with respect to the white dominating classes and leading elements within it; in relation to the black dominated classes; as well as in terms of the liberal tradition within which the Party operated.
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Ryan, Ty. "Looking in the Mirror: Intra-Party Democracy and Party Politics in Southern Africa." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/960.
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Political parties serve as a link between the state and society. Being so, they have a fundamental role in the consolidation of democratic values. It then becomes important to understand their internal functions and character. The purpose of this thesis is to measure the levels of intra-party democracy within three opposition political parties in Southern Africa. Also, this thesis seeks to show whether authoritarian political culture has an affect on a democratic party's behavior. This thesis will strive to show that as party levels of intra-party democracy decrease, fracturing in the party increases. A qualitative case study was conducted on UNITA in Angola, the ANC in South Africa, and the MDC in Zimbabwe. A content analysis was performed on the parties' respective constitutions and official party documents, as well as other scholarly writings. This was paired with an historical analysis of the case states and parties. The parties were assessed along a determined framework for intra-party democracy: political environment, legal framework of the state and party, the inclusiveness of the party, and party economics. Inclusiveness of the party gauges membership participation, leadership competition, gender parity, and oversight. The ANC exhibited the highest levels of intra-party democracy, and has shown the most stability. The MDC was found to have the lowest levels, and has split multiple times in recent years. All the parties demonstrated a need to open leadership participation and create better oversight mechanisms. Political parties proved to be a critical element in a state's potential democratic development, and though there exists deficiencies, the political parties of this study seem committed in many of their functions to this goal.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Lewis, Jonathan. "Factors that influence behavioural intention on political party websites in South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/8505.
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Includes bibliographical references.The underlying context of this research is a focus on political party websites and citizen usage behaviour. The background of the study investigates how the role of the party website has risen to growing prominence in the online campaign context due to the transformative nature of the Internet on modern communication, as a whole. As a result, evaluating website quality in the political arena is of strategic importance but lacks a strong body of dedicated research in the academic community. Rigourous evaluations can point to improvements in the way parties develop and use websites to engage citizens. At an aggregate level as a result of these improvements, more effective political engagement online may contribute to healthier democratic processes and more politically active citizenry. At an organisational level, for parties themselves, more effective political engagement online can produce benefits at large scale, such as expanded reach, better targeting and profiling of constituents, with significant cost-savings, increased voter turnout and improvements to public opinion.
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Information, Bureau of. "The national state of emergency." Bureau for Information, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/74363.
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On 12 June 1986, at a joint sitting of the three houses of Parliament, the State President declared a National State of Emergency. In his speech he said: “. . .the sporadic instances of violence have once again begun to increase and have taken on such proportions that I am of the opinion that the ordinary laws of the land at present on the statute book are inadequate to enable the Government to ensure the security of the public and to maintain public order.” What were the State President’s reasons for declaring the State of Emergency? Was the Government’s action justified? What of the rule of law? Has the National State of Emergency achieved its objectives? When will the National State of Emergency be lifted?
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Ndimande, Dumisani Blessing. "The disputed “equitable treatment” in political party broadcasts: an analysis of the SABC coverage of the 2014 South African general elections." Thesis, Nelson Mandela University, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/14234.
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The aim of this study was to establish whether the South African Broadcasting Corporation (SABC) performed according to its mandate in ensuring a fair broadcast coverage of all political parties that participated in the 2014 national general election. The study was undertaken as a result of the complaints by political parties who accused the SABC of bias during the election. The study focused on two SABC radio stations, namely SAFM and UKHOZI FM. In executing the research, particular attention was paid to the coverage of political party manifestos, town hall election debates and radio interviews. The study was written utilising the theoretical paradigm of Social Responsibility Theory, as this is largely deemed the most ethical guide in testing South African journalism. The research was conducted in accordance with the Independent Complaints Authority of South Africa (ICASA) regulations that govern broadcast media during elections. The second part of the analysis deconstructed the SABC’s media coverage of the 2014 election through Media Monitoring Africa – a non-profit organisation that monitors and reports on media coverage of elections, whilst simultaneously taking ICASA stipulated guidelines into account. The MMA and ICASA equipped the study with reports which were compiled after an intense monitoring of SABC’s coverage of the 2014 election. Through the analysis of political parties’ accessibility to the election broadcast programmes on SABC platforms, the study concluded that although there were errors, the SABC treated all parties fairly during the 2014 general elections. The study also found that poor corporate governance at the SABC did not impact directly on the public broadcaster’s ability to deliver fair election broadcasting. By conforming to the social responsibility role that calls for high professional conduct, fairness and objectivity as expected in the public broadcaster, this study found that the SABC was committed to a fair coverage of the 2014 election.
