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1

Omara-Otunnu, Amii. "The Challenge of Democratic Pluralism in Uganda." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 20, no. 1 (1991): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501413.

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The clarion call for democracy that pervades the world scene has given much legitimacy to discourses on democracy in Africa. However, although the debate on democracy has gained momentum and respectability on the African political landscape, its parameters and contents are still not well defined. In Uganda, the assumption of power by Yoweri Museveni, leader of the National Resistance Army (NRA), was hailed by many as holding out a promise for fundamental change in the country. In particular, it was hoped that Museveni and his army would allow for the great majority of Ugandans to exercise their political acumen and legitimate right to shape a democratic destiny for the country.
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2

Johnson, Jennifer L. "Guerrillas and Fish in Uganda." Global Environment 14, no. 1 (February 17, 2021): 86–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/ge.2021.140104.

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On 29 January 1986, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni was sworn in as President of the Republic of Uganda and his National Resistance Movement (NRM) and National Resistance Army (NRA) became the first guerrilla force to successfully overthrow a government in postcolonial Africa. Some thirty years after the NRM?s bush war was won, the Ugandan military, with President Museveni still at the helm, began officially waging what it calls a guerrilla war against its own citizens. The goal of Museveni?s second guerrilla war was not to bring forth yet another anti-imperial democratic revolution. It was instead designed to sustainably develop fisheries production in Lake Victoria, a task Museveni claims exclusive abilities to successfully steward for the benefit the Ugandan nation as a whole. Transformations in Lake Victoria?s fisheries ecology that predated the NRM?s rise to power, and indeed, predated the formal independence of the Ugandan state were shaped by and shape managerial logics that continue to justify violence against fishworkers in order to enact conventional conceptions of sustainability. Memories of tragedy and success bound up in national narratives of the 1981?1986 war for anti-imperial democratic revolution work to maintain managerial logics and regulatory regimes imposed by the former British colonial state.
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3

Kasfir, Nelson. "Guerrillas and civilian participation: the National Resistance Army in Uganda, 1981–86." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 2 (June 2005): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05000832.

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Guerrilla organisations vary greatly in their relations with civilians living in territories that they control. The NRA presents a rare, though not unique, case of a guerrilla group whose commitment to popular support deepened into democratic village management during the course of its civil war. The significant causal factors in deepening this commitment were its ideological conviction, relative military strength, dependence on civilian material assistance, and need for accommodation with civilian preferences in its operational area. It withdrew this commitment when it was under severe military pressure. Military survival was central to NRA calculations, but insufficient to determine its relations to civilians. In those phases of the war when the NRA soldiers were relatively secure, these other factors determined the type of civilian participation it supported. It organised clandestine civilian committees for assistance when it was dependent on civilians. During those periods when it held territory, it held elections for committees which managed their villages without NRA supervision.
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4

Stewart, Beth W. "The figure of the abducted Acholi girl: nation-building, gender, and children born into the LRA in Uganda." Journal of Modern African Studies 58, no. 4 (December 2020): 627–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x20000580.

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AbstractBased on analysis of newspapers and secondary sources, this article examines the gendered construction of the national imagery of the war between the Ugandan government and the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) in an effort to expand current conceptual understanding of the exclusion experienced by children born of forced marriage inside the LRA. Uganda developed as a militarised and masculine post-colony and yet nation-building for President Museveni involved crafting a national imagery that drew upon development discourses of gender and children to position himself as the benevolent father of the nation. Invoking Veena Das’ ‘figure of the abducted woman’, I argue that the Ugandan government mobilised the figure of the abducted Acholi girl to legitimise both its governance and the war. The article concludes that the resulting narrative provided no legitimate social or political space in the national imagery for the children of the abducted girls.
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5

Akhavan, Payam. "The Lord’s Resistance Army Case: Uganda’s Submission of the First State Referral to the International Criminal Court." American Journal of International Law 99, no. 2 (April 2005): 403–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1562505.

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On December 16, 2003, Uganda referred the situation concerning the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) to the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC). It was the first time that a state party had invoked Articles 13(a) and 14 of the Rome Statute in order to vest the Court with jurisdiction.For both Uganda and the ICC, the case presented an important opportunity. For Uganda, the referral was an attempt to engage an otherwise aloof international community by transforming the prosecution of LRA leaders into a litmus test for the much celebrated promise of global justice. Since 1986, LRA atrocities have wreaked havoc on the Acholi people of northern Uganda. Given the absence of any vital national interests, influential states have not been inclined either to pressure Sudan to stop harboring the LRA or to help government forces confront the insurgents. Instead, the burden was placed on Uganda to negotiate a peaceful settlement with a ruthless, cult-like insurgency. The imprimatur of international criminal justice, sought through the referral to the ICC, was a means of thrusting this long-forgotten African war back onto the international stage.
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6

Beckmann, Gitte. "Sign language as a technology: existential and instrumental perspectives of Ugandan Sign Language." Africa 92, no. 4 (August 2022): 430–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972022000432.

