Academic literature on the topic 'National security Civil-military relations Mongolia'

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Journal articles on the topic "National security Civil-military relations Mongolia"

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Dudin, Pavel N., and Zufar F. Khusainov. "Преддоговорные основы «экспорта революции» в Восточной Азии и региональный политический порядок в зоне советского влияния: позитивный опыт и социалистическая идеология в Монголии. Год 1921. Часть 2." Oriental Studies 14, no. 2 (July 20, 2021): 226–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2021-54-2-226-237.

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Introduction. The article deals with an important and eventful period of Russia-Mongolia relations, special attention be paid to the shaping of a new regional order in East Asia. The collapse of China’s monarchy resulted in a political vacuum in Russia’s border territories which required utmost consideration and involvement, and the Soviets did seize the opportunity. However, the Agreement on Friendly Relations concluded in November of 1921 can hardly be viewed as a starting point, the former having been rather supposed to actualize previous mutual commitments discussed in the paper. Goals. So, the work attempts an interdisciplinary insight into the mentioned documents (addresses, diplomatic notes, letters, etc.) to have preceded the Agreement and formalized Soviet Russia’s foreign policy in the region and its presence in the territory of Outer Mongolia ― to determine the role and impact of those preliminary papers. Materials and Methods. The study focuses on widely known materials contained in diverse published collections of documents from the Soviet era that were never viewed by most researchers as important tools to have guaranteed the national interests in the Far East. So, the innovative aspect of research is that the addresses, notes and letters are examined through the prism of other humanitarian disciplines, such as jurisprudence and political science — to result in the employment of an interdisciplinary approach with a range of historical, juridical and politological research methods, definitions and categories inherent to international law and international relations. Part One of the article focuses on research tools and ideological essentials, while Part Two examines the actual techniques to have secured the ‘export of revolution’. Conclusions. The insight into the precontractual documents has delineated a number of key lines for cooperation, the latter dominated by bilateral collaboration (and described in Part One). This paper shall characterize the rest that can be together identified as a set of efficient means to have consolidated ideological foundations of the ‘export of revolution’ that include as follows: ‘soft power’ of educational projects; security arrangements for Soviet territories and borders, including assistance to Mongolian comrades in their fight against the White Guard, allocation of the Red Army units within Mongolian territories until the complete eradication of the White threat, with the participation of military units from the Far Eastern Republic; economic cooperation through mutual financial and economic support of industrial construction projects, resource development and social infrastructure initiatives, etc.; joint actions on the international stage pinnacled with the recognition of the Mongolian People’s Republic by China (1946) and the rest of the world community (1961). The study concludes these lines of cooperation were successfully implemented within the two following decades and proved crucial not only in the shaping of a new political order in the region but also facilitated the development of the eastern border security system in the pre-war period and WWII proper (1936–1945), which restrained Japan from initiating military actions against the USSR up until 1945 and guaranteed the security of Mongolia.
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Dudin, Pavel N., and Zufar F. Khusainov. "Преддоговорные основы «экспорта революции» в Восточной Азии и региональный политический порядок в зоне советского влияния: позитивный опыт и социалистическая идеология в Монголии. Год 1921. Часть 1." Oriental Studies 14, no. 1 (April 5, 2021): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2021-53-1-8-23.

