Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'National security Civil-military relations Mongolia'

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Civil-Military Relations))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Lyman H. Miller, Jeanne K. Giraldo. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-60). Also available online.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Defense Decision Making and Planning))--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Thomas C. Bruneau. "September 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-89). Also available in print.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Far East, Southeast Asia, Pacific))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Miller, Alice L.; Second Reader: Clement, Victoria. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Mongolian security, Chinese Communist Party, the People's Liberation Army, modernization, implication, multilateral policy, third neighbors, bilateral relations, balancing. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-110). Also available in print.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Western Hemisphere))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010.
Thesis Advisor(s): Velazques, Arturo C. Sotomayor. Second Reader: Trinkunas, Harold A. "March 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 27, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: U.S.-Mexico Relations, Civilian Control, Civil-Military Relations, International Relations Theory, Bilateral Affairs, Military Cooperation. Includes bibliographical references (p. 49-53). Also available in print.

This study of civil-military relations treats the parallel development of: a.) the professional soldier and the Prussian- German army in the era from 1806 until 1945, as well as; b.) the rise of nationalism in central European politics and society, which culminated in the union of the professional soldier and National Socialism after 1933. These two political phenomena of modern Europe, in the first instance, the army, and in the second instance, voelkisch nationalism became a deadly combination in the Germany of the era 1914-1933. The abdication of the monarchy in 1918 forced the professional soldier to look for a substitute sovereign, who would insure the survival of the privileged role of the soldier in republican state and society. This study provides case studies of civil-military episodes in German history from 1806-1944, where civilian control and liberal oversight of the aristocratic military structure might have been possible, but liberal and socialist forces squandered the opportunities at hand. This study counter poses episodes of civil-military conflict in the Prussian German past, with an analysis of the origins and character of integral nationalism and National Socialism. In particular, the study analyzes the ideological effort to influence the Reichswehr during the Weimar Republic. The missed civil-military opportunities for democratic forces in the 1920s resulted in the culmination of political, military, and socio-economic conditions ideal for the National Socialists in their quest for power. This failure of important political-military reform set the stage for interwar cooperation between military and the Nazis. The National Socialists wanted to make the army an instrument of power via a â bottom upâ revolution to subjugate the military command structure. This study speaks to this historical series of case studies within the general analysis of democratic civil-military relations. The failure of liberal and later democratic forces to integrate the military into constitutional mechanisms stands as one of the more grievous catastrophes of the story of the soldier and the state.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2006.
Thesis Advisor(s): Christopher Bellavita. "March 2006." Includes bibliographical references (p.69-71). Also available online.

Thesis (Master of Military Art and Science)--Command and General Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, 2008.
Title from title screen (viewed June 16, 2009). "ADA482989"-DTIC URL. Includes bibliographical references (p. 77-81).

Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): Jeanne Giraldo, Maria Rasmussen. Includes bibliographical references. Also available online.

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis aims to ascertain the level of success which civil society and state actors have had in dealing with issues of arms control and disarmament in the SADC region during the post- Cold War era. The main research question shall be divided into two key questions, the first being: How successful have states been in managing arms control and disarmament in the SADC region? The second question being: How successful has civil society been in managing arms control and disarmament in the SADC region? The study is therefore an evaluative study and shall be focused on the case study of Mozambique. Two arms control processes shall be evaluated in this regard. First is the “Transforming weapons into Ploughshares” or TAE project which is a civil society campaign aimed at minimizing the harsh impacts that Small Arms and Light Weapons have on Mozambican society. The demarcated time period for this project shall be 1995-2003. Second is state driven operation between South African and Mozambican police aimed at locating and destroying arms caches responsible for fuelling the illicit trade in light arms between the two countries. This project was known as Operation Rachel and shall be evaluated from the period of 1995-2001. Through evaluating these two projects, the study shall seek to make the point that in terms of arms control in post-conflict developing states, there is a role for both state and civil societies. The role of civil society organizations can be seen as one of identifying security threats, raising public awareness and democratizing security issues such as arms control so that society at large becomes active in negating the problem. The role of the state on the other hand is to live up to its duties as the chief provider of security for the designated population within the state’s territorial boundary. Arms control in Mozambique and in the SADC region in general has been mediocre at best since as shall be demonstrated, states are far too weak to offer any meaningful protection to citizens and secondly civil society organizations which have taken it upon themselves to offer this kind of protection are just not well resourced enough to undertake state responsibilities. Thus the key recommendation of this study is that Southern African states invariably need to build up their capacities. Light weapons have spread uncontrollably throughout the region because weak and fractured states could not contain the problem and continue struggling to manage a multitude of security threats. It is therefore up to civil society organizations to build strong societies which can demand stronger state action.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis se doel is om vas te stel tot watter mate die burgerlike samelewing en Staat akteurs sukses behaal het in terme van wapenbeheer en ontwapening in die Suider-Afrikaanse Ontwikkelings Gemeenskap (SAOG) streek na die koue oorlog. Die hoof navorsings vraag sal in twee kern vrae verdeel word, Die eerste vraag is: Hoeveel sukses het die burgerlike samelewing in die SAOG streek gehad met die bestuur van wapenbeheer en ontwapening? Die tweede vraag is: hoeveel sukses het Staat akteurs in die SAOG streek gehad met die bestuur van wapenbeheer en ontwapening? Hierdie studie is dus ʼn evaluerende studie en sal op Mosambiek fokus as gevalle-studie. Twee wapenbeheer prosesse sal in hierdie tesis evalueer word. Eerste, is die “Transforming Weapons into Ploughshares” of “TAE” projek wat ʼn burgerlike samelewings veldtog is, wat hom ten doel gestel het om die negatiewe impak van ligte-wapens op Mosambiekse samelewing te verminder. Die afgebakende tydperk vir hierdie studie sal 1995-2003 wees. Die tweede proses is die staat-gedrewe operasie tussen die Suid-Afrikaanse en Mosambiekse polisie. Die doel van hierdie projek was om die wapen-opslagplekke wat verantwoordelik is vir die onwettige handel in wapens tussen die twee lande te identifiseer en dienooreenkomstig te verwoes. Hierdie was bekend as “Operation Rachel” en sal tussen 1995-2001 evalueer word. Duur die evaluering van hierdie twee projekte sal die studie probeer om die punt te maak dat daar ʼn rol is vir beide die burgerlike samelewing en die staat in terme van wapenbeheer in post-konflik, ontwikkelende lande. Die rol van burgerlike samelewing organisasies kan beskou word as die identifisering van bedreigings wat veiligheid en sekuriteit kan raak, om bewustheid te kweek en die demokratisering van veiligheid en sekuriteit kwessies soos wapenbeheer. Die rol van die staat is om hulle plig te vervul as die ‘hoof verskaffer’ van sekuriteit vir die bevolking binne die staat se territoriale grense. Wapenbeheer in Mosambiek en in die SAOG streek in die algemeen was totdusver minder suksesvol gewees, aangesien state heeltemal te swak is om enige betekenisvolle beskerming aan hulle burgers te verleen. Tweedens, het burgerlike samelewings organisasies wat die verantwoordelikheid aangeneem het om beskerming te verleen net nie genoeg hulpbronne om die staat se verantwoordelikhede te vervul nie. Dus, is die kern aanbeveling van hierdie tesis dat Suider-Afrikaanse state hulle bekwaamheid en kapasiteit sal moet versterk. Ligte wapens het onbeheersd dwarsdeur die streek versprei omdat swak state nie oor die kapasiteit beskik om veelvuldige veiligheids en sekuriteits-bedreigings te kan hanteer nie. Dit hang dus van burgerlike samelewingsv organisasies af om sterk samelewings te bou wat op hul beurt kan aandring op sterker staatsoptrede om hierdie kwessies meer daadwerklik aan te spreek.