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Ownhouse, Aileen Lucia. "Implementation of the national language policy at institutions of higher education." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/3415.
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This study investigated the implementation progress of the National Language Policy (NLP) of South Africa (SA) by reviewing pertinent research related to Language Policy (LP) initiatives. In particular, the study explored the implications of the NLP implementation on multilingual teaching and learning practices, especially practices aimed at developing proficiency in the Language of Learning and Teaching (LOLT). In particular, the LP implementation initiatives to support a multilingual practice community at Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University (NMMU) were overviewed. The study focused on and assessed the AHZ Project multilingual initiative in the Department of Applied Language Studies (DALS) at NMMU. The AHZ Project multilingual initiative included text translation and multilingual tutorial strategies to assist isiXhosa-speaking students understand grammatical concepts. As a result, an aim of this study was to determine the efficacy of the AHZ Project by assessing the perceptions of English Language Studies (LES111) students and lecturers who were responsible for implementing the initiative. Finally, the research aimed to determine reasons for the apparent slow progress of implementing multilingualism as a teaching and learning practice as well as the underlying constraints of implementing the NLP at Higher Education Institutions (HEIs). A mixed-method approach was selected to explore the aims of the research study as both quantitative and qualitative data collection tools were used. As the AHZ Project initiative was the study’s data sample, data was collected by conducting three face-to-face semi-structured interviews with two LES111 lecturers and a tutor as well as one focus-group interview with eight student participants. In addition, a LEC online assessment and 284 LES111 reflective paragraphs were analysed. NVivo 10 qualitative software was used for the coding of the data and a descriptive analysis of the interviews as well as the LEC online assessment was employed. To code and analyse the face-to-face semi-structured and focus-group interview transcripts, dominant themes from the study’s literature review, for example, Second Language Acquisition (SLA) and Mother Tongue (MT) transfer were used. The reflective paragraphs were analysed manually using a quantitative coding approach. From the data coding, the study’s findings were determined and interpreted. The LEC assessment confirmed that the students were not coping with the LOLT. By taking cognisance of the AHZ Project strategies and investigating the perceptions of the participants towards the initiative, conclusions were drawn. These conclusions indicated positive attitudes towards the multilingual language practices as implemented by the AHZ Project initiative. In addition, the perceptions towards identity, language status, mother tongue education and language transfer were articulated. Based on the findings of the study, recommendations were made to promote the use of African Languages as LOLTs in teaching and learning classroom practices. Recommendations were also made for future research relating to the teaching of African Languages (ALs) in the schooling sector.
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Mopp, Adrian Carl. "National liberation movement in the international political arena: a case study of the African National Congress at the United Nations (1960 to February 1990)." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003018.
Full textAbstract:
The African National Congress (ANC) was the leading opponent of the South African Government's Apartheid policies. It was engaged in an Anti-Apartheid struggle and as part thereof called for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. In the course of its struggle, the ANC sought international support. Given the stature of the United Nations (UN) as the foremost international organisation, the ANC campaigned at the UN for South Africa's diplomatic isolation. This thesis focuses on the activities of African National Co~gress at the United Nations. It firstly outlines a brief history of the ANC and the UN and examines the relationship which developed between the two organisations. It then focuses on the activities of the ANC at the UN which were aimed at isolating South Africa diplomatically from the international community. Finally a brief assessment of the extent of South Africa's diplomatic isolation is provided.
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Prudhomme, Leah Shianne. "A democratising South Africa? : an analysis of the 2004 national election /." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2004. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/153/.
