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1
Brett, E. A. "Rebuilding Organisation Capacity in Uganda Under the National Resistance Movement." Journal of Modern African Studies 32, no. 1 (March 1994): 53–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00012544.
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Eight years of reconciliation, policy reform, and economic recovery have now followed 20 years of dictatorship, corruption, civil war, and economic decline in Uganda. This stems from the interaction between a government which has created a benign environment for development, and donors who have provided generous support conditional on compliance with a standard package of structural adjustment policies involving changes in macro-economic management. These include the removal of price distortions on foreign exchange, capital, and essential commodities, improved fiscal and financial discipline, the reduction of marketing monopolies and state controls, and civil service reform. Government has set up participatory political structures at national and local levels, restored law and order, and taken many of the unpopular decisions required to enforce the changes demanded by adjustment policy.
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Johnson, Jennifer L. "Guerrillas and Fish in Uganda." Global Environment 14, no. 1 (February 17, 2021): 86–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/ge.2021.140104.
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On 29 January 1986, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni was sworn in as President of the Republic of Uganda and his National Resistance Movement (NRM) and National Resistance Army (NRA) became the first guerrilla force to successfully overthrow a government in postcolonial Africa. Some thirty years after the NRM?s bush war was won, the Ugandan military, with President Museveni still at the helm, began officially waging what it calls a guerrilla war against its own citizens. The goal of Museveni?s second guerrilla war was not to bring forth yet another anti-imperial democratic revolution. It was instead designed to sustainably develop fisheries production in Lake Victoria, a task Museveni claims exclusive abilities to successfully steward for the benefit the Ugandan nation as a whole. Transformations in Lake Victoria?s fisheries ecology that predated the NRM?s rise to power, and indeed, predated the formal independence of the Ugandan state were shaped by and shape managerial logics that continue to justify violence against fishworkers in order to enact conventional conceptions of sustainability. Memories of tragedy and success bound up in national narratives of the 1981?1986 war for anti-imperial democratic revolution work to maintain managerial logics and regulatory regimes imposed by the former British colonial state.
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Beckmann, Gitte. "Sign language as a technology: existential and instrumental perspectives of Ugandan Sign Language." Africa 92, no. 4 (August 2022): 430–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972022000432.
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AbstractThe introduction of Ugandan Sign Language in Acholi, northern Uganda, was part of a growing internationally linked disability movement in the country and was set within the framework of development policy and human rights-based approaches. In this context, Ugandan Sign Language appeared as a technology of development. But how did the appropriation of Ugandan Sign Language change deaf people’s lives, their being-in-the-world, in Acholi? In using the theoretical approach of existential and instrumental perspectives on technologies by Martin Heidegger, this article analyses the complex transitions following the appropriation of Ugandan Sign Language on international, national and local levels. The disability movement – including Ugandan Sign Language projects – reached Acholi during the time of war between the Lord’s Resistance Army and Ugandan national forces. Displacement brought scattered deaf people together in towns and camps, where Ugandan Sign Language was introduced through workshops and institutions including churches. This created new forms of communication and possibilities of sociality. After the war, gender differences emerged, as many deaf women returned to rural homes where they had few opportunities to communicate with other sign language users.
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Kjær, Anne Mette, and Mesharch W. Katusiimeh. "Nomination Violence in Uganda’s National Resistance Movement." African Affairs 120, no. 479 (April 1, 2021): 177–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adab013.
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Abstract Institutional explanations of intra-party violence rarely address political economy dynamics shaping the institutions in question, and therefore they fail to understand their emergence and their stability. Specifically, focusing on institutional factors alone does not enable a nuanced understanding of candidate nomination violence and why some constituencies are peaceful while others are violent. This article theorizes nomination violence in dominant-party systems in sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on political settlement theory, it examines the nature of nomination violence in Uganda’s October 2015 National Resistance Movement (NRM) primaries. We argue that the violence is a constitutive part of Uganda’s political settlement under the NRM. Nomination procedures remain weak in order for the NRM ruling elite to include multiple factions that compete for access while being able to intervene in the election process when needed. This means, in turn, that violence tends to become particularly prominent in constituencies characterized by proxy wars, where competition between local candidates is reinforced by a conflict among central-level elites in the president’s inner circle. We call for the proxy war thesis to be tested in case studies of other dominant parties’ nomination processes.
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Makara, Sabiti, Lise Rakner, and Lars Svåsand. "Turnaround: The National Resistance Movement and the Reintroduction of a Multiparty System in Uganda." International Political Science Review 30, no. 2 (March 2009): 185–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512109102436.
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Goetz, Anne Marie. "No shortcuts to power: constraints on women's political effectiveness in Uganda." Journal of Modern African Studies 40, no. 4 (November 28, 2002): 549–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004032.
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Numbers of women in public representative office have increased dramatically in Uganda since the introduction of the National Resistance Movement's ‘no party’ system, because affirmative action measures have been taken to reserve seats for them in Parliament and local government. This article offers an assessment of the impact of these measures on women's political effectiveness, examining how far women in Parliament have been able to advance gender equity concerns in key new legislation. The article suggests that the political value of specially created new seats has been eroded by their exploitation as currency for the NRM's patronage system, undermining women's effectiveness as representatives of women's interests once in office. This is because the gate-keepers of access to reserved political space are not the women's movement, or even women voters, but Movement elites. The women's movement in Uganda, though a beneficiary of the NRM's patronage, has become increasingly critical of the deepening authoritarianism of the NRM, pointing out that the lack of internal democracy in the Movement accounts for its failure to follow constitutional commitments to gender equity through to changes in key new pieces of legislation affecting women's rights.
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Gibb, Ryan. "The Elections in Uganda, February 2016." Africa Spectrum 51, no. 2 (August 2016): 93–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971605100206.
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On 18 February, Uganda conducted presidential and parliamentary elections. Incumbent president Yoweri Museveni of the National Resistance Movement (NRM) won the multiparty contest for a third consecutive time. If his reign as the NRM leader during Uganda's stint as a one-party state is counted, the February elections marked the beginning of Museveni's fifth overall term as president. The NRM continues to dominate parliament, having won a super-majority of the contested seats. Opposition members who competed for both the presidential seat and a seat in parliament contested the results of the election, and the primary opposition candidate Kizza Besigye was placed under house arrest. International observers questioned the integrity of the results, specifically in rural areas that were poorly monitored, and opposition strongholds in urban centres suffered logistical problems. The elections reconfirmed the strength of the NRM following years of political infighting.
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Muriaas, Ragnhild L., and Vibeke Wang. "Executive dominance and the politics of quota representation in Uganda." Journal of Modern African Studies 50, no. 2 (May 18, 2012): 309–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x12000067.
