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1
Sýkora, Jiří. "Economic policy of Angola and development of its national economy." Acta Oeconomica Pragensia 17, no. 1 (2009): 60–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.18267/j.aop.4.
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MOORMAN, MARISSA J. "GUERRILLA BROADCASTERS AND THE UNNERVED COLONIAL STATE IN ANGOLA (1961–74)." Journal of African History 59, no. 2 (2018): 241–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853718000452.
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AbstractThis article explores the relationship between Angolan guerrilla broadcasts and their effects on the Portuguese counterinsurgency project in their war to hold on to their African colonies. The Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA'sAngola Combatente) and National Front for the Liberation of Angola (FNLA'sVoz de Angola Livre) broadcasts allowed these movements to maintain a sonic presence in the Angolan territory from exile and to engage in a war of the airwaves with the Portuguese colonial state with whom they were fighting a ground war. First and foremost, it analyzes the effects of these rebel broadcasts on listeners, be they state or non-state actors. A reading of the archives of the state secret police and military exposes the nervousness and weakness of the colonial state even as it was winning the war.
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Kempton, Daniel R. "New Thinking and Soviet Policy Towards South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 28, no. 4 (1990): 545–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00054732.
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During the last few years, Mikhail Gorbachev's new thinking has stimulated a number of dramatic and largely unexpected shifts in Soviet foreign policy. In Southern Africa, its effects have been both immediate and quite profound. The two most publicised changes have been Moscow's growing support for negotiations as a method of resolving the region's conflicts, and the related reduction of its commitments to the régimes in Angola and Mozambique. In fact, there is evidence that the Kremlin has been putting pressure on both its allies to engage in a process of ‘national reconciliation’ with the armed movements trying to overthrow them. At the rhetorical level, at least, there has also been a marked decline in Moscow's enthusiasm for revolutionary upheavals in Southern Africa.
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Lagon, Mark P. "The International System and the Reagan Doctrine: Can Realism Explain Aid to ‘Freedom Fighters’?" British Journal of Political Science 22, no. 1 (1992): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000712340000034x.
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Doctrines have been a prevalent form of foreign policy in American history. What explains their origins? This study addresses this question by examining the Reagan Doctrine, a declared policy which pledged aid to anti-communist guerrillas in the Third World. This case study examines the utility of the ‘structural realist’ theory, focusing on the international level of analysis.Structural realism stresses the international balance of power, international conditions, limits on the government's freedom to make policy and the national interest. Sources of the Reagan Doctrine are found both in the international environment as a whole and in the individual countries where the Reagan Administration openly aided insurgents: Afghanistan, Nicaragua, Angola and Cambodia.The findings indicate that the structural realist perspective is necessary to explain the Reagan Doctrine, but not sufficient. In particular, it fails to account for the role of political elites and their beliefs in foreign-policy making.
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Polchanov, Andrii. "Coordination of state fiscal and monetary policy the in the context of post-conflict recovery." Accounting and Financial Control 1, no. 2 (2017): 19–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/afc.01(2).2017.03.
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The article is devoted to the study of fiscal and monetary components of state`s financial policy and their coordination after the completion of hostilities. The urgency of the topic is determined by the need to find an optimal (in terms of economic system) strategy of interaction between the government and the central bank in the conditions of post-conflict recovery. The purpose of the article is to summarize the world experience of formation of fiscal and monetary policy as well as their coordination in order to effectively overcome the consequences of military conflicts. The author analyzes the data on the post-war development of 12 countries that succeeded in restoring their national economies during the first decade after the end of hostilities (Angola, Cambodia, the Republic of Congo, Croatia, Georgia, Indonesia, Liberia, Macedonia, Serbia, Sierra Leone, Solomon Islands, Tajikistan) As a result, the author discovers a gradual transition from the fixed and regulated exchange rate regime to the floating exchange rate in the long-term perspective, reduction of inflation and interest rates on loans, as well as a gradual increase of GDP and the net inflow of foreign direct investments, while the share of tax revenues and public expenditures in GDP remained stable. On the basis of generalization of the world experience the conclusion was made about the key role of central banks in ensuring economic growth in the context of post-conflict recovery by ensuring price stability and stimulating lending. In addition, the importance of geographic location and availability of natural resources in the restoration of the national economy of some countries was emphasized.
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Anglin, Douglas G. "Afrique du Sud : politique extérieure et rapports avec le continent." Études internationales 22, no. 2 (2005): 369–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702845ar.
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The principal preoccupation of South African foreign policy decision makers has consistently been the preservation and perpetuation of white power and privilege. This has been especially the case with respect to relations with the rest of Africa, and above all Southern Africa which South Africa has long regarded as its natural hinterland. Traditionally, the neighbouring states have been a source of minerals, markets and migrant labour, but more recently they have also been perceived as a source of insecurity. Pretoria countered the alleged "total onslaught" it faced with its "total strategy" which, in the region, amounted to a combination ofathump and talk. "The military reverse South Africa suffered in Angola in 1988 forced a reassessment of policy, leading to the independance of Namibia and the prospect of an end to apartheid domestically. How the emergence of a non-racial democratic regime in South Africa will affect policy towards the continent is uncertain. While the African National Congress recognizes the need to put the relationship on a new and mutually beneficial basis, it is likely to be preoccupied with its own formidable domestic agenda. This may leave policy effectively in the hands of the technocrats and the businessmen, which does not augur well for an end to the present exploitative relationship.
