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1
Agbevade, Akpeko, and Desmond Tweneboah Koduah. "The Search for a Result-Oriented Public Sector Reform in Ghana: A Myth or Reality?" Journal of Public Administration and Governance 10, no. 3 (2020): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v10i3.17628.
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The Article Examined Whether Public Sector Reform In Ghana Is A Myth Or Reality. It Emerged That Since Independence In 1957, Successive Governments Implemented Both Socialist And Market-Oriented Public Sector Reforms; However, None Of These Reforms Yielded The Expected Outcome. Hence, The New Patriotic Party On Winning Political Power Initiated The National Public Sector Reform Strategy. This Reform Aimed At Using The Public Sector As The Catalyst To Stimulate The Private Sector For Job Creation And National Development. The Study Found That The Reform Made Some Gains. However, Excessive Partisanship, Narrow Political Commitment, Donor-Funding, The Time Boundedness Of The Reform And Focus On Only 16 Ministries, Departments And Agencies Militated Against It Success Hence Public Sector Reform Is A Myth In Ghana. The Article Recommends Commitment To The Directive Principles Of State Policy As The Panacea To Effectiveness Of Public Sector Reforms In Ghana.
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Walz, Jeffrey S., and John Comer. "State Responses to National Democratic Party Reform." Political Research Quarterly 52, no. 1 (1999): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/449177.
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Walz, Jeffrey S., and John Comer. "State Responses to National Demnocratic Party Reform." Political Research Quarterly 52, no. 1 (1999): 189–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106591299905200108.
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Bratton, Michael, Peter Lewis, and E. Gyimah-Boadi. "Constituencies for reform in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 39, no. 2 (2001): 231–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003603.
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The attitudes of ordinary people in Africa towards the liberalisation of politics and economies are not well known. Are there popular constituencies for reform? Which specific reform measures do different social groups accept or reject? And does popular support for structural adjustment, if any, go together with support for democracy? In an effort to find answers, this article reports results of a national sample survey in Ghana conducted in July 1999 as part of the Afrobarometer. The survey finds that the constituency for democracy is broader than the constituency for market reform, which is concentrated among educated male elites. In addition, while most Ghanaians are patient with democracy and want to retain this political regime, most Ghanaians are fatigued with adjustment and want the government to ‘change its policies now’. Given this distribution of popular preferences, one can surmise that democracy will be easier to consolidate than a market-based economy.
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Archer, Keith, and Faron Ellis. "Opinion Structure of Party Activists: The Reform Party of Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 27, no. 2 (1994): 277–308. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900017364.
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AbstractThis article provides a systematic examination of the social bases and ideological and policy orientations of the Reform party of Canada through a study of the attitudes of delegates attending its 1992 national assembly. We identify the core political attitudes of Reform activists, and examine whether their positions on policy matters are distinctive and whether they are characterized by internal cohesion or division. We then examine the party's mobilization strategy to determine the extent to which this strategy produces systematic cleavages among party activists. Our analysis reveals that Reform promotes a distinctive position on a number of salient political issues. However, we also challenge the view that Reform activists are united by a unidimensional right-wing ideology. We conclude by discussing the impact of party mobilization on future divisions within the party.
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Morrison, Minion K. C., and Jae Woo Hong. "Ghana's political parties: how ethno/regional variations sustain the national two-party system." Journal of Modern African Studies 44, no. 4 (2006): 623–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x06002114.
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This paper analyses Ghanaian electoral geography and its accompanying political party variations over the last decade. After re-democratisation in the early 1990s, the Fourth Republic of Ghana has successfully completed multiple elections and party alternation. Due to its single-member-district-plurality electoral system, the country has functioned virtually as a two-party system, privileging its two major parties – the NDC and the NPP. However, close examination of election results in the last parliamentary and presidential elections reveals that notwithstanding the two-party tendency, there is a dynamic and multilayered aspect of electoral participation in Ghanaian politics. Ethnic-based regional cleavages show much more complex varieties of electoral support for the two major parties, especially in light of fragmentation and concentration. Electoral support in the ten regions varies from strong one-party-like to almost three-party systems. Yet this lower, regional level tendency is not invariable. Regional party strengths have shifted from election to election, and it was just such shifts that made the party alternation possible in 2000. Employing traditional and newly designed indicators, this paper illustrates the patterns of electoral cleavage and regional party organisation, and how these ultimately sustain the party system at the national level in Ghana.
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Osei, Anja. "Formal party organisation and informal relations in African parties: evidence from Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 54, no. 1 (2016): 37–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x15000981.
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AbstractIt is often assumed that political parties in Africa have only weak formal structures and are instead dominated by informal, personalised networks. This paper seeks to challenge this view by presenting a much more nuanced picture of intra-party dynamics. Based on unique survey data from Ghana, it is shown how formal and informal party structures co-exist and interact at the national and constituency level. Because informal relationships are not directly observable and difficult to study, the paper employs a social network approach to map the personal interactions between the Members of the 6th Parliament of Ghana and their respective parties. It is found that the local party organisation plays a strong role in both of the major parties NDC (National Democratic Congress) and NPP (New Patriotic Party). There are, however, also differences between the parties. At the national level, the NDC is strongly centralised and dominated by its national executives. The NPP, in contrast, has an informal power center located in the Ashanti Region. Ethno-regional factions play only a minor role in both parties. By demonstrating that the relative importance of informal relations varies even between parties in the same country, the paper contributes to a better understanding of the variation in party organisation across Africa.