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ABSTRACTQuota policies securing the presence of marginalised groups in decision-making bodies have been adopted across sub-Saharan Africa. These policies are frequently understood through the lens of a pluralist perspective. This stance is not appropriate in African regimes characterised by executive dominance. Through a qualitative study of official documents, newspaper articles and interviews conducted during two field studies in Uganda in 2005 and 2010, this article shows how the understanding of quota policies in Africa may gain from the corporatist debate on interest representation. The analysis reveals that the incumbent National Resistance Movement has employed the reserved seat policy strategically to maintain its dominant position, and that strategies for using the quota system have evolved gradually over time in response to key political events, and the interests of group activists at the local and national levels with vested interests in its survival.
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Vokes, Richard. "Signs of development: photographic futurism and the politics of affect in Uganda." Africa 89, no. 2 (May 2019): 303–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972019000081.
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AbstractThis article contributes to recent scholarship on an emergent public political visual culture in Africa. Through an ethnographic study of political billboards and other government-sponsored public political imagery in Uganda, it argues that this new visual culture is primarily characterized by African states’ extensive use of post-photographic techniques as a means for projecting fantastic visions of their future development goals. However, drawing on recent insights from the ‘material turn’ in visual theory, it finds that – in Uganda's case at least – the potency of these new public visual artefacts may stem less from what they show than from how they invoke in their citizen-viewers an embodied sense of future possibilities. Once generated, this affective response can be mobilized by the state and its agents in the ‘here and now’, for political gain. The article looks at how this worked in the run-up to Uganda's 2016 presidential elections, when, in the context of major new spending on national infrastructure projects, the images and artefacts of this new visual culture served to greatly amplify the sense that all citizens would benefit from an emergent global capitalism. This inflated aspiration was mobilized in turn by the National Resistance Movement government as an integral part of its election campaign, and played a key role in returning the government to power.
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Oloka-Onyango, J. "Poverty, Human Rights and the Quest for Sustainable Human Development in Structurally-Adjusted Uganda." Netherlands Quarterly of Human Rights 18, no. 1 (March 2000): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/092405190001800103.
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In a bid to address the almost two decades of economic malaise and decline that Uganda had experienced in the 1970s and 1980s, Yoweri Museveni's National Resistance Movement adopted radical measures of economic adjustment under the tutelage of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. Although those measures resulted in significant economic growth – in GDP terms – this article argues that they failed to be conscious of basic principles of human rights relating to equality, non-discrimination and participation, and have consequently compounded the situation of poverty in the country. It further argues that the ‘non-party’ political system in existence further undermines the promotion and protection of fundamental human rights.
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Muriaas, Ragnhild Louise. "Reintroducing a Local-Level Multiparty System in Uganda: Why Be in Opposition?" Government and Opposition 44, no. 1 (2009): 91–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.2008.01277.x.
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AbstractIn a referendum in July 2005 the people of Uganda voted overwhelmingly in support of reintroducing the multiparty system. As a result, one expected an increase in candidates running on party tickets other than the ruling National Resistance Movement (NRM) in the local elections in March 2006. However, the findings in this article reveal that politicians challenging the incumbent preferred to be non-partisan candidates rather than members of the opposition parties. Based on semi-structured interviews with 198 local leaders, this article connects local perspectives on the reintroduction of the multiparty system with well-known explanations of weak opposition in Africa, and discloses how formal institutions and people's notions of representation limit the prospects of the opposition at the local level.
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Makara, Sabiti. "Deepening Democracy through Multipartyism: The Bumpy Road to Uganda's 2011 Elections." Africa Spectrum 45, no. 2 (August 2010): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000203971004500204.
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The 2011 elections will be one of the several elections (and the second-ever multiparty election) organized by the National Resistance Movement (NRM) since it captured power in 1986. Despite the regular elections since the 1990s, the quality and outcomes of these elections have remained subjects of debate. Democracy has remained elusive in Uganda despite the re-introduction of multiparty politics. Incumbency advantages, manipulation and unconstitutional use of state resources and apparatuses, and removal of the constitutional term limits on the presidency have combined to hamper effective growth of multiparty politics and democracy in the country. The question is: Does electioneering necessarily produce democratic governance or does it simply create the conditions and norms necessary for institutionalization of democratic rule? In particular, does the existence of multiparty politics necessarily deepen democratic governance? This paper stresses that despite the return of multiparty politics in Uganda, neither has democracy been consolidated nor have elections acted as effective instruments for advancing democratization in the country.
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Kakuba, Sultan Juma. "State Repression and Democratic Dispensation in Uganda 1996–2016." SAGE Open 11, no. 3 (July 2021): 215824402110306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/21582440211030638.
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State repression covers several and many aspects such as wrongful detention, harassment, intimidation, torture, beating, and killings within state boundaries. This study adopted a desk survey qualitative research design to document state repression acts during five presidential elections. Secondary and primary data were gathered from Uganda Electoral Commission presidential elections results, African Elections Database, and Inter-Parliamentary Parline database. This was augmented by interviews carried out with purposively selected political activists from different political shades and members of civil society organizations. The data collected from documentary reviews and interviews were thematically analyzed using the content analysis method. The findings were that successive presidential elections won by National Resistance Movement (NRM) were characterized by state repression acts amounting to human rights abuse such as torture, denial of political gatherings, wrongful arrest, and detention, intimidation, and killings. Drawing from the study findings, the conclusion is that NRM has used state institutions to repress opposition to shield its regime and to lure mass support to remain in power, undermining democratic dispensation it restored in the country.
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Asiimwe, Godfrey B. "Of Extensive and Elusive Corruption in Uganda: Neo-Patronage, Power, and Narrow Interests." African Studies Review 56, no. 2 (August 8, 2013): 129–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2013.45.
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Abstract:This article explores the prevalence of high-level political and bureaucratic corruption in postindependence Uganda, with particular focus on the narrow interests it serves and its impact on development and service delivery. It argues that high-level political corruption endures largely because it is situated within the framework of “neo”-patron-clientelism and skewed power relations. The article shows how institutions have not been able to effectively engage the inner-circle ruling elite due to a skewed power structure that serves narrow political interests. Grand bureaucratic and petty forms of corruption are equally extensive and challenging, though only the former have been affected by “zero tolerance” policies. The article concludes, however, that through its interplay of inclusion and exclusion, political corruption has generated contestations which undermine it and challenge the National Resistance Movement (NRM) regime.
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Wilkins, Sam. "Subnational Turnover, Accountability Politics, and Electoral Authoritarian Survival: Evidence from Museveni's Uganda." Comparative Politics 54, no. 1 (October 1, 2021): 149–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5129/001041521x16060530242223doi:.