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Brits, Reghard. "Mortgage foreclosure under the constitution : property, housing and the National Credit Act." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/71814.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (LLD)--Stellenbosch University, 2012.Includes bibliography
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The forced transfer of immovable property to enforce judgment debts by way of sale in execution has constitutional implications. Firstly, if the property is residential, section 26 of the Constitution (the housing clause) raises the question whether the current legal framework takes sufficient account of the imperative to respect people‟s access to adequate housing. Read with section 36 (the limitation clause), the requirement is that someone‟s home may only be violated if the result is proportionate based on all the relevant circumstances. Secondly, since the home qualifies as “property” for purposes of the section 25 (the property clause), the law that regulates this forced sale may not permit the arbitrary deprivation of property. In other words, it is necessary to also investigate whether the sale in execution of debtors‟ property satisfies the section 25(1) non-arbitrariness test. Therefore, the research problem that this dissertation addresses revolves around the implications of sections 25 and 26 of the Constitution for the “normal” sale-in-execution process. More specifically, the scope of the investigation is limited to forced transfers of residential property as a result of mortgage foreclosure. What makes this perspective interesting is that, in addition to the debtor‟s constitutional rights, the creditor also enjoys constitutional protection by virtue of the limited real right (the mortgage) that is registered over the debtor‟s home. This real security right is also “property” that is worthy of recognition under section 25. To the extent that the National Credit Act places obstacles in the way of creditors‟ right to enforce their debts, this interference may also amount to a deprivation of property, which must satisfy the requirements of the property clause. This dissertation shows that the traditional common law framework of mortgage foreclosure does not give full effect to debtors‟ sections 25 and 26 rights. Nevertheless, based on the subsidiarity principles, I argue that a development of the common law or the creation of unique constitutional defences is not called for. The reason for this submission is that the debt relief mechanisms of the National Credit Act already provide constitutionally appropriate relief for debtors who face the loss of their properties. The available mechanisms – including debt review, debt rearrangement and the right to reinstate credit agreements – are aimed at resolving the root of mortgage foreclosure, namely over-indebtedness. This approach will ensure that mortgage foreclosures have a constitutionally valid and proportionate effect on the rights of both parties to the mortgage relationship.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die afdwinging van vonnisskulde by wyse van die verkoop in eksekusie van onroerende eiendom is ‟n gedwonge oordrag van eiendom met grondwetlike implikasies. Eerstens, waar die eiendom residensieël is, verg artikel 26 van die Grondwet (die behuisingsklousule) dat die huidige regsraamwerk voldoende rekenskap sal gee van die opdrag om mense se toegang tot geskikte behuising te respekteer. Saamgelees met artikel 36 (die beperkingsklousule), mag daar slegs op iemand se reg van toegang tot behuising inbreuk gemaak word indien die impak regverdigbaar is met inagneming van al die relevante omstandighede. Tweedens, aangesien die huis kwalifiseer as “eiendom” vir doeleindes van artikel 25 (die eiendomsklousule), mag die regsreëls wat eksekusieverkope reguleer nie arbitrêre ontnemings van eiendom toelaat nie. Met ander woorde, dit is nodig om ondersoek in te stel of die verkoop in eksekusie van skuldenaars se wonings aan artikel 25(1) se nie-arbitrêrheidstoets voldoen. Die navorsingsprobleem behels dus die implikasies van artikels 25 en 26 van die Grondwet vir die “normale” verkoop-in-eksekusie proses. Die omvang van die ondersoek is spesifiek beperk tot oordragte van residensiële eiendom as gevolg van die oproep van verbande. Wat hierdie perspektief verder interessant maak, tesame met die feit dat skuldenaars grondwetlike regte het, is die feit dat skuldeisers ook grondwetlike beskerming geniet ten aansien van die beperkte saaklike reg (die verband) wat geregistreer is oor die skuldenaar se huis. Hierdie saaklike sekerheidsreg is ook “eiendom” wat erkenning verdien in terme van artikel 25. Vir sover as wat skuldeisers se vermoë om hul skulde af te dwing deur die Nasionale Kredietwet aan bande gelê word, mag hierdie beperkinge moontlik ook op ‟n ontneming van eiendom neerkom. Gevolglik moet hierdie skuldverligtingsmeganismes ook aan die vereistes van die eiendomsklousule voldoen. Hierdie proefskrif wys daarop dat die tradisionele gemeenregtelike raamwerk vir die oproep van verbande nie ten