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Morais, Jorge, Rui Alexandre Castanho, Luis Loures, Carlos Pinto-Gomes, and Pedro Santos. "Villagers’ Perceptions of Tourism Activities in Iona National Park: Locality as a Key Factor in Planning for Sustainability." Sustainability 11, no. 16 (2019): 4448. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11164448.
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Local people’s perception of nature-based tourism evolution and consequent impacts on their well-being are crucial in promoting ecotourism and achieving sustainable development. This study focused on indigenous populations’ attitudes concerning tourism activities taking place in the Iona National Park, located in the Namibe Province of Angola, where ecotourism is considered an anchor product and is expected to become an economic driver of major importance. To obtain information that is useful for a changing tourism management in order to increase rural communities’ well-being, we conducted a survey addressing local people’s perceptions about the following main topics: perception of the presence of visitors and of their activities; present and prospective positive and negative effects of the park; and government policies that should be developed in the near future. The research shows that most respondents’ perceptions strongly vary according to locality. The level of urbanization and the distance to the core areas of touristic activities appear to be the main factors driving the villagers’ perception polarization. Thus, conflicting interests between nature conservation and local populations’ well-being should be addressed and managed according to locality profiles, with some exceptions, such as ensuring the entire population has access to pastoral lands.
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Wei, Song. "Facilitating Industrialization in Africa: China’s Aid and African Industrial Capacity Building." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 05, no. 04 (2019): 577–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740019500301.
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Industrialization has long been the focus of national development plans in many African countries. Yet, Africa today is less industrialized than it was four decades ago. Industrial capacity building has recently been prioritized in Beijing’s aid policy as a prerequisite for a thriving manufacturing sector in Africa. As a result, China’s aid and investment in Africa focus on three areas: manufacture, infrastructure, and economic zone development. The choices reflect Beijing’s four decades of experience in its own industrialization process. The two cases of Angola and Zambia presented in this article illustrate the constraining factors in Africa’s industrialization: a business-unfriendly financial environment, vast untapped labor and resource potentials, an imbalanced growth model, and cumbersome bureaucratic procedures. To help Africa achieve higher levels of integration and industrialization, Beijing ought to do more and better along five lines of effort: first, by delineating the role of development cooperation in China-Africa capacity building cooperation; second, upgrading African industrial capacity both at the macro- and micro-levels; third, supporting infrastructure and agricultural modernization across Africa; fourth, working with African subregional institutions to stimulate regional integration and industrialization; and fifth, building greater complementarities with international organizations in Africa.
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Wood, Luke. "The Bureaucratic Politics of Germany’s First Greek Bailout Package." German Politics and Society 34, no. 1 (2016): 26–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2016.340102.
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The bureaucratic politics of the German decision to bailout Greece reveal that policy proposals from the Office of the Federal Chancellery and the Federal Ministry of Finance to cope with the crisis in Greece stood to benefit those specific ministries. Centered on a national/supranational cleavage, policy debates in the second Angela Merkel government revolved around whether the European Union should be delegated more power in terms of broader Eurozone macroeconomic governance. Angela Merkel rejected broader treaty revisions insisting on strict adherence to the Stability and Growth Pact and the large-scale participation of the IMF. Conversely, Federal Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble opposed IMF involvement and advocated for increased EU competency including support for the French proposal to institutionalize the Eurogroup. The policy positions of these two organizational actors remained deeply conditioned by organizational interests, rather than partisan or ideological divides over conceptions of “European Unity.”
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Artemov, Eugeny T. "Economic Policy of the Late Soviet Period: The Problem of Setting Priorities." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 23, no. 1 (2021): 210–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2021.23.1.014.
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This article examines the ways and means used to set priorities in the late Soviet economic policy. Referring to the analysis of documents and existing historiography, the author substantiates the conclusion about the fact that their choice was made outside of the routine national economic planning framework. They were structured as projects (megaprojects, programmes) of national significance. Their implementation had a tremendous effect on the country’s economic development. It would suffice to mention the creation of the nuclear weapons complex and the aerospace industry, the establishment of the Siberian branch of the USSR Academy of Sciences, the economic development of the West Siberian oil and gas province, the formation of the territorial production conglomerations in the Angara-Yenisei region, the construction of the Baikal-Amur highway, etc. Decisions on launching these programmes were made in the form of “resolutions of the Communist Party and Government”. However, it was necessary to conform to them in the process of both long-term and operational planning (adjustment). In this way, the national scale economic goals were set apparently without any prior discussion. Moreover, the tougher the administrative regulation methods, the closer were the results achieved to the initial intentions. A very good example of this was the nuclear project. At the same time, the liberalisation of the regulation mode and the transformation of the “command” economy into the economy of “coordinated approvals” resulted in the loss of administrative regulation efficiency. In the absence of market signals or sanctions, this inevitably led to a misalignment of the economic development plans and results. By the end of the Soviet period, the prevailing opinion was that the only way to improve the balance would be a move of the economy to a “market-based track”. However, there was no clarity on how to do this. Hence, a series of ill-conceived actions, resulting in a complete loss of centralised planning and management. Not being guided by any commands “from above” or the market, the economy was in a state of “free fall”.