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Most non-democratic regimes engineer elections such that regime change is effectively impossible via the ballot. However, many of these elections see high turnover of politicians at the subnational level, often through competitive processes that occur within ruling parties. This is the case for President Yoweri Museveni's dominant National Resistance Movement (NRM) in Uganda, the ranks of which have been decimated by intra-party competition at each election throughout its three decades in power. This competition includes high levels of voter participation in mass primaries and general elections and is particularly acute in the rural southern areas where Museveni's simultaneous presidential candidacy draws most support. Based on qualitative data from the 2016 elections, this article investigates the relationship between this local, intra-party competition and Museveni's survival, building a theory that local competition in electoral authoritarian regimes can provide an outlet for accountability politics by redirecting widespread voter frustrations away from a regime and towards expendable local politicians.
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Ward, Kevin. "'The Armies of the Lord': Christianity, Rebels and the State in Northern Uganda, 1986-1999." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 2 (2001): 187–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00121.
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AbstractThe accession to power of the National Resistance Movement in Uganda in 1986 was intended to inaugurate a new beginning for Uganda, an end to the political, ethnic and religious divisions that had characterised the country's violent history since the 1960s. Although peace, stability and the strengthening of democratic structures have brought substantial progress to many parts of the country, the Acholi of Northern Uganda have felt largely excluded from these benefits. Violence and insecurity have characterised the districts of Gulu and Kitgum since 1986. It is not simply the failure of development that has been so distressing for the inhabitants, but the collapse of the moral framework and the institutions that gave society coherence. Religion has played a considerable part in articulating the sense of loss and anger at this state of affairs. Traditional Acholi and Christian religious sentiments have helped to shape and sustain rebel movements against the central government, and to inform Acholi responses to the violence inflicted by rebels and government. The article, based on field work conducted in 1999, examines ways in which the main Churches, Catholic and Protestant (Anglican), have historically been bound up with the political divisions of Acholi. It examines the painful adjustments which loss of access to power has necessitated, particularly for the Anglican Church. Since 1986 the Churches have had a vital role in conflict resolution and in envisioning new futures for Acholi. The majority of the population, required to live in 'protected villages', have few material and spiritual resources. The importance of Christian faith and practice for Acholi living in such situations of prolonged conflict, with few signs of speedy resolution, is assessed.
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Sempijja, Norman, and Paula Mora Brito. "The fallacy of 'scientific elections' in the COVID-era: exploring the challenges of managing the 2020-2021 elections in Uganda." Studia z Polityki Publicznej 9, no. 1(33) (June 6, 2022): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33119/kszpp/2022.1.1.
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COVID-19 broke out in the period that Uganda was due to have presidential and parliamentary elections, posing a very precarious human security challenge. The ruling party (National Resistance Movement; NRM) faced the challenge of passing power to the Speaker of parliament if elections were not to be held. To mitigate the public health challenges and maintain power, the government acquiesced to an election process without public campaigns. Instead, campaigns were to be held over the radio, TV, and social media in what came to be known as 'scientific elections.' However, in a country hamstrung by massive political and bureaucratic corruption and an entrenched regime that uses violence against opponents, little attention was paid to the fairness of the process, especially in terms of access to media resources by the opposition. Conversely, as elections are about crowds and showmanship, the Ugandan Electoral Commission struggled with the ever-evolving electoral campaign process, especially as large spontaneous crowds sprang up on the campaign trail of the political candidates. The opposition needs a large crowd for legitimacy and a show of popularity. To mitigate this, the ruling party used violence against opposition members as an excuse to enforce standard operating procedures (SOPs) for the prevention of COVID-19, yet its candidates were left to gather crowds. This radicalized some of the opposition that used media outlets to call for violence and ethnic cleansing. This qualitative study delves into the extent to which the 'scientific elections' process was designed to produce a fair outcome of the 2021 elections in Uganda. This study uses the rational choice theory to explore the calculations of different stakeholders. The study relies on secondary data, especially available in media outlets, but also primary data through reports and social media and speeches of key figures in the political landscape in Uganda. The study finds that the Independent Electoral Commission was caught between two highly sophisticated opponents and did not have the capacity and agency to enforce the rules in the political game. In the end, the key facets of the 'scientific elections' process were found wanting and did not produce a fair outcome of the 2021 elections in Uganda.
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Kisekka-Ntale, Fredrick. "Brides in Rags! Conflict, Political Organization, Political Settlements and Uganda’s Transition to Multi-Party Politics Since 1986." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 63, no. 2 (June 15, 2023): 10–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2023-63-2-10-27.
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Following a long-drawn-out five-year insurgency (1981‒1986), Uganda moved from a crisis to stability where political organizations were progressively transformed, albeit with institutionalized roadblocks. The former insurgent army – the National Resistance Army (NRA) and its political wing the National Resistance Movement (NRM) pursued a post-conflict transformation process, which was essentially driven by neo-liberal reforms, but metamorphosed into a dominant political party, undermining the hither to traditional political parties. Through historical interrogation, this paper seeks to bring to the fore reflections to the questions; “Why did the post war-NRA/NRM undertake a rapid shift in political ordering after the guerrilla war in 1986? Why did the new government pursue a pseudo neo-liberal agenda that sought free-market style policies and nested democratization after the guerrilla war?” These preliminary questions are asked for two fundamental reasons. One; it is common knowledge that in the early 1970s Museveni –The NRA warlord was a Marxist–Leninist and therefore in hot pursuit for socialism as a mode of statecraft. However, he became less of a socialist particularly at the end of his rebellion. Why? Secondly, post-war state-building theory, presupposes that after rebels have captured power following a civil war, their propensity to pursue liberal free-market type of politics is habitually low. Why then did NRA/NRM with extremely negative views for free-market style of politics undertake to institute multi-party politics? What political settlements did NRM pursue and how have they been institutionalized and instrumentalized overtime? What have been the attendant effects of these settlements in Uganda and how can these impacts be profiled in light of other war-to peace states in Africa?
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Collord, Michaela. "From the electoral battleground to the parliamentary arena: understanding intra-elite bargaining in Uganda’s National Resistance Movement." Journal of Eastern African Studies 10, no. 4 (October 2016): 639–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17531055.2016.1272279.
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Stapleton, T. J., and M. Maamoe. "An Overview of the African National Congress Archives at the University of Fort Hare." History in Africa 25 (1998): 413–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172197.