volle effek gee aan skuldenaars se regte onder artikels 25 en 26 nie. Nietemin, met beroep op die subsidiariteitsbeginsels argumenteer ek dat ‟n ontwikkeling van die gemenereg of die skep van unieke grondwetlike remedies nie in hierdie konteks toelaatbaar is nie. Die rede hiervoor is dat die Nasionale Kredietwet se skuldverligtingsmeganismes reeds voorsiening maak vir grondwetlik aanvaarbare verligting vir skuldenaars wat deur die moontlike verlies van hul eiendomme in die gesig gestaar word. Die beskikbare maatreëls – insluitend skuldhersiening, skuldherstrukturering en die reg om kredietooreenkomste te laat herleef – is gemik daarop om die oorsaak van verbandoproeping aan te spreek, naamlik oorverskuldigdheid. Hierdie benadering sal verseker dat die oproep van verbande ‟n grondwetlik geldige en proporsionele effek op die regte van beide partye het.
South African Research Chair in Property Law
National Research Foundation
Ciucci Bursary
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Olofio, Ben O. "Single party and national integration in Africa the case of the MPR in Zaire." DigitalCommons@Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, 1987. http://digitalcommons.auctr.edu/dissertations/3252.
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The aim of this study was to determine whether or not the Mouvement Populaire de la Revolution (MPR) as a single political party in Zaire has brought about national integration in the country. The Charter of the Party, herein referred to as the Nsele Manifesto, states that "the MPR intends to restore the state authority and the union of the Zaireans for the sake and the grandeur of the Republic." Carried out from a historical materialist perspective, the study comes up with three major findings. First, from a behavioral standpoint the MPR has implemented a vertical integration in Zaire as opposed to horizontal integration. Second, from a materialist viewpoint the MPR, in its relations to the means of production with the environment, has become a major factor in the class structure in Zaire. Third, the issue of ethnicization of power which, as of late has become one of great interest to social scientists in general and to students of Zairean politics in particular, has been given enough attention in this study. However, this research takes the position that scholars should be cautious in their effort to apprehend the processes of power diffusion on the one hand, and the dialectics of class and ethnicity on the other hand. Indeed, to overemphasize one aspect such as ethnicization of power leads to an obscurantist explanation of a socio-political reality as complex as contemporary African politics dictates. Moreover, for scholars interested in qualitative social change, such an approach fails to comprehend contradictions underlying the political make up of Zaire. Only a thorough analysis of these contradictions can enable one to seize the essential significance concealed behind the party slogan of "MPR=SERVIR."
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Ward, Philip Henry. "The relationship between innovation and leadership in First National Bank of South Africa." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1004306.
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This research investigates the relationship between innovation and leadership in First National Bank in South Africa. In an information age paradigm, innovation is a key driver of organisational success. Innovation allows an information age company to create a sustainable competitive advantage over its competitors. First National Bank (FNB) has recognised the need for innovation and measures the amount of innovation generated in each business unit on an annual basis. Leadership is a key factor influencing innovation in large, multi-segment organisations, particularly transformational leadership. Large multi-segment organisations often have multi-functional teams and transformational leadership of these teams more effectively promotes innovation. Large multi-segment organisations also often have complex decision making processes. Transformational leadership ensures optimal innovative decisions rather than adequate decisions are reached. FNB is a multi-segment organisation comprising ten business units each headed by a Chief Executive Officer (CEO). The relationship between the level of innovation being generated annually by each business unit and the leadership style of the business unit CEO formed the focus of this research. The Multifactor Leadership Questionnaire was used to gather information on the leadership style of each CEO's. Data on the level of innovation within each of these business units was supplied by First National Bank. Data was statistically analysed against the innovation generated by each business unit using correlation analysis. Most of the results testing the relationship between transformational and transactional leadership and innovation were found not to be significant. This contradicts the theory which suggests a positive relationship between transformational leadership and innovation.