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Neis, Hans Joachim, Briana Meier, and Tomoki Furukawazono. "Welcome City: Refugees in Three German Cities." Urban Planning 3, no. 4 (2018): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/up.v3i4.1668.
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Since late 2015, the authors have studied the refugee crisis in Europe. In this article, we analyze local factors that are significant for urban planning to include in an integration plan through case studies in three cities in Germany. We have chosen to study Germany because of the country’s touted Willkommen Kultur (welcome culture), which was prompted in large part by Chancellor Angela Merkel’s “Flüchtlinge Willkommen” (“refugees welcome”) stance. Now, three years after Chancellor Merkel’s declaration to the world, although international and national policies set many parameters for refugee integration, responses to the uncertainty of the situation are fundamentally informed by local contexts. Germany has adopted a policy of distributing refugees to communities throughout the country according to the so-called “Königstein Key”, which sets quotas for each state according to economic capacity. We have selected case study cities and a county that are at different scales and regions: Borken in Hessen (13,500 people), Kassel County (200,000), and Essen, a larger city (600,000). Here we investigate the ways in which German citizens and refugees interact and integrate, with a focus on the social-spatial aspects of refugee experiences and the impacts on urban planning policy, urban morphology, building typology, and pattern language formation. Beyond crisis, we are looking at how refugees can and will try to integrate into their host countries, cities, and neighborhoods and start a new life and how host communities respond to refugee arrival. Urban architecture projects for housing and work opportunities that help the process of integration are part of this study. Particularly, in this article, we investigate the reality on the ground of the positive Willkommen Kultur and the high expectations and implied promises that were set in 2015 by Chancellor Angela Merkel and German society.
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Unruh, Jon D. "Eviction policy in postwar Angola." Land Use Policy 29, no. 3 (2012): 661–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2011.11.001.
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Conrad, Maximilian, and Hugrún Aðalsteinsdóttir. "Understanding Germany’s Short-lived “Culture of Welcome”." German Politics and Society 35, no. 4 (2017): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2017.350401.
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The German government’s response to the refugee crisis in the late summer and autumn of 2015 has puzzled observers. Despite initially positive reactions to Angela Merkel’s policy, her position has weakened domestically, contributing to the sudden rise of the Alternative for Germany, but also alienated a number of Germany’s European partners. While the German government’s approach may be difficult to explain from a purely rationalist perspective, this article highlights the role of ideational factors, in particular Germany’s self-understanding as an international actor and a sense of moral obligation drawn from the continued relevance of Germany’s twentieth-century history. We demonstrate that the long shadow of the crimes committed under National Socialism played a key role in shaping German public discourse on the refugee crisis—underlined by a frame analysis of the images of refugees in three leading German daily newspapers between August 2015 and March 2016. Although the inflow of refugees was also framed as a challenge and a potential security risk, the material emphasizes Germany’s moral obligation to provide shelter to those fleeing from war and persecution.
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Chisingui, António Valter, and Nilza Costa. "Teacher Education and Sustainable Development Goals: A Case Study with Future Biology Teachers in an Angolan Higher Education Institution." Sustainability 12, no. 8 (2020): 3344. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su12083344.
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National education policies are increasingly regulated by international agendas, for example the Agenda 2030 for Sustainable Development (SD). However, in order to put such policies into practice, social actors like teachers and teacher educators must include them in their practices. In this context, this study stems from the following research question: how does initial teacher education (ITE) promote the SD Agendas (2030 and 2063 for Africa)? The approach to this question is carried out through a case study focused on an Angolan teacher education higher education institution, in its graduate course for future secondary school biology teachers. The main aims of this study are (i) to characterize how ITE includes SD and (ii) to suggest ways to improve SD, particularly focusing on students’ future professional needs. Data were gathered from document analysis (the pedagogical curriculum plan of the course; titles and abstracts of final-year future biology teachers’ essays) and an interview with the course director of the biology teaching program of the Angolan institution. Content analysis of the gathered evidence was based on a three-dimensional framework: (a) SD goals (SDG) and the curriculum; (b) teacher education principles; and (c) current Angolan curricular perspectives. Results show that although the Pedagogical curriculum plan and the formative path, from the interviewee’s point of view, do not explicitly integrate SDG and its challenges for biology ITE, the majority of essays analyzed are locally contextualized and in a number of cases articulated with some of the 17 SDG. Suggestions for inclusion of SDG in ITE and for teacher education research are put forward.
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Tvedten, Inge. "U.S. Policy Towards Angola Since 1975." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 1 (1992): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00007710.
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It is generally agreed that the battle of Cuito Cuanavale in March 1988 marked the final attempt to secure a military solution to the Angolan conflict. Thereafter, in December 1988, South Africa, Cuba, and Angola signed the so-called ‘New York accord’ that included a timetable for the phased withdrawal of the South Africans and the Cubans from Namibia and Angola, respectively; in June 1989, the Gbadolite agreement initiated African attempts to end the continuing armed struggle in Angola; and in March 1990, Namibia achieved its long-awaited independence. But despite these efforts and developments, the war continued between the Government that had been established in Luanda by the Movimento Popular de Libertacão de Angola (M.P.L.A.) in November 1975 and the União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (Unita), with devastating implications for the country's estimated ten million inhabitants. Not before May 1991 was a final peace agreement signed in Portugal, and then with considerably poorer options for political stability and economic recovery than would have been the case after the original accord in New York.