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SÁNCHEZ, JAIME. "Revisiting McGovern-Fraser: Party Nationalization and the Rhetoric of Reform." Journal of Policy History 32, no. 1 (2020): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030619000253.
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Abstract:The Democratic Party faced a crisis of political legitimacy in the late 1960s as distrust and protest permeated its electoral base. In response, the Democratic National Committee established the Commission on Party Structure and Delegate Selection, tasked with restructuring the party’s presidential nomination process. Contrary to the conventional historical narrative of the McGovern-Fraser Commission that has focused on a supposed displacement of the party’s old guard by radical insurgents, this article instead argues that the main impetus for reform came from national party leaders seeking to build up the legitimacy and authority of the National Committee. Commission Chair George McGovern and the DNC used a particular reform rhetoric that charged state parties with the corruption of the political process, necessitating rescue by an empowered national party. This focus on the nationalizing impulses behind McGovern-Fraser serves to shift our attention away from ideological struggles and toward institutional motives.
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Owusu, Maxwell. "Tradition and Transformation: Democracy and the Politics of Popular Power in Ghana." Journal of Modern African Studies 34, no. 2 (1996): 307–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005535x.
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In April 1992, after nearly 11 years of military rule in Ghana, a draft democratic constitution of the Fourth Republic was overwhelmingly approved in a national referendum.1 The ban on multi-party politics was lifted by the Provisional National Defence Council (PNDC) Government in the following month. An independent interim National Electoral Commission was established, and a hotly contested presidential election in 200 constituencies monitored by teams of international observers was held in November 1992. After multi-party parliamentary elections to the National Assembly, boycotted unfortunately by opposition groups, the democratically elected Government of Ghana's Fourth Republic was inaugurated in January 1993.2
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Abbott, David W., and Byron E. Shafer. "Bifurcated Politics: Evolution and Reform in the National Party Convention." Journal of American History 76, no. 2 (1989): 650. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1908094.
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Lang, Kurt, and Byron E. Shafer. "Bifurcated Politics: Evolution and Reform in the National Party Convention." Contemporary Sociology 18, no. 1 (1989): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2071949.
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Crotty, William, and Byron E. Shafer. "Bifurcated Politics: Evolution and Reform in the National Party Convention." Political Science Quarterly 104, no. 1 (1989): 160. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2150997.
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Demuyakor, John. "Exploring Political Parties on Facebook: Literature Review of the Two Main Political Parties in Ghana." Social Communication 7, no. 1 (2021): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/sc-2021-0003.
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Abstract Ghana currently has over 25 registered political parties. The two key political parties in Ghana are the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC). Before the introduction of social media, especially Facebook, political parties in Ghana employed traditional communication strategies, such as TV, Radio, and News Papers, to execute political communication. However, since 2012 political parties in Ghana have deployed and relied heavily on social media platforms, particularly Facebook, as a political communication tool to disseminate their political manifestoes to the electorates in order to clinch political power. This article adopted a purely descriptive approach with an emphasis on document analysis to review relevant information and literature for the study. Hence literature is sourced from secondary sources like a pool of online libraries, political party’s websites/Facebook pages, and other scholarly research related to the subject under investigation. The objective of this paper is to carefully explore political parties on Facebook, emphasizing the two main Political parties in Ghana, thus the New Patriotic Party (NPP) and National Democratic Congress (NDC).
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Anaman, Kwabena Asomanin, and Gbensuglo Alidu Bukari. "Political Economy Analysis of Voter Participation and Choices in National Elections in Ghana’s Fourth Republican Era." Research in World Economy 10, no. 3 (2019): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/rwe.v10n3p174.
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We analysed the determinants of voter participation (turnout), impairment of voter participation (spoiled or rejected ballots), and the outcomes (share of the total valid votes cast garnered by the victorious political party) in national presidential elections during the Fourth Republican era in Ghana. This analysis was undertaken based on meso-level statistical models, using district-level data of voters compiled from constituency-level data maintained by the Electoral Commission of Ghana, and district-level socio-economic characteristics derived from the 2010 and 2000 National Population Censuses conducted by the Ghana Statistical Service. In essence, we used data from two presidential elections in Ghana in 2000 and 2012 which could be directly aligned to data from the 2000 and 2010 national population censuses for district-level analysis using the concept of an average “district” voter. Our analysis indicated that the voter turnout was determined by a number of factors, the most important one being the population aged 15 over; the turnout decreases with increasing population. The impairment of voter participation, based on the proportion of the total votes cast attributed to spoiled ballots, was linked to the literacy rate with the spoiled ballots proportion declining with increasing literacy rate. The share of the total valid votes cast, obtained by the victorious party in a district, was influenced to a large degree by the proportion of the total number of citizens in a district belonging to the two biggest social/ethnic groups in Ghana, Asantes and Ewes, who predominantly voted in a countervailing manner for the parties that their political class elites dominate, the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress, respectively.
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Burns, John P. "The People's Republic of China at 50: National Political Reform." China Quarterly 159 (September 1999): 580–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000003349.