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Introduction. In November of 1921 after the meeting between Mongolian officials and Vladimir Lenin, an Agreement on Friendly Relations between the two states was concluded. This significant act confirmed the mutual recognition of the only legitimate government by both counterparties, measures of prevention of unfriendly actions by third parties, exchange of plenipotentiary representatives and ambassadors, state border regulations and the most favorable nation treatment for citizens whilst visiting the counterparty and jurisdiction. It also provided the regulations for a number of trade matters, intercommunication issues, questions of personal property etc., however, in actuality this document touched upon a smaller realm of mutual relations that had already been established before the execution of the Agreement, having been formalized in other documents, such as letters and memorandums. These precontractual acts are of genuine interest not only due to their uncertain legal nature and consequences, but also because they cover a much wider range of collaboration and cooperation issues than the Agreement dated November 5, 1921. Goals. So, the paper attempts an interdisciplinary insight into the mentioned documents (addresses, diplomatic notes, letters, etc.) to have preceded the Agreement and formalized Soviet Russia’s foreign policy in the region and its presence in the territory of Outer Mongolia ― to determine the role and impact of the former. Materials and Methods. The study focuses on widely known materials contained in diverse published collections of documents from the Soviet era that were never viewed by most researchers as important tools to have guaranteed the national interests in the Far East. To facilitate a more comfortable perception of the investigated materials by different specialists, the paper was divided in two ― Part One to focus on research tools and its ideological essentials, and Part Two to emphasize certain instruments to have secured the ‘export of revolution’. Results. The article specifies four key lines of cooperation: 1) bilateral collaboration that includes ‘export of ideology’ and sufficient tools thereto, such as disassociation from former political regimes, support for anticolonial sentiments, securement of equal rights in foreign policy issues, cooperative struggle against the common ideological enemy ― world capitalism, ‘soft power’ in the form of educational projects; 2) security arrangements for Soviet territories and borders, including assistance to Mongolian comrades in their fight against the White Guard, allocation of the Red Army units within Mongolian territories until the complete eradication of the White threat, with the participation of military units from the Far Eastern Republic; 3) economic cooperation through mutual financial and economic support of industrial construction projects, resource development and social infrastructure initiatives, etc., 4) joint actions on the international stage pinnacled with the recognition of the Mongolian People’s Republic by China (1945) and the rest of the world community (1961). This shows that during the shaping of the political agenda towards Mongolia the then Soviet leaders did not view contractual aspects of the mechanism as fundamental, and attached no paramount importance to international agreements, which had been distinctive of the Russian Empire.
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Jeshurun, Chandran. "Civil-Military Relations and National Security in ASEAN." Pacific Focus 4, no. 2 (February 13, 2008): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1976-5118.1989.tb00072.x.

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K.C., Khadga. "Historical Analysis of Civil-Military Relations in Nepal." Tribhuvan University Journal 28, no. 1-2 (December 2, 2013): 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v28i1-2.26234.

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As like in other developing democracies, it is obvious that there are many CMR problems in Nepal. A lack of national security policies and common national interests, ignorance about security sensitiveness, political instability, parochialism, mistrust, are prominent factors contributing to Nepal’s adverse civil-military relations. However, the military though has already begun to tuning with democratic norms and values should further be engaged in serious organizational reform that includes among others; enhancing professionalism, further accountability, transparency and loyalty of army to the civilian authority follow by earliest promulgation of democratic constitution with the clear provision of democratic control over armed forces.
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Bruneau, Thomas C., Florina Cristiana (Cris) Matei, and Sak Sakoda. "National Security Councils: Their Potential Functions in Democratic Civil-Military Relations." Defense & Security Analysis 25, no. 3 (September 2009): 255–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14751790903201406.

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Berg, Louis-Alexandre. "Civil–Military Relations and Civil War Recurrence: Security Forces in Postwar Politics." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 7-8 (February 27, 2020): 1307–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002720903356.

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Does restructuring security forces reduce the risk of civil war recurrence? Prior research has examined effects of military integration in alleviating commitment problems, but the evidence has been inconclusive. Other aspects of civil–military relations have received less attention. This article examines the effects of civil–military relations in the context of postwar struggles to consolidate authority. It outlines three pathways through which security forces contribute to renewed civil war: by excluding rival factions and facilitating insurgent mobilization, by exploiting control over resources to challenge the regime, or by escalating incipient insurgency through repression. Analysis of original, cross-national data on postwar civil–military relations shows that reducing the potential for exclusion and exploitation through diverse officer appointments and robust civilian oversight lowers the risk of civil war. These findings emphasize the distributive effects of restructuring security forces and highlight the value of examining political contests around state institutions to understand why civil wars restart.
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Palmer, David Scott. "Book Review: Democracy vs. National Security: Civil-Military Relations in Latin America." Armed Forces & Society 19, no. 4 (July 1993): 641–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9301900415.