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AbstractThe introduction of Ugandan Sign Language in Acholi, northern Uganda, was part of a growing internationally linked disability movement in the country and was set within the framework of development policy and human rights-based approaches. In this context, Ugandan Sign Language appeared as a technology of development. But how did the appropriation of Ugandan Sign Language change deaf people’s lives, their being-in-the-world, in Acholi? In using the theoretical approach of existential and instrumental perspectives on technologies by Martin Heidegger, this article analyses the complex transitions following the appropriation of Ugandan Sign Language on international, national and local levels. The disability movement – including Ugandan Sign Language projects – reached Acholi during the time of war between the Lord’s Resistance Army and Ugandan national forces. Displacement brought scattered deaf people together in towns and camps, where Ugandan Sign Language was introduced through workshops and institutions including churches. This created new forms of communication and possibilities of sociality. After the war, gender differences emerged, as many deaf women returned to rural homes where they had few opportunities to communicate with other sign language users.
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7

Kisekka-Ntale, Fredrick. "Brides in Rags! Conflict, Political Organization, Political Settlements and Uganda’s Transition to Multi-Party Politics Since 1986." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 63, no. 2 (June 15, 2023): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2023-63-2-10-27.

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Following a long-drawn-out five-year insurgency (1981‒1986), Uganda moved from a crisis to stability where political organizations were progressively transformed, albeit with institutionalized roadblocks. The former insurgent army – the National Resistance Army (NRA) and its political wing the National Resistance Movement (NRM) pursued a post-conflict transformation process, which was essentially driven by neo-liberal reforms, but metamorphosed into a dominant political party, undermining the hither to traditional political parties. Through historical interrogation, this paper seeks to bring to the fore reflections to the questions; “Why did the post war-NRA/NRM undertake a rapid shift in political ordering after the guerrilla war in 1986? Why did the new government pursue a pseudo neo-liberal agenda that sought free-market style policies and nested democratization after the guerrilla war?” These preliminary questions are asked for two fundamental reasons. One; it is common knowledge that in the early 1970s Museveni –The NRA warlord was a Marxist–Leninist and therefore in hot pursuit for socialism as a mode of statecraft. However, he became less of a socialist particularly at the end of his rebellion. Why? Secondly, post-war state-building theory, presupposes that after rebels have captured power following a civil war, their propensity to pursue liberal free-market type of politics is habitually low. Why then did NRA/NRM with extremely negative views for free-market style of politics undertake to institute multi-party politics? What political settlements did NRM pursue and how have they been institutionalized and instrumentalized overtime? What have been the attendant effects of these settlements in Uganda and how can these impacts be profiled in light of other war-to peace states in Africa?
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8

Schubert, Frank. "“Guerrillas Don't Die Easily”: Everyday Life in Wartime and the Guerrilla Myth in the National Resistance Army in Uganda, 1981–1986." International Review of Social History 51, no. 1 (March 30, 2006): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859005002348.

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This article examines the civil war in central Uganda between guerrillas of the National Resistance Army and the government of Milton Obote between 1981 and 1986. Its central focus is the wartime experience of guerrilla fighters – men, women, and children. The material for the article has been collected through interviews with participants about their experiences. The interview partners described their motives and expectations as guerrillas as well as their perception of the reality of war “in the bush”. Their narratives differ from the victorious guerrilla's official history of the war and the guerrilla myth cultivated in that history, as they lack the subsequent certainty of victory and emphasize the fighters' disappointments and suffering. In this way, the method of oral history provides important points of departure for a social history of this war and allows us, at the same time, to differentiate and correct our current understanding of it in significant ways.
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9

Kim, Jaymelee, and Tricia Redeker Hepner. "Of Justice and the Grave: The Role of the Dead in Post-conflict Uganda." International Criminal Law Review 19, no. 5 (October 1, 2019): 819–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-01905004.

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In the aftermath of war, survivors’ definitions of justice are often in tension with those of governments and international actors. While post-war northern Uganda has been the site of high-profile prosecutions of Lord’s Resistance Army rebels, our research in rural Acholiland highlights how survivors define justice largely in terms of material compensation for both the living and the dead. These priorities are linked to the omnipresence of improperly buried human remains as evidence of physical and structural violence. Mass graves, burials in former displacement camps, and unidentified remains become focal points around which survivors articulate ongoing socioeconomic suffering and demands for redress. A ‘thanatological approach’ that centres the role of the dead and critically explores the possibilities presented by forensic science in a transitional justice context reveals survivors’ prioritisation of reparative and restorative justice despite the international and national focus on retributive justice through institutions like the icc.
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10

Nanyunja, B. "Victimisation and challenges to integration: Transitional justice response to children born of war in northern Uganda." South African Journal of Criminal Justice 33, no. 3 (2020): 580–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/sacj/v33/i3a4.

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Uganda witnessed one of its worst conflicts between 1986 and 2007. The conflict in northern Uganda was between the government troops and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA). Serious crimes were committed against the civilian population. Women and girls were abducted by the rebels to serve as sex slaves and children were born as a result. After the conflict, these children’s integration has not been well received by their communities. It has not been properly addressed by the state operatives either. The children are dismissed as perpetrators of the conflict. Their return has been marred with stigmatisation and ostracism, forcing them to live on the margins of society. After the conflict, a National Transitional Justice Policy was passed. The overarching framework aims at addressing justice and reconciliation through inter alia social reintegration. However, it leaves an accountability gap. The framework largely departs from the needs of this particular community: acknowledging their existence and integration. The purpose of this article is to identify transitional justice opportunities and how these accommodate and advance accountability, integration and reconciliation in addressing victimisation concerns of the war children. Ultimately, it argues that addressing the abuses of the affected communities will ease social [re]integration.
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11

Sánchez Sánchez, María José. "La relevancia de haber sido niño soldado para la atribución de la responsabilidad penal por crímenes internacionales de miembros de grupos armados." REVISTA ELECTRÓNICA DE ESTUDIOS INTERNACIONALES 43, Junio 2022 (June 30, 2022): 1–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17103/reei.43.10.