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After 50 years of revolutionary transformation and uneven consolidation, and a generation of economic re-structuring, the political institutions of the People's Republic of China remain essentially Leninist. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) continues to enjoy monopoly power, and independent media, autonomous trade unions and other manifestations of civil society are almost wholly absent. Yet the environment within which the Party now operates has changed fundamentally. Marxist-Leninist parties in power around the world have collapsed and to stay in power the CCP has abandoned central planning for market economics. Living standards and literacy rates have improved dramatically and ordinary people now have more control over their own lives. Some analysts have suggested that as a result of these changes, the regime is facing imminent institutional collapse. Others have suggested that the regime cannot but democratize. This article argues that the regime is more resilient than either of these interpretations allows. In spite of the formal trappings of Leninism and its neo-authoritarian political reform programme, the CCP has adapted to the new situation. The reforms, which date from the early 1980s, have considerably strengthened the country's political institutions. Although there is disagreement on the content and pace of reform, China's elite with few exceptions appears to agree that further political reform is necessary. Yet the Party is caught in a dilemma: if it moves too slowly, it could fail because it cannot meet the demands of the people; if it moves too quickly, it could fail because it further undermines its already weakened position.
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Lee, Hojun. "PRESIDENTIALIZATION AND PROCEDURAL RULES CHANGE: THE CASE OF THE SOUTH KOREAN NATIONAL ASSEMBLY." Journal of East Asian Studies 19, no. 1 (2019): 111–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jea.2018.31.
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AbstractThe common assumption of legislative politics is that the majority party structures procedural rules to suit its interests. In a presidentialized context, however, presidential electoral incentives prevail over majority party's incentives when voting on procedural rules changes and the threat of punishing majority-party defectors is not credible when those defectors vote with the presidential candidate. To test these claims, I analyze the case of the procedural reform in the South Korean National Assembly. The case study reveals that 1) the leading presidential candidate of the ruling majority Saenuri Party compromised on the procedural reform bill that imposes restrictions on the majority party's cartel arrangement due to presidential electoral incentives; 2) a significant number of Saenuri Party members defected from the majority of their co-partisans to vote with the presidential candidate; and 3) career advancement ratio and re-nomination ratios demonstrate that those defectors were not punished afterwards.
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Cason, Jeffrey. "Electoral Reform, Institutional Change, and Party Adaptation in Uruguay." Latin American Politics and Society 44, no. 03 (2002): 89–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2002.tb00215.x.
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Abstract Uruguay's stable, institutionalized party system has undergone substantial changes in recent years, both from the increasing electoral strength of the left and from changes made to the electoral system in 1996. Analyzing the debut of that new system in the 1999 national and 2000 municipal elections, this article concludes that Uruguay is moving from what was a fairly evenly divided three-party system to one in which the longstanding traditional parties will confront, as a bloc, the stronger left. The electoral analysis shows that the bloc dynamic took over whenever elections were close between the left and one of the traditional parties.
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Madsen, Diana Højlund. "Gender, Power and Institutional Change – The Role of Formal and Informal Institutions in Promoting Women’s Political Representation in Ghana." Journal of Asian and African Studies 54, no. 1 (2018): 70–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909618787851.
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The article explores the role of formal and informal institutions in influencing the representation of women in the two major political parties in Ghana – NDC (National Democratic Congress) and NPP (New Patriotic Party) – as well as the small party CPP (Convention People’s Party). Paradoxically, with its first president, Kwame Nkrumah (CPP), Ghana was one of the first countries in Africa to introduce a quota in 1959, reserving ten seats for women in Parliament. With a representation of 11% women after the election in 2012 and 13% after the election in 2016, however, Ghana has not been part of the positive development on the continent. Drawing on the body of literature on feminist institutionalism, the article explores the dynamics of power and change relating to the low representation of women in politics in Ghana. It further investigates responses to initiatives to promote more female candidates in Parliament – the reduction of filing fees and the introduction of women’s seats. The article argues that the formal institutions in the form of party structures work both as an obstacle and an opportunity to promote more women in politics, and that the informal structures in the form of the gender culture in Parliament and verbal abuse work against more women in politics.
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Jackson, John S. "Bifurcated Politics: Evolution and Reform in the National Party Convention.Byron E. Shafer." Journal of Politics 51, no. 4 (1989): 1010–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131548.
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Jou, Willy. "Electoral Reform and Party System Development in Japan and Taiwan: A Comparative Study." Asian Survey 49, no. 5 (2009): 759–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2009.49.5.759.
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This article examines changes in patterns of party competition in Japan and Taiwan following the introduction of mixed parallel electoral systems. National and district level election results demonstrate the consolidation of a two-party system in both countries. Differences in the speed and extent of this development are analyzed.
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Chamberlain, Heath B. "Party-Management Relations in Chinese Industries: Some Political Dimensions of Economic Reform." China Quarterly 112 (December 1987): 631–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000027144.