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Located in the small town of Alice in South Africa's Eastern Cape Province, the University of Fort Hare (UFH) was established in 1916 and for many years was the only institution of higher education in sub-equatorial Africa which was open to black students. Therefore, among Fort Hare's alumni are well-known African nationalists and politicians such as Oliver Tambo and Govan Mbeki of the African National Congress (ANC); Robert Sobukwe, who founded the Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC); Mangosuthu Buthelezi of the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP); Eluid Mathu, who was the first African member of the Kenya Legislative Council,;President Robert Mugabe and Herbert Chitepo of Zimbabwe; Prime Minister Ntsu Mokhehle of Lesotho; former Prime Minister Fwanyanga Mulikita of Uganda; and many others. While Fort Hare was taken over by the apartheid government in 1959 and incorporated into a network of ethnic universities within the homeland system, from the 1960s to early 1990s various banned liberation movements were active on campus and students periodically clashed with security forces. As a result, “[i]t is thus not surprising that with its venerable history of resistance and struggle, the UFH was chosen to be the repository of most of the archives of the Liberation Front.”
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Conroy-Krutz, Jeffrey, and Carolyn Logan. "Museveni and the 2011 Ugandan election: did the money matter?" Journal of Modern African Studies 50, no. 4 (November 9, 2012): 625–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x12000377.
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ABSTRACTIn February 2011, Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni resoundingly won re-election. In the aftermath of the vote, which many had predicted would be competitive, analysts and opposition supporters ascribed Museveni's victory to massive pre-election spending on public goods, creation of new administrative districts, and vote buying. While the opposition could not compete with Museveni and his National Resistance Movement in access to resources, our analyses of survey data, from two pre-election surveys conducted by Afrobarometer in November/December 2010 and January 2011, and a pre- and post-election panel study, find little evidence that Museveni benefited significantly from public goods outlays, district creation, and vote buying. Additionally, we find little evidence that fear and intimidation were responsible for the results. Instead, the data suggest that Museveni's re-election was driven by an uninspiring opposition slate, widespread satisfaction with macro-economic growth, and an improved security situation, particularly in the Northern Region.
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Chae won, Kim. "The Xinjiang Uyghurs Resistance Movement as a National Liberation Movement." MARXISM 21 14, no. 3 (August 2017): 144–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.26587/marx.14.3.201708.006.
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طبيش, عبد الكريم. "National Movement Resistance against Adahir Barbaryduring Colonialism." Milev Journal of Research and Studies 6, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 78–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.58205/mjrs.v6i2.392.
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During modern era of Algerian history occurred events which affected the destiny of Algeria both in civilian and political plans. The emergence of ” Dahir Barbary “is of these events which had a great importance and got priority to political and military French leaders during Algeria ‘s occupation. But, Algerian national movement of reform faced this danger by publishing many books, revues in order to prevent from its danger. This study aims to answer to many questions including the meaning of Dahir Barbary, the domains where Algerian national movement intervened and asking about success in its task.
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Kabi, Fredrick, Moses Dhikusooka, Moses Matovu, Swidiq Mugerwa, Paul Kasaija, Patrick Emudong, Halid Kirunda, Marinela Contreras, Christian Gortazar, and Jose De la Fuente. "Monitoring the Subolesin Vaccine Field Trial for Safer Control of Cattle Ticks Amidst Increasing Acaricide Resistance in Uganda." Vaccines 10, no. 10 (September 22, 2022): 1594. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/vaccines10101594.
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A collaboration program was established between the group of Health and Biotechnology (SaBio) of the IREC Institute of Game and Wildlife Research (CSIC-UCLM-JCCM, Spain) and the National Agricultural Research Organization of Uganda (NARO) for the development of vaccines for the control of cattle ticks in Uganda. Controlled pen trials identified a tick protective antigen, Rhipicephalus appendiculatus Subolesin, and a cross-species-effective vaccine formulation. As the next step, a controlled vaccine field trial has been approved by Ugandan state regulatory authorities, the Uganda National Council for Science and Technology (UNCST) and the National Drug Authority (NDA), to evaluate the efficacy and effectiveness of the vaccine formulation for the control of cattle tick infestations under field conditions. The results of this trial may lead to the approval of the vaccine for application in Uganda to improve cattle health and production while reducing the use of acaricides.
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Mboowa, Gerald, Ivan Sserwadda, Douglas Bulafu, Duku Chaplain, Izale Wewedru, Jeremiah Seni, Benson Kidenya, Stephen Mshana, Moses Joloba, and Dickson Aruhomukama. "Transmission Dynamics of Antimicrobial Resistance at a National Referral Hospital in Uganda." American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 105, no. 2 (August 11, 2021): 498–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.4269/ajtmh.20-1522.
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ABSTRACT. Reliable data on antimicrobial resistance (AMR) transmission dynamics in Uganda remains scarce; hence, we studied this area. Eighty-six index patients and “others” were recruited. Index patients were those who had been admitted to the orthopedic ward of Mulago National Referral Hospital during the study period; “others” included medical and non-medical caretakers of the index patients, and index patients’ immediate admitted hospital neighbors. Others were recruited only when index patients became positive for carrying antimicrobial-resistant bacteria (ARB) during their hospital stay. A total of 149 samples, including those from the inanimate environment, were analyzed microbiologically for ARB, and ARB were analyzed for their antimicrobial susceptibility profiles and mechanisms underlying observed resistances. We describe the diagnostic accuracy of the extended-spectrum β-lactamase (ESBL) production screening method, and AMR acquisition and transmission dynamics. Index patients were mostly carriers of ESBL-producing Enterobacteriaceae (PE) on admission, whereas non-ESBL-PE carriers on admission (61%) became carriers after 48 hours of admission (9%). The majority of ESBL-PE carriers on admission (56%) were referrals or transfers from other health-care facilities. Only 1 of 46 samples from the environment isolated an ESBL-PE. Marked resistance (> 90%) to β-lactams and folate-pathway inhibitors were observed. The ESBL screening method’s sensitivity, specificity, positive predictive value, and negative predictive value were 100%, 50%, 90%, and 100%, respectively. AMR acquisition and transmission occurs via human–human interfaces within and outside of health-care facilities compared with human–inanimate environment interfaces. However, this remains subject to further research.
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Kasfir, Nelson. "Guerrillas and civilian participation: the National Resistance Army in Uganda, 1981–86." Journal of Modern African Studies 43, no. 2 (June 2005): 271–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x05000832.
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Guerrilla organisations vary greatly in their relations with civilians living in territories that they control. The NRA presents a rare, though not unique, case of a guerrilla group whose commitment to popular support deepened into democratic village management during the course of its civil war. The significant causal factors in deepening this commitment were its ideological conviction, relative military strength, dependence on civilian material assistance, and need for accommodation with civilian preferences in its operational area. It withdrew this commitment when it was under severe military pressure. Military survival was central to NRA calculations, but insufficient to determine its relations to civilians. In those phases of the war when the NRA soldiers were relatively secure, these other factors determined the type of civilian participation it supported. It organised clandestine civilian committees for assistance when it was dependent on civilians. During those periods when it held territory, it held elections for committees which managed their villages without NRA supervision.