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The criminal liability of child soldiers has been extensively addressed in recent years, given the growing interest in child soldiers as a research topic. However, one aspect was relatively unexplored: the relevance of being a former child soldier in the attribution of criminal liability for international crimes committed by members of an armed group. This changed when in December 2016, Dominic Ongwen’s case started before the International Criminal Court for crimes against humanity and war crimes. For the Counsel for the Defence, the fact of his recruitment at age 9 by the Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda was essential. In this regard, the issue consisted in determining whether being a former child soldier is relevant for excluding criminal responsibility, as a mitigating factor for the determination of the penalty, or if it is not relevant. The purpose of this article is to elucidate this issue through a critical legal analysis of the t Trial Judgment and the Sentence in this case, with the aim to contribute elements to the developing discussions in appeals before the International Criminal Court and before national tribunals as the Special Jurisdiction for Peace in Colombia.
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12

Dunn, Kevin C. "Killing For Christ? The Lord's Resistance Army of Uganda." Current History 103, no. 673 (May 1, 2004): 206–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2004.103.673.206.

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The LRA's war in Uganda, like many conflicts in Africa, may appear illogical to the outsider (and especially to the Western media), but it contains an internal logic that makes it rational to the participants.
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13

Feldman, Robert L. "Why Uganda Has Failed to Defeat the Lord's Resistance Army." Defense & Security Analysis 24, no. 1 (March 2008): 45–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14751790801903210.

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14

Pham, Phuong N., Patrick Vinck, and Eric Stover. "The Lord's Resistance Army and Forced Conscription in Northern Uganda." Human Rights Quarterly 30, no. 2 (2008): 404–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hrq.0.0007.

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15

Kusserow, Adrie. "I. Lord's Resistance Army (Northern Uganda) II. Rehab III. Mato Oput." Anthropology and Humanism 35, no. 1 (June 2010): 121–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-1409.2010.001057.x.

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16

Borzello, Anna. "The challenge of DDR in Northern Uganda: The Lord's Resistance Army." Conflict, Security & Development 7, no. 3 (October 2007): 387–415. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14678800701556537.

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17

Lindemann, Stefan. "The Ethnic Politics of Coup Avoidance: Evidence from Zambia and Uganda." Africa Spectrum 46, no. 2 (August 2011): 3–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971104600201.

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Though military interventions seem endemic in sub-Saharan Africa, more than a third of all countries have been able to avoid military coups. To solve this puzzle, this article relates the likelihood of military coups to the degree of ethnic congruence between civilian and military leaders, arguing that coup avoidance is most likely when government and army either exhibit the same ethnic bias or are both ethnically balanced. This argument is illustrated by a comparison of the diverging experiences of Zambia and Uganda. While Zambia is among Africa's coup-free countries, Uganda's vulnerability to military intervention has varied over time – with four coups under Obote and the Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) but no coups under Amin and Museveni. Drawing on original longitudinal data on the ethnic distribution of political and military posts, the article shows that the absence of military coups in Zambia goes back to the balanced composition of government and army. In Uganda, coup avoidance under Amin and Museveni can be linked to the fact that government and army exhibited the same ethnic bias, whereas the coups against the Obote and UNLF regimes reflected either ethnic incongruence between civilian and military leaders or the destabilising combination of a similarly polarised government and army.
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18

DOOM, R., and K. VLASSENROOT. "KONY'S MESSAGE: A NEW KOINE?THE LORD'S RESISTANCE ARMY IN NORTHERN UGANDA." African Affairs 98, no. 390 (January 1, 1999): 5–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a008002.

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19

Van Acker, F. "Uganda and the Lord's Resistance Army: the new order no one ordered." African Affairs 103, no. 412 (July 1, 2004): 335–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adh044.

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20

Dokotum, Okaka Opio. "Trauma aesthetics in war documentaries about the Lord's Resistance Army in Uganda." Eastern African Literary and Cultural Studies 1, no. 1-2 (April 3, 2014): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23277408.2014.941749.

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21

Maringira, Godfrey. "Politicization and resistance in the Zimbabwean national army." African Affairs 116, no. 462 (September 26, 2016): 18–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adw055.

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22

Kocjančič, Klemen. "Analysis of the Armed Conflict: A Case Study of Lord’s Resistance Army." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES 25, no. 3-4 (December 1, 2023): 51–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/cmc-2023-0022.

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Abstract One of the longest-running terrorist groups on the African continent is the Lord’s Resistance Army, originating from Uganda. Using the Christianity combined with local animism and Islam as the basis of their ideology and focusing at first on the protection of the Acholi people, this group evolved from fighting their enemies to oppressing their own people. Initially an internal conflict, the activities of the Lord’s Resistance Army spread throughout the region through a proxy war between neighbouring countries, until eventually international intervention was called for. Based on the Conflict Assessment Framework, combined with other methods, this armed conflict is analysed, showing the progress of the conflict through the time.
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23

Jackson, Paul. "The March of the Lord's Resistance Army: Greed or Grievance in Northern Uganda?" Small Wars & Insurgencies 13, no. 3 (December 2002): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592310208559196.