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Enterprise Party–management relations lie at the intersection of two major reform efforts in present-day China–one aimed at decentralizing economic power through the “invigoration” of large and medium-scale industries, the other aimed at deconcentrating political power through the separation of Party from administration. Common to both reform efforts and critical to each is the area of Party–management relations. As an important issue in enterprise reform, on the one hand, it is central to the Chinese leadership's current drive to restructure the urban economy and, indeed, the entire national economy.1 On the other hand, as a crucial test of the leadership's ability to render the Communist Party more authoritative but less intrusive in day-to-day affairs, it is also central to current political reforms. While it might be too much to claim that the issue of Party–management relations is the key link in the leadership's overall modernization drive, unquestionably the failure to resolve the issue will seriously cripple its economic and political reform efforts.
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Horiuchi, Yusaku, Jun Saito, and Kyohei Yamada. "Removing Boundaries, Losing Connections: Electoral Consequences of Local Government Reform in Japan." Journal of East Asian Studies 15, no. 1 (2015): 99–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800004185.
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In this article we examine the role of local politicians in affecting national-level election outcomes by focusing on the drastic municipal mergers in Japan that took place in the early 2000s. Specifically, we argue that the political party that relies most extensively on local politicians' efforts for electoral mobilization and monitoring will suffer an electoral slump when municipalities are merged and the number of municipal politicians is swiftly reduced. We empirically show that municipalities with a history of mergers exhibit significantly lower voter turnout and obtain a smaller vote share for the ruling Liberal Democratic Party in national elections when compared to other municipalities without an experience of mergers. This result indicates that municipal politicians are indispensable human resources for LDP candidates running for the national parliament.
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Dang, Trung Dinh. "Post-1975 Land Reform in Southern Vietnam: How Local Actions and Responses Affected National Land Policy." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 5, no. 3 (2010): 72–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2010.5.3.72.
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After 1975, the Vietnamese Communist Party struggled to carry out the socialist transformation of agriculture in the south of Vietnam. Party leaders considered land redistribution to be a temporary measure toward collectivization, but it turned out be a source of long-term struggle and conflict between the party and southern society. The land reform encountered diffi culty in the Southern Region [Nam Bộ]; its implementation dragged on for many years, and the result was far different from the party's original objectives. This article argues that villagers and local cadres were two key sets of actors who contributed to the poor performance of the reform. Moreover, in order to defend their land, villagers in the Southern Region engaged not only in forms of everyday resistance but also in some open, public, confrontational resistance and other kinds of politics.
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Bergman, Matthew E., Gianluca Passarelli, and Fabio Serricchio. "Decades of Party Distrust. Persistence through Reform in Italy." Quaderni dell'Osservatorio elettorale QOE - IJES 83, no. 2 (2021): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/qoe-9590.
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One common feature of the Italian political space over the past half century has been the presence of distrust in political parties and the presence of anti-system parties on both the left and the right. Discontent with existing elites and the political system has taken many forms, including referendums altering the electoral system. Both the character of the main parties and the rules by which they are elected have been reformed 4 times since the 1980s. However, as the elections of 2013 and 2018 and the referendum of 2016 demonstrate, Italians still have a high amount of resentment towards party elites and the operation of the system. Using data from Italian National Election Studies, this paper traces the development of this party resentment with a focus on three questions: 1) How has resentment towards party representiveness changed with the electoral and party reforms 2) Who was likely to hold this resentment 3) What was the party affiliation of those most resentful, or did they abstain? Results stress that socio-demographic differences had little effect on understanding the source of party resentment; distrust in parties correlates well with distrust in parliament and political administration. General social distrust did not translate into a distrust for parties. We conclude that discontent can be separated into a political dimension associated with current governance and one of a more systemic nature.
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Chen, Feng. "An Unfinished Battle in China: The Leftist Criticism of the Reform and the Third Thought Emancipation." China Quarterly 158 (June 1999): 447–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000005853.
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With the curtain of its 15th National Congress falling, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) completed the generational change in the leadership. Jiang Zemin claimed that the CCP would continue Deng Xiaoping's line of “socialism with Chinese characteristics.” The Party's consensus on upholding Deng's policy was reflected in its revised constitution that paralleled Deng's theory with Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought as the Party's guiding principle. However, the ongoing market reform has not proceeded without challenge, especially from the left. Between 1995 and 1997, four so-called wanyanshu (“ten-thousand-word” articles) circulated privately in Beijing, severely criticizing market reform for its deviation from socialism. On the eve of the 15th National Party Congress, the capital was stirred up again by a publicized counter-attack from reformers at the leftist criticisms, with Jiang Zemin's speech at the Central Party School on 29 May 1997 as a signal. Some even call this counter-criticism the “third thought emancipation.” Speculation arose of political rift in Beijing. These developments at least indicate that leftism represents a strong ideological force that the Party has to take seriously. Although the 15th National Congress ended up with a declaration of even bolder measures in economic reform, particularly in restructuring state-owned enterprises (SOEs), no one should expect that the leftist voice will easily fade away.
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Plotke, David. "Party Reform as Failed Democratic Renewal in the United States, 1968–1972." Studies in American Political Development 10, no. 2 (1996): 223–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001498.
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Between 1968 and 1972, with political conflict in America unusually high, major changes were made in rules for consituting Democratic national conventions and selecting Democratic candidates. Basic issues about the practical meaning of democratic commitments were sharply contested, and debates about party organization proved vigorous and substantial. The reforms enacted aimed partly to enhance participation and restore public respect for political life. They did not escape criticism. In fact, critics of reform became the dominant voice in subsequent discussion of what happened to the Democratic party and to party politics in the United States more generally.