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Ghosh, Sahana. "Security Socialities." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 39, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 439–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-7885389.

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Abstract India imposes an increasingly militarized border security agenda along its officially “friendly” border with Bangladesh with a range of preemptive practices to control the illegal movement of people and goods. Focusing ethnographic attention on everyday mobility, I view the articulations of national security in India's eastern borderlands through a gender lens to trace the logics of threat and protection that are made and unmade in everyday civil-military relations. The article explores the social and spatial forms through which civil-military relations unfold and proposes the idea of “security socialities” to think about these polychromatic relations between residents and security force personnel. Intimate yet fluid, ambivalent, and potentially violent, these instantiations of power show how border security is concretized and negotiated, stretched and challenged, but also made acceptable for a range of borderland residents. Security socialities point to the inextricable ties between everyday and spectacular violence of security projects and the relations that constitute them.
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Bacevich, Andrew J., Peter D. Feaver, and Richard H. Kohn. "Soldiers and Civilians: The Civil-Military Gap and American National Security." Foreign Affairs 81, no. 2 (2002): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033111.

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Travis, Donald S. "Saving Samuel Huntington and the Need for Pragmatic Civil–Military Relations." Armed Forces & Society 43, no. 3 (August 30, 2016): 395–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x16667287.

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How the U.S. military establishment interacts with other parts of the American government and the people impacts American national power. Because civil–military relationships are influenced by the context of the environment and the “kind of war” being waged, there are a variety of ways that military and civilian leaders can work together to improve the nation’s security. This article proposes an alternative civil–military relations model called pragmatic civilian control. It integrates Samuel Huntington’s objective civilian control theory with traditional American political philosophy and concepts established by Morris Janowitz, while accounting for current geopolitical conditions.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "National security Civil-military relations Mongolia"

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Boldbat, Khasbazaryn. "National Security Council of Mongolia : promoting civil-military relations /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Mar%5FBoldbat.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Lyman H. Miller, Jeanne K. Giraldo. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-60). Also available online.
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Dashtseren, Dashdavaa. "Border protection and national security of Mongolia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2006. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA456961.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Thomas C. Bruneau. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-89). Also available in print.
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Sukhee, Bayar-Ochir. "The implications of the rise of China's military for Mongolian security." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FSukhee.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Miller, Alice L.; Second Reader: Clement, Victoria. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Mongolian security, Chinese Communist Party, the People's Liberation Army, modernization, implication, multilateral policy, third neighbors, bilateral relations, balancing. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-110). Also available in print.
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Garza, Rafael H. "The U.S. and Mexico trading partners, reluctant military allies /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Mar/10Mar%5FGarza.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Western Hemisphere))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Velazques, Arturo C. Sotomayor. Second Reader: Trinkunas, Harold A. "March 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 27, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: U.S.-Mexico Relations, Civilian Control, Civil-Military Relations, International Relations Theory, Bilateral Affairs, Military Cooperation. Includes bibliographical references (p. 49-53). Also available in print.
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Brumley, Donald W. "The nation and the soldier in German civil-military relations, 1800-1945." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/1844.