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24

Finnström, Sverker. "Wars of the Past and War in the Present: The Lord's Resistance Movement/Army in Uganda." Africa 76, no. 2 (May 2006): 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.76.2.200.

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AbstractWar has ravaged Acholiland in northern Uganda since 1986. The Ugandan army is fighting the Lord's ResistanceMovement/Army (LRM/A) rebels. Based on anthropological fieldwork, the article aims at exemplifying the ways in which non-combatant people's experiences of war and violence are domesticated in cosmological terms as strategies of coping, and it relates tales of wars in the past to experiences of violent death and war in the present. There has been a politicized debate in Uganda over whether or not the LRM/A rebels have the elders' ceremonial warfare blessing. In sketching this debate, the article interprets the possible warfare blessing – which some informants interpreted as having turned into a curse on Acholiland – as a critical event that benefits from further deliberation, regardless of its existence or non-existence. It is argued that no warfare blessing can be regarded as the mere utterance of words. Rather, a blessing is performed within the framework of the local moral world. It is finally argued that the issue of the warfare blessing is a lived consequence of the conflict, but, nevertheless, cannot be used as an explanatory model for the cause of the conflict.
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25

Katumba‐Wamala, Edward. "The National resistance army (NRA) as a guerrilla force." Small Wars & Insurgencies 11, no. 3 (December 2000): 160–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09592310008423293.

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26

Nkabala, Helen Nambalirwa. "The Use of Violent Biblical Texts by the Lord’s Resistance Army in Northern Uganda." Transformation: An International Journal of Holistic Mission Studies 34, no. 2 (January 12, 2017): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265378816680768.

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27

Aduda, Levke. "The Sequence of Mediation Efforts in the Conflict between the Government of Uganda and the Lord’s Resistance Army." International Negotiation 26, no. 2 (July 23, 2020): 245–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718069-bja10001.

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Abstract What impact have different mediation outcomes had on subsequent mediation onset and success in the conflict between the government of Uganda and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA)? Intrastate conflicts commonly see more than one mediation effort. These efforts can result in different outcomes. Assessing the impact of different mediation outcomes on subsequent mediation efforts in the conflict between the governments of Uganda and the LRA, it becomes apparent that reneged agreements have aggravated subsequent mediation efforts, while mediation ending without an agreement and previous mediation success do not reduce the chances of subsequent mediation onset (and success). This suggests that short-lived agreements are not only likely to lead to renewed conflict, but also make further mediation efforts more difficult.
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28

Brett, E. A. "Rebuilding Organisation Capacity in Uganda Under the National Resistance Movement." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 1 (March 1994): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012544.

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Eight years of reconciliation, policy reform, and economic recovery have now followed 20 years of dictatorship, corruption, civil war, and economic decline in Uganda. This stems from the interaction between a government which has created a benign environment for development, and donors who have provided generous support conditional on compliance with a standard package of structural adjustment policies involving changes in macro-economic management. These include the removal of price distortions on foreign exchange, capital, and essential commodities, improved fiscal and financial discipline, the reduction of marketing monopolies and state controls, and civil service reform. Government has set up participatory political structures at national and local levels, restored law and order, and taken many of the unpopular decisions required to enforce the changes demanded by adjustment policy.
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LaBranche, Jillian. "Thinking Beyond the Escape: Evaluating the Reintegration of Child Soldiers in Uganda." Slavery Today Journal 3, no. 1 (August 2016): 100–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.22150/stj/pyoq6835.

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While the Lord’s Resistance Army has gained notoriety for its brutal tactics and abduction of Ugandan children, little attention has been given to the return and reintegration of these formerly abducted child soldiers. The absence of a formal reintegration program in Uganda has placed the burden of reintegration on international NGOs, but reliance on non-local organizations to successfully reintegrate child soldiers has proven challenging. This paper seeks to evaluate whether the process of reintegration in Uganda has been successful. With an overwhelming lack of up to date and methodologically sound research, variables such as PTSD, domestic violence, alcoholism, violent crime, and primary education rates are evaluated to indicate the current state of Northern Uganda. These variables indicate an unstable environment in Northern Uganda and suggest reintegration has proven unsuccessful in the Acholi region. The successful reintegration of child soldiers is demonstrated to be not merely a Ugandan issue, but an international issue.
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30

Khamalwa, Wotsuna. "Violated by Rebels, Violated by Family: Returnee Girls of the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) in Northern Uganda." East African Journal of Traditions, Culture and Religion 5, no. 2 (June 28, 2022): 84–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajtcr.5.2.727.