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Cole, Michael. "Local Government Reform In Britain 1997–2001: National Forces and International Trends." Government and Opposition 38, no. 2 (2003): 181–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.t01-1-00011.
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AbstractThis article considers the origins of the local government reform agenda of the 1997 to 2001 Labour government. The analysis identifies a wide range of factors including recurring themes in the debate about local government, market mechanisms, Labour Party politics, the traditions of the British state, the constitutional reform agenda and the international context. This study also develops the notion of shifting constraints to explain this process and the agenda of the current Labour administration.
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Sayi Abdul Hamid, Issaka. "Comparing How Ghana and Canada Succeeded in the adoption of the National Health Insurance (NHI): A Multiple Streams Approach." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 6, no. 2 (2016): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v6i2.9529.
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This paper examines the development of National Health Insurance (NHI) policy in Ghana and Canada using the multiple streams framework (MSF) as the theoretical lens. It undertakes a diachronic case study by comparing how Ghana and Canada eventually adopted national health insurance as a health care policy reform. The two countries introduced universal health care policy reforms, which, in the case of Ghana, necessitated the advent of the NHI policy in 2003. Though the two countries have different institutional settings, they both succeeded in their health care reforms. The study contends that the multiple streams framework is useful for explaining policy change in both developed and developing countries.
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Asamoah, Kwame. "Addressing the Problem of Political Vigilantism in Ghana through the Conceptual Lens of Wicked Problems." Journal of Asian and African Studies 55, no. 3 (2019): 457–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909619887608.
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Ghana entered into the Fourth Republic in 1993 after experiencing political instability over two decades. A defining feature that has characterized the Fourth Republic of Ghana and marred Ghana’s democratic credentials is the emergence of political vigilantism. Political vigilantism has basically been perpetuated by the two leading political parties in Ghana: the New Patriotic Party and National Democratic Congress. The major political actors in the political system of Ghana continue to express the debilitating effects of political vigilantism on Ghana’s democratic advancement, nevertheless, it continues to persist in monumental proportion in our political dispensation. Using a qualitative research approach, the paper examines the factors responsible for the pervasiveness of political vigilantism under the Fourth Republic of Ghana and proffer some plausible solutions to address this political canker.
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Brødsgaard, Kjeld Erik, and Nis Grünberg. "Leadership Changes and Structural Reform After the 18th Party Congress in China." Copenhagen Journal of Asian Studies 31, no. 1 (2014): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/cjas.v31i1.4324.
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During the 18th Party Congress of the Chinese Communist Party in November 2012, and the 12th National People's Congress in March 2013, the Chinese leadership in Party organs and the state apparatus underwent a significant reshuffle. During this leadership change, virtually all leaders of
 the central organs were reappointed. While the actual structural and political reforms the new leadership is willing—and able—to make remain to be seen, an initial review of the top leadership in Party and state organs, including the ministries and provincial governments, reveals a relatively
 conservative team leading China in the coming five years. This article attempts to give a comprehensive review of the leadership changes, along with an initial analysis of the announced structural changes and the implications
 these changes could have for China's political recalibration and development.
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Dawson, Michael. "Money and the real impact of the Fourth Reform Act." Historical Journal 35, no. 2 (1992): 369–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0002584x.
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AbstractThe real significance ofthe Representation of the People Act, 1918, for the Liberal and Labour parties lay in its mundane and little discussed financial provisions, not in its extension of the franchise. Despite the electoral reforms of 1883–5, election contests before 1914 were still expensive enough effectively to exclude the Labour party from politics outside the industrial centres. In 1918 the politicians of the older parties took the opportunity to relieve their pockets of a substantial part of the expense of elections. However, Labour was the main beneficiary: its new strategy of contesting seats nationwide was only made possible by the changes in and underlying the Fourth Reform Act. These changes, in turn, enabled Labour to benefit from being a ‘national’ party and ‘alternative government’, during a period when the established leading ‘progressive’ party was divided and weakened. The Fourth Reform Act also assisted Labour's strategy of eliminating the Liberal party as a parliamentary force: Liberals could be denied election victories in the countryside and the suburbs by hopeless but inexpensive Labour interventions.
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Reiter, Howard L. "The Limitations of Reform: Changes in the Nominating Process." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 4 (1985): 399–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004282.
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For more than a decade, a debate has been raging among American political activists, journalists and scholars about the numerous rules changes enacted by the Democratic party since its tumultuous 1968 national convention, and the various legal changes at the state and federal levels that have also affected the Presidential nominating process. The rules changes have included the introduction of fairer practices such as written state party rules for delegate selection; proportional representation of candidates' supporters in the delegations; increased representation of women, racial minorities and young people at the convention; and measures to require nominees to respond in writing to the party platform. The legal changes include the proliferation of delegate selection primaries and the Federal Election Campaign Act of 1971 and its various subsequent amendments. The debate has centred around the desirability of these changes, which will here be referred to generically as ‘the reforms’, with no normative connotation intended.
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Bob-Milliar, George M. "Party factions and power blocs in Ghana: a case study of power politics in the National Democratic Congress." Journal of Modern African Studies 50, no. 4 (2012): 573–601. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x12000481.