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Everatt, David, and Mark Orkin. "'Growing up tough': A national survey of South African youth." Joint Enrichment Project, 1993. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/65862.
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The Community Agency for Social Enquiry (CASE) was commissioned by the Joint Enrichment Project (JEP) to undertake research for the National Youth Development Conference. The research programme had three components:the compilation of a computerised and annotated youth database, comprising domestic research into youth, and the extraction of five policy papers covering the areas of education, employment-creation, AIDS, violence and social context, and historical context. an international comparative component, which focused on the youth brigades in Botswana, and the whole range of youth development initiatives taking place in Kenya and Uganda, covered in an additional two position papers. a national baseline and attitudinal survey into youth in South Africa. The results of all three components of the research project will be published in book form later this year. The summary reports of the local and international comparative policy papers are available in a separate booklet. This is the report of the national survey into youth in South Africa. Aims of the survey The survey has four main aims: demographic: to accurately describe how many youth are in the different parts of South Africa, how many are in or out of school or work, and so on. attitudinal: to allow youth to express their views on a range of social, economic, political and personal issues.to analyse youth marginalisation: to scientifically analyse and describe the marginalisation of youth within South African society. programmatic: to provide results which directly assist organisations designing programmes which target youth. Designing the survey The survey was designed by the CASE senior research team of Professor Mark Orkin, Director of C A S E; Dr David Everatt, Deputy Director of CASE and project co-ordinator; and Dr Ros Hirschowitz, Specialist Researcher at C A S E. The design process was lengthy and complex, because the aims of the survey were complicated. As a first step, CASE gathered together existing youth research and survey data, in order to see what we could learn from them. We then convened a design workshop to assist us. Participants in the C A S E national youth survey for JEP 1 workshop comprised people who had experience with youth, or with survey design. They included John Aitchison (CASE and the Centre for Adult Education, University of Natal), Debbie Budlender (CASE and the National Women's Coalition), Dr Jannie Hofmeyr (Research Surveys), Ms Vanessa Kruger and Professor Ari Sitas (University of Natal), Ms Anne Letsebe (SABSWA), Mr Steve Mokwena (JEP), Mr Rory Riordan (Human Rights Trust) and Dr Jeremy Seekings (University of Cape Town). We also needed input from the youth themselves. Discussion groups with youth (called 'focus groups') were held with youth from Alexandra and Soweto, from Ciskei and the eastern Cape, from Bophuthatswana and the northern transvaal, from Chatsworth and Claremont in Durban, and elsewhere. We reached youth from cities, squatter camps, towns and rural areas. The focus groups were organised by C A S E and Research Surveys, a professional market research company. The youth told us what their concerns were, what their aspirations and fears were, and what interventions they felt are necessary to improve their lives. CASE then designed a draft survey. We had to try it out (called 'piloting') to find out if the survey tapped the youth's actual views and experiences, and so give the JEP the information they sought. The survey was piloted on a representative sample of 100 youth (aged between 16 and 30) by Research Surveys. Using the results of the focus groups and the pilots, the CASE research team then produced the final questionnaire, which went into the field in November/December 1992.
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Udit, F. "Engendering the national liberation struggle in South Africa 1945-1995." Thesis, University of Essex, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.503566.
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Nainkin, Simon. "A national study of smartphone adoption factors in South Africa." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/96211.