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Finnström, Sverker. "Wars of the Past and War in the Present: The Lord's Resistance Movement/Army in Uganda." Africa 76, no. 2 (May 2006): 200–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2006.76.2.200.
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AbstractWar has ravaged Acholiland in northern Uganda since 1986. The Ugandan army is fighting the Lord's ResistanceMovement/Army (LRM/A) rebels. Based on anthropological fieldwork, the article aims at exemplifying the ways in which non-combatant people's experiences of war and violence are domesticated in cosmological terms as strategies of coping, and it relates tales of wars in the past to experiences of violent death and war in the present. There has been a politicized debate in Uganda over whether or not the LRM/A rebels have the elders' ceremonial warfare blessing. In sketching this debate, the article interprets the possible warfare blessing – which some informants interpreted as having turned into a curse on Acholiland – as a critical event that benefits from further deliberation, regardless of its existence or non-existence. It is argued that no warfare blessing can be regarded as the mere utterance of words. Rather, a blessing is performed within the framework of the local moral world. It is finally argued that the issue of the warfare blessing is a lived consequence of the conflict, but, nevertheless, cannot be used as an explanatory model for the cause of the conflict.
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Shin, Gi-Wook, and Rennie Moon. "1919 in Korea: National Resistance and Contending Legacies." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 2 (May 2019): 399–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002191181900007x.
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This excerpt, written in 1920 by a then seventeen-year-old girl, Yu Kwansun, while imprisoned at Seodaemun Prison, is a powerful expression of Korean national resistance against Japanese colonialism. As a student at Ehwa Haktang in Seoul, Korea, she joined other protesters on March 1, 1919, shouting “Mansei!” (“Long live Korean independence!”), which became the first nationwide protest movement against Japanese rule. After being convicted of sedition, Yu was sent to Seodaemun Prison in Seoul, where she demanded the release of other prisoners and continued to express her support for Korean independence, even organizing a large-scale protest on the first anniversary of the movement. She was transferred to an underground cell, where she was repeatedly beaten and tortured for speaking out. She reportedly wrote the excerpt above before dying of her injuries on September 28, 1920, at the age of seventeen.
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Kamya, M. R., N. N. Bakyaita, A. O. Talisuna, W. M. Were, and S. G. Staedke. "Increasing antimalarial drug resistance in Uganda and revision of the national drug policy." Tropical Medicine and International Health 7, no. 12 (December 2002): 1031–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1046/j.1365-3156.2002.00974.x.
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Workneh, Meklit, Mohammed Lamorde, Francis Kakooza, Olive Mbabazi, Rodney Mugasha, Richard Walwema, Yukari Manabe, and Patrick Musinguzi. "High-Level Neisseria gonorrhea Resistance Detected in a Newly Implemented Surveillance Program in Kampala, Uganda." Open Forum Infectious Diseases 4, suppl_1 (2017): S103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ofid/ofx163.091.
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Abstract Background Neisseria gonorrhea resistance is a growing problem in Uganda with recent data showing increasing ciprofloxacin resistance up to 100% in this population. The WHO Enhanced Gonococcal Antimicrobial Surveillance Programme (EGASP) was initiated in Uganda in September 2016 to monitor resistance trends. Methods Urethral swabs were collected from men presenting with urethral discharge to the five sentinel clinic sites from September 2016 to March 2017. Samples were transported to a reference laboratory site. Presumptive identification of N. gonorrhea was based on growth of typical appearing colonies on Thayer–Martin in 5% CO2, a positive oxidase test, and observation of Gram-negative, oxidase-positive diplococci in stained smears. Results 116 samples were received to the reference laboratory site of which 70 (60.3%) had positive growth for Neisseria gonorrhea. Mean age was 28.5 (range 17–60). Fifty-one participants (44%) reported at least one prior episode of gonorrhea and 42 (36%) reported antibiotic use within the previous 60 days. Of those with completed Etest (bioMerieux, Marcy-lÕEtoile, France) resistance profiles, 66 (96%) were ciprofloxacin-resistant or intermediate. One isolate was ceftriaxone-resistant by E-test but susceptible by disk diffusion. Conclusion Early results from implementation of a gonorrhea surveillance program in Uganda suggest high levels of resistance to ciprofloxacin (90%) by Etest and penicillin (93%) and tetracyclines (100%) by disk diffusion. Prior studies of gonococcal resistance in Uganda have noted increasing levels of resistance, particularly to ciprofloxacin which until 2010 was the recommended first-line empiric therapy for gonococcal infection in Uganda. Of note, discrepancies were occasionally noted between disk diffusion and Etest results, which requires further investigation. Ongoing surveillance efforts will be crucial to shape clinical guidelines and national policy. Disclosures All authors: No reported disclosures.
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Akhavan, Payam. "The Lord’s Resistance Army Case: Uganda’s Submission of the First State Referral to the International Criminal Court." American Journal of International Law 99, no. 2 (April 2005): 403–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1562505.
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On December 16, 2003, Uganda referred the situation concerning the Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) to the prosecutor of the International Criminal Court (ICC). It was the first time that a state party had invoked Articles 13(a) and 14 of the Rome Statute in order to vest the Court with jurisdiction.For both Uganda and the ICC, the case presented an important opportunity. For Uganda, the referral was an attempt to engage an otherwise aloof international community by transforming the prosecution of LRA leaders into a litmus test for the much celebrated promise of global justice. Since 1986, LRA atrocities have wreaked havoc on the Acholi people of northern Uganda. Given the absence of any vital national interests, influential states have not been inclined either to pressure Sudan to stop harboring the LRA or to help government forces confront the insurgents. Instead, the burden was placed on Uganda to negotiate a peaceful settlement with a ruthless, cult-like insurgency. The imprimatur of international criminal justice, sought through the referral to the ICC, was a means of thrusting this long-forgotten African war back onto the international stage.
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Acik-Toprak, Necla. "The Kurdish National Movement in Turkey: From Protest to Resistance." Ethnopolitics 12, no. 1 (March 2013): 106–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449057.2013.764607.
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Omara-Otunnu, Amii. "The Challenge of Democratic Pluralism in Uganda." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 20, no. 1 (1991): 41–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501413.