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This study of civil-military relations treats the parallel development of: a.) the professional soldier and the Prussian- German army in the era from 1806 until 1945, as well as; b.) the rise of nationalism in central European politics and society, which culminated in the union of the professional soldier and National Socialism after 1933. These two political phenomena of modern Europe, in the first instance, the army, and in the second instance, voelkisch nationalism became a deadly combination in the Germany of the era 1914-1933. The abdication of the monarchy in 1918 forced the professional soldier to look for a substitute sovereign, who would insure the survival of the privileged role of the soldier in republican state and society. This study provides case studies of civil-military episodes in German history from 1806-1944, where civilian control and liberal oversight of the aristocratic military structure might have been possible, but liberal and socialist forces squandered the opportunities at hand. This study counter poses episodes of civil-military conflict in the Prussian German past, with an analysis of the origins and character of integral nationalism and National Socialism. In particular, the study analyzes the ideological effort to influence the Reichswehr during the Weimar Republic. The missed civil-military opportunities for democratic forces in the 1920s resulted in the culmination of political, military, and socio-economic conditions ideal for the National Socialists in their quest for power. This failure of important political-military reform set the stage for interwar cooperation between military and the Nazis. The National Socialists wanted to make the army an instrument of power via a â bottom upâ revolution to subjugate the military command structure. This study speaks to this historical series of case studies within the general analysis of democratic civil-military relations. The failure of liberal and later democratic forces to integrate the military into constitutional mechanisms stands as one of the more grievous catastrophes of the story of the soldier and the state.
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Moeller, David K. "A model for future military operations : the effect of state security and human security on strategy /." Maxwell AFB, Ala. : School of Advanced Air and Space Studies, 2008. https://www.afresearch.org/skins/rims/display.aspx?moduleid=be0e99f3-fc56-4ccb-8dfe-670c0822a153&mode=user&action=downloadpaper&objectid=9c267789-85b9-4963-9298-936e82991d13&rs=PublishedSearch.

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Henderson, Robert R. "In Support of civil authority is the role of military support for national security in jeopardy? /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Mar%5FHenderson.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Christopher Bellavita. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.69-71). Also available online.
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Arora, Chaya. "Germany's civilian power diplomacy : NATO expansion and the art of communicative action /." New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2006. http://opac.nebis.ch/cgi-bin/showAbstract.pl?u20=9781403974198.

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King, David R. "How can the United States best prepare Army federal troops to respond quickly to future national emergencies within the United States." Fort Leavenworth, KS : U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, 2006. http://cgsc.cdmhost.com/u?/p4013coll2,565.

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Thompson, Michael A. "Department of Defense involvement in homeland security the militarization of the southwestern border in the U.S. /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490850.

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Books on the topic "National security Civil-military relations Mongolia"

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Zagorski, Paul W. Democracy vs. national security: Civil-military relations in Latin America. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1992.

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New paradigm in global security: Civil-military relation in Nepal. Kathmandu: Bhrikuti Adcademic Publications, 2004.

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Toward the national security state: Civil-military relations during World War II. Westport, CT: Praeger Security International, 2008.

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S, Szayna Thomas. Civil-military relations and national security thinking in Czechoslovakia: A conference report. Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 1992.

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Colson, Harold. National security affairs and civil-military relations in contemporary Mexico: A bibliography. Monticello, Ill., USA: Vance Bibliographies, 1989.

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Patricia, González, Vela Manolo, and Arévalo de León Bernardo, eds. Seguridad democrática en Guatemala: Desafíos de la transformación. Guatemala: Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales (FLACSO), 2002.

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Trends in the U.S. domestic future and implications for national security--A report of the National Security Study Group, United States Commission on National Security/21st Century: Hearing before the Military Personnel Sucommittee of the Committee on Armed Services, House of Representatives, One Hundred Sixth Congress, first session : hearings held November 4, 1999. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2000.

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Sociedad & seguridad: El nuevo desafío de la Argentina moderna. Buenos Aires: Editorial Dunken, 2006.

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Desafíos: La nación frente a su política de seguridad. República Dominicana: Editora Búho, 2005.

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Bruneau, Thomas C. Patriots for profit: Contractors and the military in U.S. national security. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2011.

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Book chapters on the topic "National security Civil-military relations Mongolia"

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Li, Nan. "Major Implications for China’s National Security, Civil-Military Cooperation, and Inter-Agency Policy Coordination." In Civil-Military Relations in Post-Deng China, 241–68. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-6442-0_7.

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Nichols, Thomas, and Theodore Karasik. "Civil-Military Relations Under Gorbachev: The Struggle over National Security." In Gorbachev and His Generals, 29–61. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429044427-3.

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Shaikh, Riaz Ahmed. "Civil-Military Relations in Pakistan: Politicians, the Military and the Media Debating the Country’s National Interests." In Security and the Military between Reality and Perception, 211–20. Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co KG, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/9783845232720-211.

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Li, Xiaobing. "Advisors and Aid." In Building Ho's Army, 39–62. University Press of Kentucky, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813177946.003.0003.