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Plessia, Vasiliki. "“Fallen Angels” under European Union’s migration gesture." HAPSc Policy Briefs Series 1, no. 1 (2020): 219. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/hapscpbs.24969.
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According to the European Commission, from January 2020 till now, there have been new 8636 asylum requests to Greece. In the meanwhile, the living conditions of refugees and migrants in the overcrowded camps and hotspots, have attracted the attention of the press once again, amid the COVID-19 pandemic.After her visit at the Greek, and thus European, borders, the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen was alarmed by the current situation of thousands unaccompanied minors and asked Commissioner Ylva Johansson to ensure their protection. (European Commission, 2020).This policy brief outlines the parameters of all International and European judiciary background, which protects children under refugee or migrant status. Moreover, referring to recent quantitative data, it analyses the current state of affairs, as well as the problems children face as residents in current camps and hotspots in Greece. Thus, taking all these into account it suggests briefly the following possible measures:The creation of a minors’ allocation platform for all EU countries.Public awareness-raising, through media campaigning at a European level.The adoption of the Proposal for a new Asylum Procedures Regulation 2013/32/EU.The facilitation of mutual trust and cooperation between national authorities, in order to proceed quickly with the relocation of unaccompanied minors and the raising of funds for that purpose.The increase of juvenile prosecutors per child.The application of safety measures in camps and hotspots, in order to tackle the COVID-19 pandemic.The establishment of external consultancy methods for NGOs in order to monitor the use of EU funds in accordance with childrens’ needs.
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Mills, Michael S. L., Pedro Vaz Pinto, and W. Richard J. Dean. "The avifauna of Cangandala National Park, Angola." Bulletin of the African Bird Club 15, no. 1 (2008): 113–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5962/p.309850.
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Schweiger, Christian. "Germany's Role in the EU-27 Leadership Constellation after Brexit." German Politics and Society 36, no. 2 (2018): 100–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2018.360207.
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With Brexit, the European Union has entered the first phase of unprecedented and potentially wider political disintegration. This is a reflection of the growing division between the EU’s core political agenda, defined under Germany’s increasingly uncompromising hegemonial leadership throughout the past decade, and the political preferences of the periphery in Southern and Central-Eastern Europe. This article critically examines the multiple effects of Germany’s dominant leadership role in the EU since the onset of the Eurozone sovereign debt crisis on the basis of a liberal intergovernmentalist perspective. It also considers future perspectives for German leadership in the EU after Brexit. As Angela Merkel enters her fourth term as German chancellor, she faces growing domestic political pressures and dwindling support for German leadership in the EU. German leadership is therefore more constrained than ever at a time when it is urgently needed to steer the EU away from further disintegration and towards lasting consolidation. The latter will require Berlin to engage profoundly in rebuilding a multilateral EU leadership constellation with France and Poland, which develops an inclusive policy agenda that represents the growing diversity of national interests amongst the remaining EU-27 member states.
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Voronenkova, Galina, and Julia Islanova. "The Coverage of the Policy of the German Chancellor in the Conditions of the Migration Crisis of 2013-2018 in the Materials of the Magazine "Der Spiegel"." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 8, no. 3 (2019): 497–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2019.8(3).497-511.
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Starting from 2013, the authors of “Der Spiegel” have been actively criticizing the policy of the Chancellor Merkel for inaction in the conditions of an increasing number of migrants from Middle Eastern countries. At the same time, the main opponents of the Chancellor were also criticized for their trying to pull away from the increasing migration problem and to absolve themselves of responsibility for migrants rushing deep into Europe, recalling the terms of the Dublin Regulation. The situation changed in 2015 when Angela Merkel not only recognized the ongoing crisis, but opened the borders of Germany for hundreds of thousands of illegal migrants. Unlike Merkel`s political opponents and even many party fellows, “Der Spiegel” supported the Chancellor for her readiness to jeopardize her political career to save European humanistic values. However, it soon became obvious that the Chancellor`s magnanimity wasn`t based on a precise plan for integration. Despite the authors of “Der Spiegel” who like Merkel considered Germany to be the heart of human and hospitable Europe, the center of tolerance, they had to admit that the uncontrolled stream of refugees turned to be a serious threat for the economy, social peace and national security. In 2017, it became obvious that Merkel changed the direction of her migration policy for a more pragmatic one aimed to control the illegal migration, to limit the migration stream from Middle Eastern countries, to develop the system of revealing and deporting illegal migrants. “Der Spiegel” regarded this as her readiness to change her own position according to the political circumstances in favor of the political rating. This led to disappointment and a new wave of criticism.
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Privett, G., S. George, W. Feline, and A. Ash. "AUTOMATED EXTRACTION OF SATELLITE TRAILS FROM WIDE ANGLE CCD IMAGERY." Revista Mexicana de Astronomía y Astrofísica Serie de Conferencias 51 (April 13, 2019): 150–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/ia.14052059p.2019.51.26.