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In the prologue to his book Frontiers of Violence in North-East Africa, Richard Reid recounts how in the first few years of the third millennium, the region of North-East Africa has been enmeshed in conflict. This region which includes Somalia, Ethiopia, Eritrea, and Southern Sudan has experienced intermittent violent conflicts and destruction by wars based on reasons and excuses ranging from ethnicity and religion, to political disagreements caused by thirst for power. This region also includes Northern Uganda, particularly Acholi-land, which was caught up in the throes of violent conflict since the mid- eighties, between the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) and the government of Uganda. For more than three decades, Acholi-land was engulfed in untold suffering, unleashed upon its population by foes from without and, tragically, attackers from within! An historical occupation of being exceptionally good soldiers that had stood them in good stead in colonial and post-colonial times turned out to be a curse they would always true!
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31

Alava, Henni. "The Lord’s Resistance Army and the arms that brought the Lord." Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 44, no. 1 (September 20, 2019): 9–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.v44i1.75028.

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This article develops the notion of polyphonic silence as a means for thinking through the ethical and political ramifications of ethnographically encountering and writing about silenced violent pasts. To do so, it analyses and contrasts the silence surrounding two periods of extreme violence in northern Uganda: 1) the northern Ugandan war (1986–2006), which is contemporarily often shrouded by silence, and 2) the early decades of colonial and missionary expansion, which the Catholic church silences in its commemoration of the death of two Acholi catechists in 1918. Employing the notion of polyphony, the article describes how neither of these silences is a mere absence of narration. Instead, polyphonic silences consist of multiple, at times discordant and contradictory sounds, and cannot be consigned to single-cause explanations such as ‘trauma’ or ‘recovery’. Reflecting on my own experience of writing about and thereby amplifying such silences, I show how writing can serve either to shield or break silence. The choice between these modes of amplification calls for reflection on the temporal distance of silence, of the relations of power amid which silence is woven, and of the researchers’ ethical commitments and normative preconceptions.
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Kabi, Fredrick, Moses Dhikusooka, Moses Matovu, Swidiq Mugerwa, Paul Kasaija, Patrick Emudong, Halid Kirunda, Marinela Contreras, Christian Gortazar, and Jose De la Fuente. "Monitoring the Subolesin Vaccine Field Trial for Safer Control of Cattle Ticks Amidst Increasing Acaricide Resistance in Uganda." Vaccines 10, no. 10 (September 22, 2022): 1594. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/vaccines10101594.

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A collaboration program was established between the group of Health and Biotechnology (SaBio) of the IREC Institute of Game and Wildlife Research (CSIC-UCLM-JCCM, Spain) and the National Agricultural Research Organization of Uganda (NARO) for the development of vaccines for the control of cattle ticks in Uganda. Controlled pen trials identified a tick protective antigen, Rhipicephalus appendiculatus Subolesin, and a cross-species-effective vaccine formulation. As the next step, a controlled vaccine field trial has been approved by Ugandan state regulatory authorities, the Uganda National Council for Science and Technology (UNCST) and the National Drug Authority (NDA), to evaluate the efficacy and effectiveness of the vaccine formulation for the control of cattle tick infestations under field conditions. The results of this trial may lead to the approval of the vaccine for application in Uganda to improve cattle health and production while reducing the use of acaricides.
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Abaho, Anne, Micheal Mawa, and Solomon Asiimwe. "Conflict Threats to Human Security: The Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) Case, Gulu District, Northern Uganda." Open Journal of Social Sciences 07, no. 12 (2019): 64–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jss.2019.712006.

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34

Apuuli, Kasaija Phillip. "The International Criminal Court (ICC) and the Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) Insurgency in Northern Uganda." Criminal Law Forum 15, no. 4 (December 2004): 391–409. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10609-005-2232-4.

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35

Ssenyonjo, Manisuli. "The International Criminal Court and the Lord's Resistance Army Leaders: Prosecution or Amnesty?" International Criminal Law Review 7, no. 2-3 (2007): 361–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156753607x204266.

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AbstractOn 13 October 2005, the International Criminal Court (ICC) Pre-Trial Chamber II unsealed the warrants of arrest for five senior leaders of the Lord's Resistance Army/Movement (LRA/M) for crimes against humanity and war crimes committed in Uganda since July 2002. While these warrants were yet to be executed, the Ugandan government entered negotiations with the LRA/M rebels. As a result Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni, disregarding the ICC arrest warrants, announced a 'total amnesty' for the LRA combatants in July 2006 on the condition that the rebels renounced terrorism and accepted peace. Following the amnesty offer, an agreement on cessation of hostilities between the Ugandan government and the LRA/M was concluded with effect from 29 August 2006. This article considers the question whether a 'total amnesty' to individuals indicted by the ICC may be binding upon the ICC.
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Akello, Grace. "Reintegration of Amnestied LRA Ex-Combatants and Survivors’ Resistance Acts in Acholiland, Northern Uganda." International Journal of Transitional Justice 13, no. 2 (April 21, 2019): 249–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijtj/ijz007.

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Abstract∞ This article examines the social dynamics among survivors and amnestied Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) ex-combatants living together in Acholiland, asking how and if Acholi survivors have forgiven Acholi LRA returnees, forgotten past violence and moved on, as stated in northern Uganda’s amnesty framework. The amnestied LRA ex-combatants interviewed stated that they wanted and needed to reintegrate among Acholi survivors. Yet, after two decades of amnesty, the magnitude of the brutality of the war remains etched in survivors’ minds. My ethnographic findings suggest feigned compliance as well as resistance to amnesty by-laws. Many practise what I call survivors’ acts of resistance, which includes name calling, attributing misfortune to the presence of ex-combatants, stigmatization and stealing. In short, survivors make returnees’ lives unbearable. My analysis is framed in reference to and critique of conventional transitional justice mechanisms and I underscore the importance of memory in the cessation of war violence and the restoration of peace.
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Kiyani, Asad G. "Third World Approaches to International Criminal Law." AJIL Unbound 109 (2015): 255–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300001550.