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ABSTRACTCompetition for the executive leadership of a political party and the distribution of state patronage in Ghana is influenced by factional alignments and group interests. In December 2008 the National Democratic Congress (NDC) regained political power, and within months rifts appeared over the allocation of ministerial portfolios. The intra-party murmurings became public when two factions supported rival candidacies for the party's presidential nomination. The pro-Rawlings faction supported the candidacy of Nana Konadu Agyemang-Rawlings, and the anti-Rawlings bloc backed President John Evans Atta Mills. Drawing on Boucek's (2009) typology of factionalism, this article argues that factionalism within the NDC is a dynamic and complex process of informal groupings competing and jockeying for power to satisfy members' interests. It draws three conclusions: party factions are ad hoc groupings that are nurtured into a power bloc, and are constellated around particular individuals; factional conflicts are not rooted in ideology, but are based on differences in policy goals, interests and patronage; and, finally, factionalism fluctuates between cooperative and competitive phases.
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Awoonor-Williams, John Koku, Ellie S. Feinglass, Rachel Tobey, Maya N. Vaughan-Smith, Frank K. Nyonator, and Tanya C. Jones. "Bridging the Gap Between Evidence-based Innovation and National Health-sector Reform in Ghana." Studies in Family Planning 35, no. 3 (2004): 161–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1728-4465.2004.00020.x.
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Conley, Brian M. "The Politics of Party Renewal: The “Service Party” and the Origins of the Post-Goldwater Republican Right." Studies in American Political Development 27, no. 1 (2013): 51–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x13000035.
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The rise of the Republican Right in the 1960s reshaped not only the politics of the Republican Party, but ultimately that of the country as well. What had started as an improbable movement to draft Goldwater for president in 1964 emerged, amid the political and social turmoil of the decade, as the dominant force within the Republican Party. But what has not received as much attention is the significant role that the national Republican Party leadership and the emphasis it placed on party renewal, rather than reform, played in the Right's rapid post-Goldwater ascent. This article examines how the process of party renewal, specifically the emergence of a national “service party” structure, helped not only to unify the GOP after the 1964 Goldwater loss, but also led to the development of a more conservative Republican Party during the second half of the 1960s.
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Nugent, Paul. "Ethnicity as an Explanatory Factor in the Ghana 2000 Elections." African Issues 29, no. 1-2 (2001): 2–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500006120.
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Ghana opened a new chapter in its checkered political history when in December 2000 the ruling National Democratic Congress (NDC) was removed from office by means of the ballot box. The New Patriotic Party (NPP) won half the parliamentary seats and its presidential candidate, John A. Kufuor, triumphed with something to spare in the second round of balloting. Although there were some violent incidents that marred the proceedings, the assessment of most observers was that the polls were well conducted and that the final result accurately reflected how Ghanaians had actually voted.
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Wang, Jianjun. "Adopting the Idea of State Governance in Planning for Social Organization Reform and Development." China Nonprofit Review 6, no. 2 (2014): 169–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765149-12341275.
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The 3rd Plenary Session of the 18th Central Committee of the Party is a milestone in the important stage of China’s efforts to build a moderately prosperous society in all respects and deepen reform and opening up in an all-around way. The modernization goal for the national governance system and capacity mentioned the Session establishes the important role of social organizations in governance. With the goal of modernized national governance system and capacity in mind, we should boost the reform and development of social organizations.
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Woo, Eun Hee. "Candidate Selection Reform in South Korea: The Persistence of Exclusive Practices Despite Inclusive Rules." Pacific Affairs 93, no. 4 (2020): 735–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.5509/2020934735.
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This paper analyzes how democratization has affected the dynamics of candidate selection in South Korea. After democratization in the late 1980s, it was expected that intra-party democracy would follow. In response to increasing public demand, the major parties adopted primary systems in the early 2000s. Nonetheless, most candidates for the legislature are still nominated by a small number of central party elites without additional ballots in the local branches. To explain the persistence of such exclusive, centralized features of candidate selection, I highlight the limited impact democratization has had on the political environment in which the parties operate. More specifically, since the 1987 democratization process resulted in a compromise agreement established by a small number of party leaders, South Korea retained much of the political legacy from authoritarian times, such as an electoral system advantageous to the major parties and legal provisions restricting electoral campaigns, party activities, and political participation. The continuation of these political institutions makes radical candidate selection reform highly unlikely as the party elites have no incentive to expand and decentralize the selection process. Without significant changes to the political institutions at the national level, the dominance of the central party elite over the final outcome of candidate selection looks likely to continue for the foreseeable future.
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Sigurdson, Richard. "Preston Manning and the Politics of Postmodernism in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 27, no. 2 (1994): 249–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900017352.
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AbstractSince his rise to national importance in Canada, commentators have been trying to make sense of Preston Manning and his Reform party. For the most part, however, such commentary has refused to see his political thinking as new at all, but instead regards it as a throwback to previous examples of western-based political protest movements. Yet Manning should be regarded as a postmodern conservative. His politics are a response to the process of postmodernization that has characterized Canada in recent years. This article traces the rise of postmodern politics in the Western world; examines the specifically Canadian manifestation of this process; discusses the Reform party in the context of the cultural tension driving Canada's recent political debates; and concludes with a commentary on Manning's contribution to the fragmentation of Canada's traditional party system.