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Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.Factors influencing the adoption of smartphones are not known in South Africa. Smartphone adoption globally is currently measured as being around forty-seven percent of all mobile phone users, with an expectation that it will be around the fifty per cent mark by 2017. Most of this growth will come from markets that are highly price-sensitive, and low-cost smartphones will allow users to shift from feature phones to smartphones, or they may skip the step of buying a feature phone altogether and upgrade directly to a smartphone. With one of the fastest growing smartphone adoption rates in the world. Primary data was collected using an online survey tool, and four hundred and twenty-six responses to the survey were collected. The survey instrument was designed to collect information regarding the smartphone attributes and features that are most pertinent to the smartphone purchasing decision. The research also profiled how consumers were currently using their mobile devices from a time and frequency perspective. This was done through descriptive and inferential statistical analysis of the sample data. The research adopted the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) with three added constructs from the literature, being Entertainment, Security and Privacy, and Social Networking. The objective of the research, therefore, was to test the relationship of these constructs in relation to smartphone adoption by the sample collected. Inspection of the data was done through multiple logistic regression on respondent’s current adoption status of smartphones. Only PU (Perceived Usefulness) was measured to be significant after inferential statistical analysis, but this proved to have only minor influence on the overall multiple regression equation of the research. Entertainment was statistically not significant in the research, but was measured as very close to significance whenusing a confidence level alpha of 0.05. The application of the TAM model with added constructs proved to be successful, although the added constructs did not result in significance of the associated sample data. Respondents indicated that smartphone features such as battery life and the affordability of data were the most important to them in the decision of purchasing a smartphone. The descriptive data did reveal differing adoption trends among different race groups within South Africa, and it is recommended that this phenomenon be explored in further detail in future research.
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Vermaak, Corneluis Grugorius Buitendag. "The national security implications of illegal immigration to South Africa." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/28085.
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The aim of this study is to confirm whether illegal immigration to South Africa is being regarded as a threat to national security and to analyse the implications thereof. The dissertation presents three assumptions to be explored and tested, namely: - Illegal immigration poses a growing threat to South Africa’s national security. The latter is due to an increase in the number of illegal immigrants entering the country as well as their seemingly increasing involvement in especially violent crime.
- The South African government does not adequately acknowledge the threat potential of illegal immigration with regard to the country’s national security status and as such adequate measures are not being taken to curb the influx of illegal immigrants.
- Violent attacks on foreigners in South Africa have been seen as xenophobia, however, specific factors exist that contributed to these attacks.
- Onwettige immigrasie bedreig Suid Afrika se nasionale veiligheid toenemend. Laasgenoemde stelling is gebaseer op die toename in die getal onwettige immigrante wat Suid Afrika binnekom, sowel as aan die betrokkenheid van onwettige immigrante in misdaad (veral geweldadige misdade) in Suid Afrika.
- Die Suid Afrikaanse regering beskou die potensiële bedreiging van onwettige immigrasie vir nasionale veiligheid nie met die nodige erns nie en gevolglik word die nodige maatrëels nie ingestel om die toenemende instroming van omwettige immigrante na Suid Afrika te bekamp nie.
- Geweld teenoor vreemdelinge in Suid Afrika word alom gesien as xenofobies van aard, alhoewel spesifieke faktore teenwoordig is wat bydra tot sulke aanvalle.
Dissertation (MSS)--University of Pretoria, 2009.
Political Sciences
unrestricted
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Townshend, Matthew John. "Foundation for a national road prioritisation model for South Africa." Doctoral thesis, Faculty of Commerce, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32372.
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Inefficient road infrastructure investment in South Africa has led to five core policy failures: deterioration in road network conditions; neglect of citizens' constitutional rights of access to basic services; insufficient prioritisation of roads that best promote the general economy; an excessive rural road network; and application of inefficient road surfaces that increase road maintenance and road-user costs and fail to take advantage of the low shadow price of unskilled labour. The thesis first reviews the extent and consequences of these failures and evaluates their opportunity cost with respect to the potential benefits from more efficient road infrastructure investment policy. If fiscal constraints are accepted as exogenous given South Africa's politically driven budgeting process and the magnitude of road maintenance backlogs, then the question can be posed as to the capacity of the current maintenance scheduling systems to efficiently prioritise road investment according to the sector mandate to (i) satisfy citizens' right of access to constitutionally protected basic services, and (ii) maximally contribute to economic growth. The answer to this question is negative: the fact that none of the systems are appropriate to prioritisation explains the identified core failures. The thesis addresses this gap in several stages of analysis. The first stage is to develop a cost-effectiveness analysis-based road classification system that accounts for basic access and economic growth. This generates two important findings: most of the demand for access to basic services, which as per a normative economic framework based on arguments due to Rawls and Binmore is the first lexicographical policy priority, can be satisfied by roads that also support economic growth; and authorities can maintain Basic Access Roads and still have significant fiscal space within current allocations to maintain roads that optimally contribute to economic growth. The optimisation exercise proceeds through three stages. First, lifecycle cost analysis is applied to determine cost-effective surface solutions for low volume roads, many of which are Basic Access Roads, and the employment benefits of a policy to seal low-volume roads. Second, a two-step floating catchment area model is used to identify potentially unproductive roads that may be cost-effectively rationalised through basic service hub relocation. With basic access rights satisfied efficiently, cost-effectiveness analysis is lastly applied to exploit the remaining exogenously given road budget allocation to develop and test a model of road maintenance prioritisation that optimises the sector's contribution to national economic growth via export promotion, which is identified in official literature as the primary variable under policy control to promote national economic growth.