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The clarion call for democracy that pervades the world scene has given much legitimacy to discourses on democracy in Africa. However, although the debate on democracy has gained momentum and respectability on the African political landscape, its parameters and contents are still not well defined. In Uganda, the assumption of power by Yoweri Museveni, leader of the National Resistance Army (NRA), was hailed by many as holding out a promise for fundamental change in the country. In particular, it was hoped that Museveni and his army would allow for the great majority of Ugandans to exercise their political acumen and legitimate right to shape a democratic destiny for the country.
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Dondi, Mirco. "Division and Conflict in the Partisan Resistance." Modern Italy 12, no. 2 (June 2007): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940701362748.
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The article sheds light on the power struggles at the heart of the Italian Resistance movement. From June 1944, as the movement grew rapidly, the leadership positions, both at national and local level, became ever more important and contested. The most significant roles in the Resistance, such as the national and regional leadership, but also the provincial commands, depended on the military strength of the various formations and on the power of the anti-Fascist parties. The re-formed political parties attempted to occupy important positions in the Resistance movement, hoping that these roles would help them out in any future settlement. In fact the rules of the game turned out to be far more complex and the political role played by any particular party did not determine its future success. The Anglo-Americans' influence over the power balance within the Resistance movement was to be decisive. The Allies managed to orchestrate the appointment of Raffaele Cadorna, who was not looked on favourably by the parties of the left and the Action Party, as military commander. In this way the Allies fostered the growth of moderate military formations frequently linked to Christian Democracy. In order to understand the Resistance in all its complexity, it is therefore necessary to return to the concept of internal conflict. The power struggles were better managed at national rather than local level, where they frequently led to violence.
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الشامي, رحيم حسن. "The National Bloc and its impact on political developments in Syria following the Great Syrian Revolution of 1927-1936." Kufa Journal of Arts 1, no. 33 (November 21, 2017): 339–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.36317/kaj/2017/v1.i33.5975.
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The research dealt with the national bloc and its impact on the political developments that took place in Syria following the Great Syrian Revolution for the period of 1927-1936. The Syrian national resistance movement did not end after the Great Syrian Revolution of 1925 against French control. Rather, the struggle and resistance movements continued, so the leaders of Syria and the leaders of its national movement saw the necessity The conglomeration in one national front was called the National Bloc. Who since 1931 has become the country's leader and spokesperson for the national movement. The National Bloc participated in the Constituent Assembly elections that took place in the country on April 24, 1928, as its candidates achieved victory in those elections, so Ibrahim Hanano became the head of the committee that was entrusted with drafting the constitution for the country. .
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Cipriano, Salvatore. "The Scottish Universities and Opposition to the National Covenant, 1638." Scottish Historical Review 97, no. 1 (April 2018): 12–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2018.0351.
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This study examines the initial opposition to the National Covenant from the masters of the universities of St Andrews, Glasgow and Aberdeen in 1638. It has generally been assumed that opposition to the Covenant among the intellectual elite was confined to the Aberdeen Doctors. The resistance in universities, however, was much more extensive. Only Edinburgh University, located in Scotland's revolutionary centre, supported the covenanting movement from the outset. In elucidating the widespread nature of opposition in universities, this article draws on a corpus of previously overlooked manuscript and printed sources, especially pertaining to the covenanters' debates with intransigent academics at St Andrews and Glasgow, before setting the Aberdeen Doctors' resistance within the context of this wider academic hostility to the covenanting movement over the course of 1638. Though the universities' resistance was by no means coordinated, it, nevertheless, represented a pressing concern as the covenanters pursued a national movement. In examining these early intellectual arguments against the Covenant, this article illuminates university masters' stark differences with the covenanters over the nature of kingly authority, church government and religious ceremony. Because the universities trained Scotland's ministry and magistracy, these intellectual disagreements had pressing consequences. Thus, far from a minor encumbrance to the covenanting movement in 1638 that resulted in the subscriptions of the masters of Glasgow and St Andrews and the purge of the Aberdeen Doctors, the universities' resistance to the Covenant proved foundational to the covenanters' subsequent aggressive supervision of higher education within the construction of their fledgling confessional state in the 1640s.
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Mutebi, Ronald, and Ahmed Ferej. "A Review of TVET Quality Assurance Practice in Uganda." East African Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (July 19, 2023): 182–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajis.6.1.1327.
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The movement towards internationalisation of education and training practices to facilitate the global flow of labour, technology, trade, and industry; has brought to the forefront the discussions of national TVET strategies, the issues of credibility of qualifications in regard to national economic growth and graduates’ mobility nationally and internationally in search of employment opportunities. This pressure to internationalise TVET systems and qualifications has mainstreamed the development and implementation of national and regional frameworks for quality assurance through which the comparability of standards and qualifications can be achieved. Document analysis research methodology has been used to review and analyse existing regulatory frameworks on quality assurance of education and training in Uganda so as to establish: 1) Existing quality TVET assurance governance entities, 2) Regulatory frameworks that guide TVET quality assurance, and 3) Progress on future opportunities for quality assurance. The findings showed that: numerous loopholes exist in the quality assurance processes of the education sector as a whole; the TVET sub-sector in Uganda is still being guided by the BTVET Act of 2008 lacks a regulatory structure to oversee quality assurance throughout the entire TVET sub-sector in the country; lack of a policy implementation action plan for the TVET Policy; governance of TVET quality assurance in the country is scattered among many government departments and agencies; and existing quality assurance guiding frameworks never encompassed investment and financing of TVET. The paper recommends that the Government of Uganda prioritises the: establishment of the TVET council as envisaged in the TVET Policy, the development and operationalisation of the TVET qualifications framework and TVET qualifications registry system, and the development of a TVET policy implementation Action Plan.
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Alegana, Victor A., Peter M. Macharia, Samuel Muchiri, Eda Mumo, Elvis Oyugi, Alice Kamau, Frank Chacky, et al. "Plasmodium falciparum parasite prevalence in East Africa: Updating data for malaria stratification." PLOS Global Public Health 1, no. 12 (December 7, 2021): e0000014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1371/journal.pgph.0000014.