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A pattern of affording impunity to local power brokers throughout Africa pervades the application of international criminal law (ICL) in Africa. The International Criminal Court (ICC) investigation into Uganda is a notorious but representative example, although similar analyses can be made of the Central African Republic, Côte d’Ivoire, the Democratic Republic of Congo, and Libya. In Uganda, only members of the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA) have been indicted for international crimes, even though the United Nations, international human rights groups, and local NGOs have documented years of abuses perpetrated by government troops and local auxiliary units, often against the same populations victimized by the LRA. The ICC is thereby implicated in the power structures and political arrangements of a repressive state that both combats the LRA and often brutalizes the civilian populations of northern Uganda. Inserting itself into Uganda, the ICC becomes a partisan player in the endgame of a civil war that extends back over a generation, and is itself rooted in ethnic and tribal animosities cultivated through 19th century Euro-colonial benedictions of favor. Here, the ICC and the war it adjudicates become surprising bedfellows, repurposed by local elites for the consolidation of domestic power.
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Apuuli, Kasaija Phillip. "The ICC Arrest Warrants for the Lord's Resistance Army Leaders and Peace Prospects for Northern Uganda." Journal of International Criminal Justice 4, no. 1 (March 1, 2006): 179–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqi092.

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39

Mboowa, Gerald, Ivan Sserwadda, Douglas Bulafu, Duku Chaplain, Izale Wewedru, Jeremiah Seni, Benson Kidenya, Stephen Mshana, Moses Joloba, and Dickson Aruhomukama. "Transmission Dynamics of Antimicrobial Resistance at a National Referral Hospital in Uganda." American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 105, no. 2 (August 11, 2021): 498–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.4269/ajtmh.20-1522.

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ABSTRACT. Reliable data on antimicrobial resistance (AMR) transmission dynamics in Uganda remains scarce; hence, we studied this area. Eighty-six index patients and “others” were recruited. Index patients were those who had been admitted to the orthopedic ward of Mulago National Referral Hospital during the study period; “others” included medical and non-medical caretakers of the index patients, and index patients’ immediate admitted hospital neighbors. Others were recruited only when index patients became positive for carrying antimicrobial-resistant bacteria (ARB) during their hospital stay. A total of 149 samples, including those from the inanimate environment, were analyzed microbiologically for ARB, and ARB were analyzed for their antimicrobial susceptibility profiles and mechanisms underlying observed resistances. We describe the diagnostic accuracy of the extended-spectrum β-lactamase (ESBL) production screening method, and AMR acquisition and transmission dynamics. Index patients were mostly carriers of ESBL-producing Enterobacteriaceae (PE) on admission, whereas non-ESBL-PE carriers on admission (61%) became carriers after 48 hours of admission (9%). The majority of ESBL-PE carriers on admission (56%) were referrals or transfers from other health-care facilities. Only 1 of 46 samples from the environment isolated an ESBL-PE. Marked resistance (> 90%) to β-lactams and folate-pathway inhibitors were observed. The ESBL screening method’s sensitivity, specificity, positive predictive value, and negative predictive value were 100%, 50%, 90%, and 100%, respectively. AMR acquisition and transmission occurs via human–human interfaces within and outside of health-care facilities compared with human–inanimate environment interfaces. However, this remains subject to further research.
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Caruso, Ngaire. "Refuge from the Lord's Resistance Army in Uganda: A report from a Medecins Sans Frontieres team leader." Emergency Medicine Australasia 18, no. 3 (June 2006): 295–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1742-6723.2006.00856.x.

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41

DROHOBYTSKYI, Ihor. "AN EVOLUTION OF THE CONCEPT OF THE DEPLOYMENT OF AN ARMED STRUGGLE AGAINST THE OCCUPATION REGIMES AMONG OUN(B) (1942–1944)." Contemporary era 7 (2019): 100–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2019-7-100-107.

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The article covers the features of the military doctrine formation of the national resistance movement's nationalist wing during World War II. The gradual process of forming a conscious conviction to create its own armed forces is outlined. The specificity of the conceptual military developments of the nationalist movement's leadership in the objective circumstances of the time is emphasized. This predetermines the use of a comparative approach in the process of research. Emphasized the importance of external and internal factors in the crystallization of the idea of the national army. Ideas about ways of achieving the goal of activities in the OUN(B) leadership environment in the designated chronological period are specified. The role of external factors, in particular occupation regimes, in the process of formation of national armed forces is pointed out. Their presence led to the emergence and assertion of the inevitability of struggle on several fronts while gaining national statehood. The vision of the role of the armed forces in the realization of the idea of ​​national statehood is represented by the representatives of the direction mentioned above of social and political life. The author stressed the tradition of fighting for the realization of the nation's state aspirations. Working on outlined topics and creating an objective picture of the national past relate to the essential aspects of the formation of a proper state position in society. Keywords: armed struggle, army, statehood, resistance movement, nationalism, ideology, Ukrainian Insurgent Army, Ukrainian People's Self-Defense.
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Galal, Ehab. "Egyptian imaginaries of resistance: Cinematic remembrance of the Suez crisis." Journal of Arab & Muslim Media Research 14, no. 2 (November 1, 2021): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/jammr_00033_1.