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Highman, K. B. "Forging a new South Africa : plagiarism and the national imaginary." Thesis, University of York, 2011. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/2426/.
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This thesis explores debates about plagiarism in post-apartheid South Africa, focussing on two highly-publicised cases, Antje Krog's Country of My Skull and Zakes Mda's The Heart of Redness. Through close reading, and by presenting such reading as culturally meaningful rather than forensic, I argue that in each text plagiarism acts as a contestation of cultural authority and a type of symbolic violence. Each text consciously affiliates itself to a particular literary tradition, occluding those sources that trouble the limits of these traditions, and re-appropriating cultural prestige. Re-establishing context illuminates the violent transculturations that underwrite South African cultural production and how national literatures are fields of contestation, rather than organically developing, self-contained formations. Chapter One considers the dispute between Stephen Watson and Krog over their respective poeticisations of |Xam narratives, contextualising it within a long history of appropriative white writing about indigenous peoples. Chapter Two considers Krog's alleged plagiarisms in Country of My Skull; notes other instances of unacknowledged copying; and relates Krog's borrowings to her use of testimony, arguing that a number of testimonies are fictionalised, and that Krog's borrowings and fictionalisations work together to lend her text a first-hand authenticity marked as specifically African. Chapter Three considers Mda's alleged plagiarism of Jeff Peires's The Dead Will Arise and notes how, contrary to Mda's claim that there is no written record for the Khoikhoi stories he retells in his novel, there is one, Theophilus Hahn's Tsuni-||Goam. Mda's borrowings serve to reinscribe an originary Xhosa identity, relatively uninflected by Christian,colonial influence, and to affiliate his work with African orature, rather than print culture. The afterword comments on the wider cultural and ethical implications of plagiarism; the ‘counter-narratives' that Krog and Mda's borrowings reveal; and the relationship of their borrowings to the metaphorical 'forging' of a 'new' South Africa in post-apartheid authorship.
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Gallant, Bernette Denolia. "A study of the South African national anthem as a tool for division or unification." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/15138.
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South Africa is a nation that was born from a struggle that can be said to have turned racial divisions and discrimination into a diversity of heritages. Thus, contemporary South Africa has become a country recreated in such a way that its people are able to embrace diversity freely. This research study aimed to provide insights into South Africa’s diversity in culture and linguistics that were moulded into a single song, the South African National Anthem. The research study aimed to determine the selected sample’s (Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University Staff and Students) responses to the representation of the South African National Anthem based on two specific performances. The research study aimed to determine how the two online videos affected the perceptions of NMMU Staff and Students of the South African National Anthem and South Africa as a brand. The research study aimed to determine how the two performances of the South African National Anthem under study were received by Staff and Students at NMMU. The study also aimed to highlight the similarities and differences in the sample’s responses, based on this reception. The selected YouTube videos under study are: SA anthem destroyed URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=beg0-kMN3fM Ard Matthews ruins the SA national anthem URL: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=fu6IG0Wx19w. An electronic questionnaire with both closed and open-ended questions was used to draw a conclusion regarding the selected sample’s perceptions of the South African National Anthem. Following the questionnaire results, a rhetoric analysis of the sample’s questionnaire responses was conducted. This text analysis and interpretation was conducted to gain insight into themes that were labelled based on the questionnaire responses, thus affecting perceptions of the sample and determining whether the South African National Anthem was perceived as a tool for division or unification.