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The High Burden High Impact (HBHI) strategy for malaria encourages countries to use multiple sources of available data to define the sub-national vulnerabilities to malaria risk, including parasite prevalence. Here, a modelled estimate of Plasmodium falciparum from an updated assembly of community parasite survey data in Kenya, mainland Tanzania, and Uganda is presented and used to provide a more contemporary understanding of the sub-national malaria prevalence stratification across the sub-region for 2019. Malaria prevalence data from surveys undertaken between January 2010 and June 2020 were assembled form each of the three countries. Bayesian spatiotemporal model-based approaches were used to interpolate space-time data at fine spatial resolution adjusting for population, environmental and ecological covariates across the three countries. A total of 18,940 time-space age-standardised and microscopy-converted surveys were assembled of which 14,170 (74.8%) were identified after 2017. The estimated national population-adjusted posterior mean parasite prevalence was 4.7% (95% Bayesian Credible Interval 2.6–36.9) in Kenya, 10.6% (3.4–39.2) in mainland Tanzania, and 9.5% (4.0–48.3) in Uganda. In 2019, more than 12.7 million people resided in communities where parasite prevalence was predicted ≥ 30%, including 6.4%, 12.1% and 6.3% of Kenya, mainland Tanzania and Uganda populations, respectively. Conversely, areas that supported very low parasite prevalence (<1%) were inhabited by approximately 46.2 million people across the sub-region, or 52.2%, 26.7% and 10.4% of Kenya, mainland Tanzania and Uganda populations, respectively. In conclusion, parasite prevalence represents one of several data metrics for disease stratification at national and sub-national levels. To increase the use of this metric for decision making, there is a need to integrate other data layers on mortality related to malaria, malaria vector composition, insecticide resistance and bionomic, malaria care-seeking behaviour and current levels of unmet need of malaria interventions.
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Namuganga, Jane F., Joaniter I. Nankabirwa, Catherine Maiteki-Ssebuguzi, Samuel Gonahasa, Jimmy Opigo, Sarah G. Staedke, Damian Rutazaana, et al. "East Africa International Center of Excellence for Malaria Research: Impact on Malaria Policy in Uganda." American Journal of Tropical Medicine and Hygiene 107, no. 4_Suppl (October 11, 2022): 33–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4269/ajtmh.21-1305.
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ABSTRACT. Malaria is the leading cause of disease burden in sub-Saharan Africa. In 2010, the East Africa International Center of Excellence for Malaria Research, also known as the Program for Resistance, Immunology, Surveillance, and Modeling of Malaria (PRISM), was established to provide a comprehensive approach to malaria surveillance in Uganda. We instituted cohort studies and a robust malaria and entomological surveillance network at selected public health facilities that have provided a platform for monitoring trends in malaria morbidity and mortality, tracking the impact of malaria control interventions (indoor residual spraying of insecticide [IRS], use of long-lasting insecticidal nets [LLINs], and case management with artemisinin-based combination therapies [ACTs]), as well as monitoring of antimalarial drug and insecticide resistance. PRISM studies have informed Uganda’s malaria treatment policies, guided selection of LLINs for national distribution campaigns, and revealed widespread pyrethroid resistance, which led to changes in insecticides delivered through IRS. Our continuous engagement and interaction with policy makers at the Ugandan Ministry of Health have enabled PRISM to share evidence, best practices, and lessons learned with key malaria stakeholders, participate in malaria control program reviews, and contribute to malaria policy and national guidelines. Here, we present an overview of interactions between PRISM team members and Ugandan policy makers to demonstrate how PRISM’s research has influenced malaria policy and control in Uganda.
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KOROCHKINA, Victoria A. "IS THE PALESTINIAN NATIONAL RESISTANCE MOVEMENT STILL ALIVE?, "Азия и Африка сегодня"." Азия и Африка сегодня, no. 5 (2018): 48–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.7868/s0321507518050094.
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Sethi, Rumina. "Contesting Identities: Involvement and resistance of women in the Indian National Movement." Journal of Gender Studies 5, no. 3 (November 1996): 305–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09589236.1996.9960652.
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Aru, John Charles, Nelson Wanyera, Patrick Okori, and Paul Gibson. "Identification of Blast Resistant Genotypes among Drought Tolerant Finger Millet in Uganda." East African Journal of Agriculture and Biotechnology 2, no. 1 (November 3, 2020): 58–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37284/eajab.2.1.235.
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Finger millet is an important food security crop among many subsistence farmers living in marginal and especially semi-arid regions of Eastern Africa. However, crop production is affected mainly by terminal drought and blast disease caused by fungus Pyricularia grisea. Both collectively lead to over 90% grain yield loss depending on environmental conditions, cropping systems and varietal differences. Therefore, resistance breakdown remains high owing to variability in the blast pathogen and weather conditions. Stable varieties should possess both blast resistance and drought. In order to initiate breeding for multiple resistance to blast on drought-tolerant background, a study was conducted to identify variability for blast resistance from adapted germplasm as an initial step in developing a breeding strategy for incorporating resistance. Thirty genotypes from drought-prone agro-ecologies and including mini core germplasm from NARO-NaSARRI national Finger Millet improvement programme were assessed. They were screened using a local virulent pathogen isolate (NGR1) from Ngora, representing Teso major farming system and is a hot spot for the blast. The screening was under controlled conditions from in Makerere University Agricultural Research Institute (MUARIK) in 2012b. The results showed significance (p<0.01) for Area Under Disease Progressive Curve (AUDPC). Subsequently, the study identified IE927, Seremi1, Seremi3, Sec220 and Kabale as highly resistant to foliar blast infection comparable to Gulu-E a standard broad-spectrum resistant check and they could be used to improve finger millet for blast resistance. Meanwhile DR33, IE9 and IE2576 as most susceptible compared to non-race -specific susceptible check E11 from Uganda.
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Westoby, Peter, and Kristen Lyons. "The Place of Social Learning and Social Movement in Transformative Learning." Journal of Transformative Education 15, no. 3 (March 10, 2017): 223–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1541344617696970.
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This article analyses the sustainability school (SS) program of the National Association of Professional Environmentalists (NAPE), Uganda. The focus is on how the social network, enabled by the SS program, fosters social and transformative learning. The significance of this approach to community-based education for social change, including in the context of resource conflict and displacement, is considered. Findings focus on the local-level impacts of the program, including the ways in which collective and community organizing, and educational methodology shape both social and transformative learning. Discussion considers the importance of not only the “social” element of transformative learning but the need—within conflict and dangerous contexts—to link the social explicitly to building organization and a social movement that provides a structural container for people to engage in critical thinking and social action.
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Mugerwa, Ibrahimm, Susan N. Nabadda, Janet Midega, Consolata Guma, Simeon Kalyesubula, and Adrian Muwonge. "Antimicrobial Resistance Situational Analysis 2019–2020: Design and Performance for Human Health Surveillance in Uganda." Tropical Medicine and Infectious Disease 6, no. 4 (September 29, 2021): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/tropicalmed6040178.