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Bramley, Glen. "Explaining the Puzzles in Policy Change: Local Finance Reform in Britain." Journal of Public Policy 10, no. 1 (1990): 45–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00004670.
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ABSTRACTThis paper compares four different theoretical accounts of the reform of British local government finance at the end of the 1980s: public choice, marxian political economy, bureaucratic process, and party politics. Five key questions are identified as the most essential and puzzling features of the change: why reform; the timing of reform and implementation; the national non-domestic rate; the choice of a poll tax; and why the ‘final solution’ of direct central control has been eschewed. The ability of each theoretical approach in answering these five key questions is then assessed in the light of what we know about the history and logic of local government finance in Britain. The conclusion is that the reform can be explained, but that no single theoretical approach can give a completely satisfactory account. Overall, a competitive party politics model, complemented by public choice ideology and bureaucratic process, gives the fullest explanation.
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TICHELAR, MICHAEL. "The Labour Party and Land Reform in the Inter-War Period." Rural History 13, no. 1 (2002): 85–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956793302000250.
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By the outbreak of the Second World War the ‘Land Question’ had lost its power to generate acute political controversy. Yet the issue of land reform did not disappear with the failure of the 1929–31 Labour Government to reintroduce Lloyd George's land taxes. Land reform after 1914 needs to be rescued from an over-identification with the decline of Radical Liberalism. This article will trace the way Labour Party policy developed after 1914. By 1939 it had adopted a set of policies based on the economic protection of agriculture, increased domestic production and marketing. At the same time it argued for the preservation of the countryside through land-use planning. After 1918 a long-term commitment to land nationalisation began to occupy a more important position in its land reform policies, particularly after 1931. In addition, new measures appeared on the party's political agenda for the first time, including the preservation of the countryside against urban intrusion, access to mountain and moorland, and the creation of national parks.
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Jockers, Heinz, Dirk Kohnert, and Paul Nugent. "The successful Ghana election of 2008: a convenient myth?" Journal of Modern African Studies 48, no. 1 (2010): 95–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09990231.
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ABSTRACTGhana's 2008 election has been hailed by national and international observers as a model for Africa. The perception of success has prevailed despite persistent concerns about an inflated voters' register and electoral fraud perpetrated by the two major parties, the NPP and NDC, in their strongholds in the Ashanti and Volta Regions respectively. Electoral malpractice in Ghana's virtual two-party system could acquire a decisive importance as a ‘third force’, representing an even more important factor than the smaller opposition parties. Unfortunate diplomatic and technocratic biases in election monitoring, combined with a reluctance on the part of the responsible authorities to investigate what appears to be a long history of fraudulent voting, amounts to a dangerous time bomb of unresolved conflict which could detonate in future elections.
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Collombier, Virginie. "The Internal Stakes of the 2005 Elections: The Struggle for Influence in Egypt's National Democratic Party." Middle East Journal 61, no. 1 (2007): 95–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3751/61.1.15.
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Beyond the relative opening of the political system that characterized 2005 in Egypt — with the President being elected directly for the first time and the increased competition allowed during legislative elections — the 2005 elections also constituted an opportunity to consider and evaluate the internal struggles for influence under way within the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP). In a context largely influenced by the perspective of President Husni Mubarak's succession and by calls for reform coming from both internal and external actors, changes currently occurring at the party level may have a decisive impact on the future of the Egyptian regime.
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McDonnell, Erin Metz, and Gary Alan Fine. "Pride and Shame in Ghana: Collective Memory and Nationalism among Elite Students." African Studies Review 54, no. 3 (2011): 121–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2011.0043.
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Abstract:Based on an original dataset of university students, this article investigates Ghanaian collective memories of past events that are sources of national pride or shame. On average, young elite Ghanaians express more pride than shame in their national history, and they report shame mostly over actions that caused some physical, material, or symbolic harm. Such actions include not only historic events and the actions of national leaders, but also mundane social practices of average Ghanaians. Respondents also report more “active” than "receptive" shame; that is, they are more ashamed of events or practices that caused harm to others and less ashamed about events in which they were the “victims.” We advance the idea of a standard of “reasonableness” that Ghanaians apply in their evaluation of events, behaviors, or circumstances: they apply contemporary standards of morality to past events, but they temper their judgment based on considerations of whether past actions were “reasonable” given the power and material imbalances at that time. Ghanaian students identify strongly with both national and pan-African identities, and they frequently evoke their international image to judge a national event as either honorable or shameful. Ethnicity can be one factor in an individual's judgment of precolonial events, whereas political party affiliation is the stronger predictor of attitudes toward postindependence events.
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Chin, Gregory T. "Innovation and Preservation: Remaking China's National Leadership Training System." China Quarterly 205 (March 2011): 18–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741010001372.
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AbstractThis article details the reorganization of China's national leadership training system, and analyses the reforms as an integral element of the Chinese Communist Party's efforts to adapt institutionally to a rapidly changing environment. Three main findings are presented. First, the national leadership training system is being remade under the direction of the Party's Central Organization Department to give greater emphasis to the “spirit of reform and innovation,” as seen especially in the creation of the China Executive Leadership Academy in Pudong, Shanghai, and in the formation of sister academies in Jinggangshan and Yan'an. Second, China's political elite have given greater priority to leadership innovation, although they are trying to balance this with ensuring that sufficient attention and resources are also given to preserving the ruling status of the CCP. Third, by establishing the new group of training academies under the COD, the Party is diversifying beyond the Party School system for leadership research and training. The article suggests that the guiding logic behind these reforms is to promote enough innovation in managerial training and research to enable the Party to meet the changing governance requirements of the market transition and economic globalization, while at the same time putting in place institutional measures that help to preserve the Party's rule.