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Chapter 2 examines what the Viet Minh needed from China and Mao’s determination to support Ho’s war effort. It discusses Mao’s concerns about national security since Josef Stalin was not ready to send Soviet forces to defend Chinese borders against a foreign invasion. Mao therefore decided on a self-reliant, proactive defense to stop the Western powers outside the Chinese borders in neighboring countries like Vietnam and break the US military encirclement of China in East and Southeast Asia. Although external Cold War factors may appear to be one of the motives behind Mao’s decision, his strategy also was driven by significant internal factors. China’s power status depended more on its political stability and military strength than on its foreign relations. In this sense, Mao may have perceived China’s involvement in the French Indochina War as a chance to continue the Communist movement at home and to project New China’s power image abroad. The PLA’s victory in the civil war gave Mao and his generals confidence in their ability to help the Viet Minh drive the French Army out of Indochina and later to help Kim Il-sung to drive the UN force out of the Korean peninsula.
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Billon, Philippe Le. "The Geography of “Resource Wars”." In The Geography of War and Peace. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195162080.003.0017.

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Competition over natural resources has figured prominently among explanations of armed conflicts, from Malthusian fears of population growth and land scarcity to national security interests over resources defined as “strategic” because of their industrial or military use, such as oil and uranium. Access to natural resources and the transformation of nature into tradable commodities are deeply political processes, in which military force can play a role of domination or resistance. Armed separatism within Indonesia and Nigeria, annexation attempts on Kuwait and the Democratic Republic of the Congo, protracted civil wars in Angola and the Philippines, and coups d’état in Iran and Venezuela have all incorporated important resource dimensions. Arguably, the radical Islamic terrorism that has affected the United States since the early 1990s is to some extent an oil-related “blowback”: U.S. military deployment in Saudi Arabia, criticisms against the corruption of the Gulf regimes, and ironically, part of the funding made available to terrorist groups. This chapter examines relations between resources and armed conflicts, with a focus on commodities legally traded on international markets (thereby excluding drugs, as well as water and land involved, for example, in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict) and on extracted resources such as oil, minerals, and timber, in particular. Beyond a simple reading of so-called resource wars as violent modes of competitive behavior, this chapter argues that resource exploitation and the resource dependence of many producing countries play a role in shaping incentives and opportunities of uneven development, misgovernance, coercive rule, insurrection, and foreign interference. This relationship, however, is not systematic: history, political culture, institutions, and regional neighborhoods, as well as a country’s place in the international economy, all play a part these relations. The incorporation of resources into an armed conflict has also specific implications upon its course through their influence on the motivations, strategies, and capabilities of belligerents. Military targets often consist of commercial business opportunities rather than political targets, while the cost of engaging adversaries may be calculated in terms of financial reward.
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Lentz-Smith, Adriane. "The Unbearable Whiteness of Grand Strategy." In Rethinking American Grand Strategy, 329–45. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190695668.003.0017.

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This chapter explores grand strategy as an intellectual and cultural project by considering its willful unseeing of race as a political project. To ignore race is to misapprehend how power works in the United States and how domestic formulations of subjectivity, difference, and racialized power imbue American foreign relations. The chapter focuses on African Americans in the era of Cold War civil rights. For Carl Rowan and Sam Greenlee, the two African American veterans who provide concrete cases for thinking about the United States and the world, their blackness and ambitions for their people would color how they interpreted America's role in political and military struggles in the Third World and beyond. As with other people of color, their encounters with white supremacy shaped their understandings of liberation, violence, and the United States security project. Their perspectives challenge scholars’ conceptions of the Cold War as a period of “defined clear national interests” and “public consensus.” Centering the stories of Rowan and Greenlee highlights not simply ongoing contestation over the myth and history of the Cold War, but, more fundamentally, the unthinking whiteness of grand strategy itself.
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Reports on the topic "National security Civil-military relations Mongolia"

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Touzinsky, David. Civil-Military Relations, National Security and the Chairman of the JCS. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada518416.

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