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Antibiotic resistance and its mechanisms have been known for over six decades, but global efforts to characterize its routine drivers have only gained momentum in the recent past. Drivers of clinical and community resistance go beyond just clinical practice, which is why one-health approaches offer the most realistic option for controlling antibiotic resistance. It is noteworthy that the emergence of resistance occurs naturally in the environment, but akin to climate change, the current accelerated emergence and spread bears hallmarks of anthropomorphic influence. If left unchecked, this can undo the medical and agricultural advancements of the last century. The WHO recommends that nations develop, adopt, and implement strategies that track the changing trends in antibiotic resistance levels to tackle this problem. This article examines efforts and progress in developing and implementing a human health antimicrobial resistance surveillance strategy in Uganda. We do so within the context of the National Action Plan for tackling antimicrobial resistance (AMR-NAP) launched in 2018. We discuss the technical milestones and progress in implementing surveillance of GLASS priority pathogens under this framework. The preliminary output of the framework examines the performance and compares AMR and AMU surveillance data to explain observed trends. We conclude that Uganda is making progress in developing and implementing a functional AMR surveillance strategy for human health.
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Tsuchiya, Kisho. "Southeast Asian cultural landscape, resistance, and belonging in East Timor's FRETILIN Movement (1974–75)." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 52, no. 3 (September 2021): 515–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463421000746.
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The diversity of national imaginings within the East Timorese resistance movement against the Indonesian Occupation (1975–99) became visible through the country's post-independence politics. Namely, the contradiction between the returnee leaders and those who fought in East Timor over the representation of FRETILIN (the major nationalist movement since 1974) has been an important fault line. This article attempts to understand this discrepancy through a comparison of FRETILIN's campaigns in Tetun and Portuguese and how different audiences interpreted them. The article argues that FRETILIN modified its international rhetoric when it became a popular Tetun language movement to attract Timorese commoners. The Tetun version of FRETILIN provided sources for Timorese national imaginings based on local beliefs, sacred landscapes, and Southeast Asian social relations that deviated from how international audiences understood FRETILIN. This article thus contributes to the literature on Southeast Asian resistance and nationalism by revealing Timorese ideologies of resistance and nationhood.
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Nepstad, Sharon Erickson. "Violence, Nonviolence, and the Palestinian National Movement. By Wendy Pearlman." Perspectives on Politics 10, no. 4 (December 2012): 993–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592712002617.
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Violence, Nonviolence, and the Palestinian National Movement. By Wendy Pearlman. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011. 304p. $99.00.In recent years, social scientific research on nonviolent resistance has burgeoned. Yet many studies focus on the factors associated with nonviolent movements' success or failure. In her book, Wendy Pearlman poses different questions. Instead of asking when and how nonviolence works, she asks why some activists choose nonviolent tactics while others choose violent ones. Additionally, she asks why movements may, over time, shift between armed and unarmed strategies.
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Dreimane, Inese. "Latvian Women – Participants in the National Armed Resistance, 1940s–1950s." Genocidas ir rezistencija 2, no. 54 (January 8, 2024): 199–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.61903/gr.2023.208.
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This article provides an insight into the participation of Latvian women in the armed national resistance movement after the Second World War. It is found that at least 414 Latvian women participated in the national partisan war of 1944–1956. Unlike men, they did not participate in military operations, but performed housekeeping work and medical duties.Women joined national partisan groups to avoid arrest because they had previously been partisan supporters. There were cases where women went to the forest because their family members were already there. In several cases, new families were also formed in the forest and children were born.
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Md. Rokanuz, Zaman. "Modern Resistance Poetry in Bangla." DIU Journal of Humanities and Social Science 7, no. 1 (June 30, 2020): 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.36481/diujhss.v07i1.rrrwmx92.
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Thanks to a bunch of massive movements in the Bangla-speaking region of the Asian sub-continent, i.e. Bangladesh and the Paschim Bangla of India, modern Bangla literature of this region has been enriched with resistance poetry. Resistance literature is the literature of organized resistance movements and national liberation struggles. Very few nations had to fight for rights and liberation, and have very rich resistance literature. There were several resistance movements in this region in the last century. The Liberation War of Bangladesh was the biggest of them and triggered the most remarkable resistance literature, a large number of which is poetry. This movement was so immense both in magnitude and emotional impact that it has been motivating new literature till today. Movements namely the Swadeshi Andolon, the Tebhaga Andolon, the Language Movement and the Movement of the 80’s played no less role in inspiring poetic resistance. This paper critically reviews the major parts of the entire arena of modern resistance poetry written in Bangla in the said Bangla-speaking region. The poetry of resistance that centers the mentioned events has different political and emotional orientations. Poets have their own beliefs and ideologies that are reflected in their creations very clearly. This paper accommodates all possible orientations and beliefs.
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Ssenyonjo, Manisuli. "The International Criminal Court and the Lord's Resistance Army Leaders: Prosecution or Amnesty?" International Criminal Law Review 7, no. 2-3 (2007): 361–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156753607x204266.
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AbstractOn 13 October 2005, the International Criminal Court (ICC) Pre-Trial Chamber II unsealed the warrants of arrest for five senior leaders of the Lord's Resistance Army/Movement (LRA/M) for crimes against humanity and war crimes committed in Uganda since July 2002. While these warrants were yet to be executed, the Ugandan government entered negotiations with the LRA/M rebels. As a result Uganda's President Yoweri Museveni, disregarding the ICC arrest warrants, announced a 'total amnesty' for the LRA combatants in July 2006 on the condition that the rebels renounced terrorism and accepted peace. Following the amnesty offer, an agreement on cessation of hostilities between the Ugandan government and the LRA/M was concluded with effect from 29 August 2006. This article considers the question whether a 'total amnesty' to individuals indicted by the ICC may be binding upon the ICC.
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Csizmazia, Zoltán, and Ilona Nagyné Polyák. "Movement of Particles in the Air." Acta Agraria Debreceniensis, no. 1 (December 4, 2001): 22–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.34101/actaagrar/1/3603.
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The physical characteristics of particles (seeds and fertilisers) can strongly influence their movements both in seeding and spreading machines and in the air. It is therefore essential to study these particles when constructing such machines. In this respect the size, shape, coefficient of friction and aerodynamic resistance of particles are of great importance.Due to their irregular shape, determining the size of particles is a troublesome process. A precise description of particles has to include several sizes and can be obtained from their screen size. Many physical properties of particles are relevant during movement in the air, but the aerodynamic resistance coefficient is the most important (Hofstee et al., 1990). Two types of wheat and four types of fertiliser particles were investigated (supported by the National Scientific Foundation OTKA, T-026482). An elutriator was designed and constructed (Csizmazia et al., 2000), in which an airflow is supplied by a centrifugal fan. Air velocity was measured with a thermal sensor. Particle sizes, mass and terminal air velocity were measured. The influence of the aerodynamic resistance coefficient on the particles’ motion is also discussed.