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The current UK’s National Space and Security Policy states that the identification of potential on-orbit collisions and warning of re-entries over UK sovereign territory is of high importance, driving requirements for indigenous Space Situational Awareness (SSA) systems capable of delivering these products. The UK’s Defence Science and Technology Laboratory (Dstl) is examining options for the creation of a distributed network of longitudinally distributed, low cost commercial–off-the-shelf electro-optical sensors to support survey work and catalogue maintenance. To effectively exploit this, a robust data handling system is required to autonomously detect satellite trails in a manner that can handle variable target intensities, periodicities and rates of apparent motion, as well as meteors and aircraft. Data captured during the United Kingdom/New Zealand Automated Transfer Vehicle-5 (ATV-5) deorbit observation trial have been employed to inform the development of a prototype processing pipeline for autonomous on-site processing. The approach taken employs pre-existing and documented tools such as Astrometry.NET and DAOPHOT from the astronomical community, together with image processing and orbit determination software developed in-house by Dstl. Some preliminary results from the automated analysis of data collected from wide angle sensors are described, together with an appraisal of the limitations of the proposed system and our plans for future development
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Marcum, John A. "Angola: The Present Opportunity." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 17, no. 1 (1988): 15–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050078x.
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As remote and improbable a venue for a crisis in American foreign policy as Quemoy or the Gulf of Tonkin, Angola (1975) came to assume a Munich-like symbolism in the calculations of Americans who perceived a threat of Soviet expansionism into the third world during the latter years of the Brezhnev era. Smarting from a political/military shutout in Angola that came on the heels of a humiliating American exodus from Saigon, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger pointed to Angola as the “principal” cause of a deterioration in U.S.-Soviet relations. Subsequent policy confrontations over Ethiopia, Afghanistan, Nicaragua and Cambodia reinforced this perception of Angola as the beginning of the end of detente.
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MacQueen, Norrie. "Peacekeeping by attrition: the United Nations in Angola." Journal of Modern African Studies 36, no. 3 (1998): 399–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x98002845.
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At the end of June 1997, the mandate of the third United Nations Angola Verification Mission (UNAVEM III) was completed with conditional success, and superseded by the more modestly manned and resourced Observation Mission in Angola (Missão de Observação das Nações Unidas em Angola – MONUA). The ‘draw-down’ of UNAVEM III marked the end of one period in the UN's somewhat chequered history of engagement in Angola. The completion of its mandate followed the apparent commitment on the part of UNITA (União Nacional para a Indepêndencia Total de Angola) to move ahead to the final implementation of the Lusaka Protocol of November 1994. By the terms of this protocol, UNITA was to demobilise the greater part of its army and integrate the remainder into the national armed forces (the FAA – Forças Armadas Angolanas). Already in April, UNITA had complied with a central part of the political requirements of the protocol by inaugurating a new coalition government of national unity with the ruling MPLA-PT (Movimento de Libertação de Angola – Partido Trabalhista).
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de Sá, Tiago Moreira. "“The World Was Not Turning in Their Direction”: The United States and the Decolonization of Angola." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (2019): 52–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00871.
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In the mid-1970s, the United States and the Soviet Union decided to export the Cold War to Angola at levels that were unprecedented on the African continent. In the case of the United States, this led to immense support for local allies—the National Liberation Front of Angola and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola—in the form of many tons of heavy weaponry, millions of dollars, and the use of mercenaries and even paramilitary operatives of the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency. This article explains U.S. actions in Angola from 1974 to 1976 against the backdrop of the Cold War, highlighting the decision-making process in Washington, the international context, the internal context, and the actions of both superpowers.
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Whitaker, Jennifer Seymour, and Richard J. Bloomfield. "Regional Conflict and U.S. Policy: Angola and Mozambique." Foreign Affairs 68, no. 4 (1989): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044186.
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De Medeiros Carvalho, Pedro Miguel Amakasu Raposo. "Japan's Foreign Aid Policy to Angola and Mozambique." Politikon 38, no. 2 (2011): 315–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02589346.2011.580131.
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Wright, George. "The Clinton administration's policy toward Angola: an assessment." Review of African Political Economy 28, no. 90 (2001): 563–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056240108704566.
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Moimaz, Suzely Adas Saliba, Marcial António Simão Songa, Nemre Adas Saliba, and Tânia Adas Saliba. "Dental education and proportion of inhabitants by Dentist in Angola." Research, Society and Development 10, no. 4 (2021): e51110414356. http://dx.doi.org/10.33448/rsd-v10i4.14356.
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The objective was to verify the proportion of dentists in relation to the Angolan population, to undergraduate and graduate courses in dentistry, and to analyze the pedagogical projects of the existing courses. This is a descriptive, exploratory and documentary study that analyzed data on the population and the number of dentists in Angola, obtained through information from the National Statistics Institute and the Order of Doctors of Angola. An application for cell phones called “Qualificar”, made available by the Angolan government, was used to collect information about the existing courses. The websites of the Ministry of Higher Education, Science, Technology and Innovation; National Institute for Evaluation, Accreditation and Recognition of Higher Education Studies in Angola; and the National Press were consulted to collect data related to higher education in Angola. Information on pedagogical projects was obtained directly from Higher Education Institutions (HEIs). Angola has 701 dentists registered for a population of 30,175,553 inhabitants, that is, a proportion of 1/43,460. Among the eighty existing HEIs, only ten were authorized by the government to offer undergraduate courses in dentistry: six were located in the country's capital and four were distributed in other provinces, with workload varying from 4,688 to 5,536 hours. It was concluded that of the seven academic regions in the country, 4 do not have courses in dentistry; the number of dentists is not compatible with the population of Angola; no HEI offered postgraduate courses in dentistry and there is no standardization of pedagogical projects among the existing undergraduate courses.