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Xi, Chen, Guo Ting, Feng Zhi’an, and Qian Wei. "Research on the policy of renewable energy development in China." E3S Web of Conferences 293 (2021): 03033. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202129303033.
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On the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, It is stressed that that China will establish and improve the economic system of green and low-carbon circular development and promote the reform of energy system and develop the renewable energy, and then it is urgent for China to not only master the basic laws of the world’s renewable energy development, comply with the trend and trend of energy reform, but also promote the development of renewable energy based on national conditions and regional conditions, so as to achieve higher quality development of economy and society.
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Reynolds, Lucy, Amir Attaran, Tamara Hervey, and Martin McKee. "Competition-Based Reform of the National Health Service in England: A One-Way Street?" International Journal of Health Services 42, no. 2 (2012): 213–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/hs.42.2.d.
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The Conservative-led government in the United Kingdom is embarking on massive changes to the National Health Service in England. These changes will create a competitive market in both purchasing and provision. Although the opposition Labour Party has stated its intention to repeal the legislation when it regains power, this may be difficult because of provisions of competition law derived from international treaties. Yet there is an alternative, illustrated by the decision of the devolved Scottish government to reject competitive markets in health care.
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Xu, Chuangqiang, and Qingxiang Feng. "Analysis of the Bottleneck Restricting Party Building of China’s State-Owned Commercial Banks in the New Era." International Journal of Social Science Studies 8, no. 4 (2020): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v8i4.4906.
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Since the 18th CPC National Congress, socialism with Chinese characteristics has ushered in a new era, so has China's financial industry. As the reform of state-owned commercial banks deepens, party-building plays an increasingly vital role in the operation and development of banks. Meanwhile, party-building of state-owned commercial banks is also confronted with bottlenecks and challenges, including party-building fails to effectively guide the finance industry to serve the real economy, to be integrated into bank management in-depth, to completely prevent the financial system from corrupting, and to vigorously restrain excessive pay in the financial sector.
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Baranov, A. "Spain’s party system development trends in the context of the electoral cycle 2019." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 4 (December 28, 2019): 36–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2019-4-36-42.
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The topicality of the article is that the party system of Spain is undergoing serious transformations, the positioning of political forces and their ideologies, the organizational structure are changing significantly. National parliamentary elections are held for the fourth time in 4 years, which is unique to the countries of consolidated democracy. Trends in the development of Spain are relevant for cross- national comparisons of party systems. Methods – systems approach, synchronous comparative analysis, a secondary analysis of the results of opinion polls, mapping of party support in the elections. Materials: regulations; statements by party leaders; pre-election programs; results of sociological surveys; statistics on the results of elections. Results: The crisis of the party system in Spain is peculiar to the transition from a bipartisan model to a model of moderate pluralism, increased fragmentation, significant volatility, and the dependence of the main national parties on the support of regional parties. In the electoral cycle of 2019, the party system of Spain is a system of moderate pluralism (5 leading actors) with the growing role of regional parties, pragmatic coalitions are inevitable for creating a government. The economic recovery of 2014–2019 influenced the decline in the influence of “Unidos Podemos”, their electorate partially returned to the PSOE. In European and subnational elections, these trends are even more pronounced due to the format of electoral systems and the isolation of regional party systems. The threefold structure of the Spanish electorate, distributed mainly among left-leaning centers, center-right and regional nationalists, is preserved. An analysis of the statistical results of the elections and questionnaires proves an inversely correlated relationship between the level of support for the PSOE and “Unidos Podemos” in the center-left segment, and the level of support for the People’s Party, “Citizens” and “Vox” in the center-right camp. The influence of parties is extremely uneven across autonomous communities, and unevenness is increasing. The increase in the instability of the party system in Spain is predicted due to the growing influence of new parties and the underdeveloped culture of parliamentary coalitions. This process increases the chances of Catalan nationalists. A radical reform of the political system of Spain is brewing; the electorate of the left parties expresses the greatest demand for reform.
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Heinemann, Friedrich, and Eckhard Janeba. "Viewing Tax Policy Through Party-Colored Glasses: What German Politicians Believe." German Economic Review 12, no. 3 (2011): 286–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0475.2010.00518.x.
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Abstract The process of globalization has an important impact on national tax policies. Most of the literature does not focus directly on the political decision-making process and assumes that the desired tax policy is responding to objective underlying tradeoffs. Based on an original survey of members of the German national parliament (Bundestag) in 2006/07, we document a strong ideological bias among policy-makers with respect to the perceived mobility of international tax bases (real capital and paper profits). Ideology also influences, directly and indirectly, the perceived national autonomy in tax setting and preferences for a European Union minimum tax for companies. There seems little consensus as to what the efficiency costs of capital taxation in open economies are, even though our survey falls in a period of extensive debate about, and actual adoption of, a company tax reform bill in Germany.