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Current politics in Egypt has revived the idea of a strong connection between the army, the Egyptian people and its leaders. This imaginary was introduced by Egyptian cinema about the time of the 1952 revolution. In the early days of national independence, the Suez crisis of 1956 in particular holds the symbols and images needed to create the set of semantics supporting this imaginary. Based on theories on national and postcolonial imaginaries, I analyse two Egyptian films on the Suez crisis: Port Said from 1957 and Maliqat al-Bihar (Giants of the Sea) from 1960 including shorter references to other films from the period. By examining the postcolonial semantics of these films, I identify three elements that together retell the Egyptian nation. First, the Suez crisis is pictured as eliminating the colonial enemies due to the actions of strong leaders. Second, a pan-Arab alliance is installed. Third, enemies from within are disconnected from the true Egyptian assessed by loyalty to the nation. The result is a strong imaginary of the correlation between the army, people and in particular its leaders.
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Ross, Scott. "Encouraging Rebel Demobilization by Radio in Uganda and the D.R. Congo: The Case of “Come Home” Messaging." African Studies Review 59, no. 1 (April 2016): 33–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2016.8.

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Abstract:For several years, local radio stations in Uganda have broadcast “come home” messages that encourage the rebel Lord’s Resistance Army to demobilize. Since the rebels began carrying out attacks in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Central African Republic, several international actors have introduced the same messages to these regions. This new effort has internationalized radio programming, benefited local radio stations, provided new forms of messaging, and functioned in collaboration with military actors. This article provides an overview of how “come home” messaging functions in different contexts, examines the effects of these actions, and calls for research into an important shift in military–humanitarian relations.
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DROHOBYTSKYI, Ihor. "UKRAINIAN PEOPLE'S SELF-DEFENSE AS A STAGE OF THE REGIONAL MANIFESTATION OF THE IMPLEMENTATION OF THE OUN (B) MILITARY DOCTRINE (Summer–Autumn 1943)." Contemporary era 10 (2022): 191–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2022-10-191-197.

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The paper outlines a way of changing thoughts on the implementation of a national army idea among the leadership of the nationalist wing of the national Resistance movement during World War II. The theoretical and ideological basis features of their military doctrine are described. In the context of the realization of the nationalist movement's defining goal at the time – getting an independent and united Ukrainian state, an analysis of opinions on the role of the armed forces is made. Among representatives of the leadership of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (Bandera's group) were people of different, and often totally opposed positions on the issue of creating armed structures of a military type, which is emphasized. Based on a personal approach, the significant figures of that stage of development of the mentioned socio-political current in the context of their attitude to the formation of the national army are presented. In general, traits of implementing measures aimed at creating and developing their own armed forces are defined. Features of the deployment of the armed forces under the auspices of nationalists within certain regions of western Ukraine are outlined. A connection among regional differences in the development of tactical military units is emphasized, as evidenced by the efforts of the leadership of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (Bandera’s group) to systematically approach the implementation of the national army doctrine. Chronological stages of armed structures formation under the auspices of nationalists in the form of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (Volyn) and the Ukrainian People's Self-Defense (Halychyna) are presented. It is determined that in the current context, research in the chosen field, in particular, and creating an objective picture of the national past in general, are among the main aspects of forming a proper state position in Ukrainian society. Keywords armed forces, Ukrainian independent and united state, resistance movement, Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists, Ukrainian Insurgent Army, Ukrainian People's Self-Defense.
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45

Smallman-Raynor, M. R., and A. D. Cliff. "Civil war and the spread of AIDS in Central Africa." Epidemiology and Infection 107, no. 1 (August 1991): 69–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s095026880004869x.

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SUMMARYUsing ordinary least squares regression techniques this paper demonstrates, for the first time, that the classic association of war and disease substantially accounts for the presently observed geographical distribution of reported clinical AIDS cases in Uganda. Both the spread of HIV 1 infection in the 1980s, and the subsequent development of AIDS to its 1990 spatial pattern, are shown to be significantly and positively correlated with ethnic patterns of recruitment into the Ugandan National Liberation Army (UNLA) after the overthrow of Idi Amin some 10 years earlier in 1979. This correlation reflects the estimated mean incubation period of 8–10 years for HIV 1 and underlines the need for cognizance of historical factors which may have influenced current patterns of AIDS seen in Central Africa. The findings may have important implications for AIDS forecasting and control in African countries which have recently experienced war. The results are compared with parallel analyses of other HIV hypotheses advanced to account for the reported geographical distribution of AIDS in Uganda.
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Kamya, M. R., N. N. Bakyaita, A. O. Talisuna, W. M. Were, and S. G. Staedke. "Increasing antimalarial drug resistance in Uganda and revision of the national drug policy." Tropical Medicine and International Health 7, no. 12 (December 2002): 1031–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1365-3156.2002.00974.x.