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Rafig Asgarov, Sirus. "China's Energy Policy in Africa." SCIENTIFIC WORK 61, no. 12 (2020): 179–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2663-4619/61/179-183.
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China's interest in Sub-Saharan Africa, which can be summarized within the framework of 2 main objectives as the acquisition of fossil resources such as oil and natural gas, which are needed as a result of rapidly increasing production, as well as the marketing and supply of products obtained as a result of production, was first carried out with Angola, which has a very rich position in terms of oil. started as a result of contacts. Within the framework of the agreements made between the Chinese government and the Angolan government, which was selected as the pilot country in the opening towards the region, the long-term transfer of the oil extracted in Angola to China was ensured; In return for this sale, China made dams, power plants, electricity transmission, and distribution lines and various transportation infrastructure investments in the region. Key words: Africa, China, energy, resource, policy
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Cauchi, Daniel, Harry Rutter, and Cecile Knai. "An obesogenic island in the Mediterranean: mapping potential drivers of obesity in Malta." Public Health Nutrition 18, no. 17 (2015): 3211–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1368980015000476.
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AbstractObjectiveThe prevalence of childhood and adult obesity in Malta is among the highest in the world. Although increasingly recognised as a public health problem with substantial future economic implications for the national health and social care systems, understanding the context underlying the burden of obesity is necessary for the development of appropriate counter-strategies.DesignWe conducted a contextual analysis to explore factors that may have potentially contributed to the establishment of an obesogenic environment in Malta. A search of the literature published between 1990 and 2013 was conducted in MEDLINE and EMBASE. Twenty-two full-text articles were retrieved. Additional publications were identified following recommendations by Maltese public health experts; a review of relevant websites; and thorough hand searching of back issues of theMalta Medical Journalsince 1990.SettingMalta.SubjectsWhole population, with a focus on children.ResultsResults are organised and presented using the ANalysis Grid for Elements Linked to Obesity (ANGELO) framework. Physical, economic, policy and socio-cultural dimensions of the Maltese obesogenic environment are explored.ConclusionsMalta’s obesity rates may be the result of an obesogenic environment characterised by limited infrastructure for active living combined with an energy-dense food supply. Further research is required to identify and quantify the strength of interactions between these potential environmental drivers of obesity in order to enable appropriate countermeasures to be developed.
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Massaka, Antonio, Pitshu. "Monetary Policy Its Instruments and Convergence of Its Objectives: Case of Angola 2005/2017." Journal of Economics and Public Finance 5, no. 2 (2019): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jepf.v5n2p161.
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<p><em>This paper proposes a new paradigm for the analysis of monetary policy, and presents the monetary policy framework in Angola which includes the policy instruments, and implementation mechanism the way between instrument and objective.<strong> </strong>To study the Monetary Policy instruments in Angola based on a multiple linear regression model. Before the model was conceived an analogy was made about the politics and instruments of monetary policy from the classical Keynesian model in the matter, but also less important also to analyze the concrete objective of monetary policy if the authors agree connected with those currents of economic thought. For the estimation of the equation for the monetary aggregate M2 that represents the money supply by the Central Bank in Angola The author applied the current implementation and the existing theories to display the Angola monetary tools such as basic interest rate for monetary policy orientation (tbna), open market operation, Lending Facility, coefficient of required reserve, net international reserves, and the Gross Domestic Product, the reference oil price to brent. Most of the variables present the expected results.</em></p>
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Cann, John P. "The artful use of national power: Portuguese Angola (1961–1974)." Small Wars & Insurgencies 22, no. 1 (2011): 196–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592318.2011.546616.
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Kokorev, Vladimir B. "Angola and Mozambique: Ways to Peace." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 17, no. 1 (1988): 25–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004716070050081x.
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The situations in Angola and Mozambique are very much alike. How can one define them: civil war, foreign intervention, economic breakdown, or destabilization?There is a grain of truth in each of these definitions. Still, none of them fully reflects the developments in these countries. What we find in Angola and Mozambique is a unique crisis which has hit weak, nationally disunited countries. (By contrast, Afghans are united by a religious culture, and Nicaraguans by national sentiments.)
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Sacomboio, Euclides Nenga Manuel. "What Did Angola Learn from the World and What Did the World Learn from COVID-19? Reflection on Epidemiological Surveillance in Health." Journal of Health Management 22, no. 4 (2020): 528–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0972063420983609.
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The global community is racing to slow down and eventually stop the spread of COVID-19, which is a pandemic that has killed thousands of lives and made tens of thousands sick. The new coronavirus has already reached Angola, with 25 confirmed cases, among them 2 died and 6 were cured. The government has decreed a state of emergency on 24 March 2020 for 15 days, which was extended twice for the same number of days that will make it possible to reduce clusters of people and keep them at home. This study reflected on the diverse ways of leadership. It is an article of theoretical, technical and scientific reflection, based on the experience of a new epidemiological situation, with a critical analysis based on technical, scientific and professional experience, with bibliographic input of data obtained from information published in scientific articles, newspapers, magazines and other official documents published in Angola and worldwide related to COVID-19. This article emerged from critical thinking based on the current situation of COVID-19 in Angola in the world and is reflected in this article, what Angola should learn and learned from the experience of other countries that also imported the disease, their history of investment in health, characteristics of their populations, their economies and other aspects.
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Hay, Alexandre. "Recognition of the Angola Red Cross Society." International Review of the Red Cross 27, no. 256 (1987): 84–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400060952.
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We have the honour to inform you of the official recognition of the Angola Red Cross Society by the International Committee of the Red Cross. This recognition, which took effect on 1 October 1986, brings to 142 the number of National Societies members of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement.
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Sobers, Candace. "Independence, Intervention, and Internationalism: Angola and the International System, 1974–1975." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (2019): 97–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00854.
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This article explores the escalation of tensions surrounding Angola's independence from Portugal in 1975, when a protracted war of national liberation escalated sharply into an international crisis. Rather than see Angola as merely a proxy war, the article depicts the varied responses to Angolan anti-colonial nationalism as consequences of “internationalization,” or the deliberate and endogenous process of framing the struggle for Angolan independence in global terms. By establishing Angolan independence as part of a worldwide battle against imperialism, racism, and Western hegemony in the early 1960s, and by raising the issue in international forums, creating transnational support networks, and operating across borders and oceans, the Angolan national liberation movements created the ideological and political preconditions for the military interventions and Cold War political theater of the 1970s. Angola thus demonstrated how national liberation movements, as transnational actors, learned to operate within the international system to gain necessary material and moral support but also provoked the ire of more powerful external actors who had their own political and ideological reasons for opposing a pro-Soviet regime in Angola.
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Elizalde Castells, David, Sara R. F. F. Elizalde, Luis M. P. Ceríaco, and Rosemary Joy Groom. "Ansorge’s cusimanse in Angola: 100 years apart, new records contribute to the species known range." Mammalia 85, no. 5 (2021): 389–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mammalia-2020-0091.
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Abstract Ansorge’s cusimanse, Crossarchus ansorgei Thomas, 1910, has until recently been known in Angola only from a single specimen collected in 1908, the holotype. During a camera trap survey conducted in Quiçama National Park (Angola) in 2017, we recorded the presence of the species 115 km south-west of the type locality – 40 km from the edge of the current known distribution range, – extending it south of the Cuanza river and possibly following the woodlands along the Angolan Escarpment. We combine our records of Ansorge’s cusimanse with the available published and unpublished records from Angola and compare with other vertebrate taxa that follow a similar pattern, in which Central African species extend their southern distribution into Angola, through the more forested areas in northwestern Angola and further south along the Escarpment. Furthermore, we discuss the urgent need for more research on this species and the impact bushmeat harvesting may have on its conservation.
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Xudayberdievich, Xudayberdiev Xursand. "National policy." ACADEMICIA: An International Multidisciplinary Research Journal 10, no. 8 (2020): 442. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-7137.2020.00984.2.
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Kanji, Najmi, and Trudy Harpham. "From Chronic Emergency to Development: An Analysis of the Health of the Urban Poor in Luanda, Angola." International Journal of Health Services 22, no. 2 (1992): 349–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/dxvl-gkx4-rnxb-8c0j.
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There is a dearth of published literature on health care systems in Angola. Like many sub-Saharan African countries, Angola is experiencing rapid urbanization. The authors provide an analysis of the health status, environmental health conditions, and health-related behavior of the urban poor in Luanda, Angola. Although data are patchy and rarely disaggregated to reveal severe conditions in the shanty towns, a grave picture emerges. An average infant mortality rate of 104/1,000, with malaria and intestinal infections the main causes of death in children under 1 year old, reflects the poor environmental conditions, which are worsening as urbanization continues at a rapid rate. Use of health services is limited; for example, 50 percent of women give birth at home, mainly unassisted, and only 28 percent of children are covered by measles immunization (as validated by card). A discussion of existing health strategies, programs, and their constraints is set in the context of the future possibilities of the ending of the 15-year war and the introduction of structural adjustment policies.
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Blanes, Ruy Llera. "Austerity en route, from Lisbon to Luanda." Focaal 2019, no. 83 (2019): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2019.830104.
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In this article, through a set of ethnographic vignettes from fieldwork conducted in Angola since 2015, I discuss the political semantics of crisis and austerity, and simultaneously outline an itinerary of a “traveling austerity” between Portugal and Angola, exposing the interconnectedness and mutual binding of both political and economic contexts. Invoking stories of migrant workers in Luanda and the work of local “financial activists” protesting against financial inequality in Angola, I question the relevance of national-based approaches to austerity politics, explore conceptualizations of austerity beyond its “original,” mainstream Eurocentric setting, and argue towards the necessity of analyzing transnational intersections in the study of austerity.
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Manuel, Nicolas Nkiawete. "Globalization, Governmentality, and Education Policy in Angola: A Discourse Approach." Journal of Educational Policies and Current Practices 1, no. 2 (2015): 87–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.15340/2147350112831.