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47

Workneh, Meklit, Mohammed Lamorde, Francis Kakooza, Olive Mbabazi, Rodney Mugasha, Richard Walwema, Yukari Manabe, and Patrick Musinguzi. "High-Level Neisseria gonorrhea Resistance Detected in a Newly Implemented Surveillance Program in Kampala, Uganda." Open Forum Infectious Diseases 4, suppl_1 (2017): S103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ofid/ofx163.091.

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Abstract Background Neisseria gonorrhea resistance is a growing problem in Uganda with recent data showing increasing ciprofloxacin resistance up to 100% in this population. The WHO Enhanced Gonococcal Antimicrobial Surveillance Programme (EGASP) was initiated in Uganda in September 2016 to monitor resistance trends. Methods Urethral swabs were collected from men presenting with urethral discharge to the five sentinel clinic sites from September 2016 to March 2017. Samples were transported to a reference laboratory site. Presumptive identification of N. gonorrhea was based on growth of typical appearing colonies on Thayer–Martin in 5% CO2, a positive oxidase test, and observation of Gram-negative, oxidase-positive diplococci in stained smears. Results 116 samples were received to the reference laboratory site of which 70 (60.3%) had positive growth for Neisseria gonorrhea. Mean age was 28.5 (range 17–60). Fifty-one participants (44%) reported at least one prior episode of gonorrhea and 42 (36%) reported antibiotic use within the previous 60 days. Of those with completed Etest (bioMerieux, Marcy-lÕEtoile, France) resistance profiles, 66 (96%) were ciprofloxacin-resistant or intermediate. One isolate was ceftriaxone-resistant by E-test but susceptible by disk diffusion. Conclusion Early results from implementation of a gonorrhea surveillance program in Uganda suggest high levels of resistance to ciprofloxacin (90%) by Etest and penicillin (93%) and tetracyclines (100%) by disk diffusion. Prior studies of gonococcal resistance in Uganda have noted increasing levels of resistance, particularly to ciprofloxacin which until 2010 was the recommended first-line empiric therapy for gonococcal infection in Uganda. Of note, discrepancies were occasionally noted between disk diffusion and Etest results, which requires further investigation. Ongoing surveillance efforts will be crucial to shape clinical guidelines and national policy. Disclosures All authors: No reported disclosures.
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Gustavsson, M., J. Oruut, and B. Rubenson. "Girl soldiers with Lord’s Resistance Army in Uganda fighting for survival: experiences of young women abducted by LRA." Children's Geographies 15, no. 6 (March 9, 2017): 690–702. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14733285.2017.1300233.

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Musinguzi, Denis. "The role of Civil Society Organisations in post-conflict development of northern Uganda." Journal of Science and Sustainable Development 6, no. 2 (January 31, 2019): 122–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/jssd.v6i2.7.

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This article examines the role of Civil Society Organisations (CSOs) in post-conflict reconstruction and development of northern Uganda. The analysis is informed by the increased spate of violent conflicts in Africa since the end of the Cold War; the destruction caused by violent conflicts; and the significant role played by CSOs in post-conflict reconstruction and development. The northern part of Uganda witnessed the most protracted and devastating Lord‘s Resistance Army (LRA) conflict in the country‘s post-independence history, which forms the central focus of the study. To generate a deeper analysis of the role of CSOs, this article delves into the historical evolution of civil society from the classical thought of ancient Greece to the modern and contemporary perspectives of civil society. The analysis of the role of CSOs in post-conflict reconstruction and development is framed in the war-topeace transition; and recognises the dialectical relationship between peace and development. The article examines the community‘s perceptions on the role of CSOs and its responsiveness to community needs. It concludes with a reflection on simmering issues, which if not properly addressed, could destroy the positive inroads and peace dividends being realised in northern Uganda. A constructivist and qualitative methodology guided the study, which sought to interpret reality from the context of the espondents.
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DROHOBYTSKYI, Ihor. "FEATURES OF USING THE EXPERIENCE OF THE ARMED STRUGGLE FOR STATEHOOD, 1918-1919, IN THE CREATION OF UKRAINIAN NATIONAL SELF-DEFENSE, 1943." Contemporary era 6 (2018): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/nd.2018-6-32-40.

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The article covers some aspects of the use of military experience of Ukrainian armed groups of the period of the national liberation struggle 1917–1921 by the members of the nationalist wing of the national resistance movement during World War II. Much attention is given to measures aimed at the development of tactical units of the structure of the Ukrainian People's Self-Defense (Ukrainska Narodna Samooborona; UNS) in the second half of 1943 in Galicia. These facts are analyzed in the context of the development of a national army concept among leaders of Ukrainian nationalists at the various stages of the Nazi-Soviet war (1941–1945). The main stages of their vision evolution of the development process of the domestic armed forces are outlined. The author highlights the reasons and the factors of shifting focus from the idea of creating a regular army to the idea of deploying a partisan form of struggle against the occupation regimes, characterized the role of the armed forces in the implementation of the idea of national statehood. The specifics of the ideological motive of the armed struggle are revealed with emphasis on the tradition of struggle for the nation's interest. The paper also concentrates on external and internal preconditions for expanding the geography of armed resistance to the occupiers, regional specifics in the processes of deployment of military structures run by the nationalist wing of the Ukrainian resistance movement. Keywords tradition, statehood, armed forces, resistance, nationalism.
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