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Gil-Olivas, Eva, Fernando Salvador, Milagros Moreno, et al. "Telemedicine experience between two hospitals from Angola and Spain." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 36, no. 6 (2020): 545–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462320000847.
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AbstractObjectiveTelemedicine uses information and communication technologies to provide services in the field where the distance is a critical factor. The aim of the present study is to describe the experience of a synchronous telemedicine between two hospitals in Spain and Angola.MethodsThis is a retrospective observational study of all synchronous telemedicine sessions conducted between the Hospital Nossa Senhora da Paz in Angola and the Vall d'Hebron University Hospital in Spain from January 2011 to December 2014.ResultsSeventy-two cases were discussed in the telemedicine sessions. The average age of patients was 18.02 (SD 13.75) years and mostly women (54.38 percent). Reasons to discuss the cases were 46.47 percent doubts in the diagnosis and therapeutic management, 15.47 percent were purely formative cases, and only 8.45 percent treatment doubt. At the time of presentation, 29 percent of the patients were already diagnosed, 95 percent of whom with infectious disease diagnostic, and from the undiagnosed patients 36 percent presented a febrile syndrome.ConclusionThis study shows the viability of synchronous telemedicine between European and African countries without an excessively sophisticated technology.
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BJÖRCK, MARTIN, ROLF JOHANSSON, and NAJMI KANJI. "Improving the quality of primary care services in Angola." Health Policy and Planning 7, no. 3 (1992): 290–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/heapol/7.3.290.
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Begu, Liviu, Maria Vasilescu, Larisa Stanila, and Roxana Clodnitchi. "China-Angola Investment Model." Sustainability 10, no. 8 (2018): 2936. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su10082936.
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In the aftermath of Angola’s civil war, strong economic relations developed between the country and the People’s Republic of China. Our study addresses China’s investment risks in Angola, considering an infrastructure-for-petroleum partnership between these two countries. The main working hypothesis is that the recovery of Chinese investments made in Angola is has translated into thousands of barrels of petroleum being imported daily from Angola. We analyzed the main economic, social, and political indicators that describe the situation in Angola that could impact the recovery of Chinese loans in the form of oil exports. Data processing implied involved regression-based imputation, MinMax data normalization, the use of the Analytical Hierarchy Process (AHP), and econometric analysis, next to the construction of a composite risk indicator. The results of the econometric analysis highlighted that an increase in the composite risk indicator of 1% leads to a decrease in the quantity of petroleum exported by almost 6377 barrels per day. Because, at least in the short run, the economic diversification in Angola is weak, and the most important asset is its oil, the partnership with China will continue to exist. This cooperation model represents a source of economic growth and infrastructure development for Angola and a source of energy that fuels China—one of the most powerful economies in the world.
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Gleijeses, Piero. "Moscow's Proxy? Cuba and Africa 1975–1988." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 4 (2006): 98–146. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2006.8.4.98.
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This article explores the role that Cuba played in Africa after its dispatch of 36,000 soldiers to Angola in late 1975 and the first few months of 1976. The article focuses on the two most important aspects of Cuba's policy in Africa after 1976: its intervention in Ethiopia in 1977–1978; and its continuing presence in Angola, a presence that continued until 1991. The article analyzes Cuba's motivations, the extent to which Fidel Castro's policy was a function of Soviet demands, and the effect of Cuba's policy in Africa on relations with the United States. The concluding section offers an assessment of the costs and benefits of Cuba's policy.
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Reis, Bruno C. "Decentering the Cold War in Southern Africa: The Portuguese Policy of Decolonization and Détente in Angola and Mozambique (1974–1984)." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 1 (2019): 3–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00873.
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Contrary to the expectations of many, the break between Portugal and its former colonies in southern Africa was far from complete after decolonization. This article points to three major reasons. First, the impact on relations with Angola and Mozambique of the fragmentation of Portuguese state power and tense polarization in the Portuguese polity after the military coup of 24 April 1974 has been overstated and was far from entirely negative. Second, diplomatic relations were normalized between Portugal, Angola, and Mozambique during the Cold War in a way that has significant parallels with West Germany's Ostpolitik. Portugal's Südpolitik saw a cultural identity worth preserving despite geopolitical divisions and pushed for better relations and deepened ties with these states to help move them away from strict alignment with the Soviet bloc. Third, officers of the Armed Forces Movement that carried out the April 1974 coup exercised a fundamental, positive influence in Portuguese policies toward Angola and Mozambique during decolonization and for years afterward.
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Vinslav, Iurii. "National Industrial Policy." Problems of Economic Transition 56, no. 9 (2014): 16–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/pet1061-1991560903.
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LEPKOWSKI, WIL. "NATIONAL SCIENCE POLICY." Chemical & Engineering News 72, no. 32 (1994): 6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1021/cen-v072n032.p006.
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Sutton, George W. "National Publication Policy." AIAA Journal 24, no. 1 (1986): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.2514/3.48647.
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KING, STEPHEN P. "National Competition Policy." Economic Record 73, no. 222 (1997): 270–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1475-4932.1997.tb01000.x.
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Frank, Richard G., and Haiden A. Huskamp. "Shaping national policy." Current Opinion in Psychiatry 9, no. 2 (1996): 171–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00001504-199603000-00017.
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