La identidad militar de los miembros de las Fuerzas Militares de Colombia (FFMM) es uno de los aspectos menos explorados en la literatura especializada, en particular, en los campos de la ciencia política, la sociología militar y la ciencia de la administración. Si bien las FFMM se han mantenido como la institución con el índice más alto de favorabilidad en Colombia durante las últimas dos décadas, el desconocimiento de lo que significa ser militar por parte de los ciudadanos ha impedido un mejor entendimiento de las instituciones castrenses y sus integrantes, lo cual ha afectado las relaciones entre civiles y militares, la gobernabilidad del Estado y el robustecimiento de la democracia. Frente a esta problemática, la presente investigación busca ofrecer ciertas soluciones desde la perspectiva de la ciencia política, a partir del análisis de la identidad militar de los oficiales de las FFMM colombianas del siglo XXI en tres ámbitos: (1) sus rasgos sociodemográficos (su lugar de procedencia, estratificación económica, creencias religiosas y tendencias endogámicas), (2) su visión sobre lo que significa para ellos ser militar (motivos para ingresar a la carrera militar, las cualidades y virtudes castrenses, su posición frente al riesgo de muerte y su opinión sobre los estímulos profesionales, el corporativismo y el prestigio de las FFMM) y (3) su idoneidad profesional (educación militar y educación no castrense, su concepción de la política, las instituciones y movimientos sociales, su tendencia ideológica y su entendimiento de los valores ciudadanos). Para tal fin, se examinaron las opiniones de 273 oficiales del Ejército, la Armada y la Fuerza Aérea que adelantaron el Curso de Estado Mayor en la Escuela Superior de Guerra “General Rafael Reyes Prieto” como requisito para ser promovidos al grado de Teniente Coronel o Capitán de Fragata. La información obtenida también se cotejó en ciertos aspectos con las percepciones de 1.120 cadetes, futuros oficiales del Ejército, de la Escuela Militar de Cadetes “General José María Córdova”. Además de permitir la identificación, en mayor profundidad, de los orígenes y perspectivas de los oficiales, este trabajo contribuye al fortalecimiento del vínculo entre civiles y militares, así como a fortalecer la democracia en un país largamente afectado por un conflicto armado interno.
La identitat militar dels membres de les Forces Militars de Colòmbia (FFMM) és un dels aspectes menys explorats en la literatura especialitzada, en particular, en els camps de la ciència política, la sociologia militar i la ciència de l'administració. Si bé les FFMM s'han mantingut com la institució amb l'índex més alt de favorabilitat a Colòmbia durant les últimes dues dècades, el desconeixement del que significa ser militar per part dels ciutadans ha impedit un millor enteniment de les institucions castrenses i els seus integrants, la qual cosa ha afectat les relacions entre civils i militars, la governabilitat de l'Estat i l'enfortiment de la democràcia. Davant d'aquesta problemàtica, la present investigació busca oferir certes solucions des de la perspectiva de la ciència política, a partir de l’anàlisi de la identitat militar dels oficials de les FFMM colombianes de segle XXI en tres àmbits: (1) els seus trets sociodemogràfics (el seu lloc de procedència, estratificació econòmica, creences religioses i tendències endogàmiques), (2) la seva visió sobre el que significa per a ells ser militar (motius per ingressar a la carrera militar, les qualitats i virtuts castrenses, la seva posició davant el risc de mort i la seva opinió sobre els estímuls professionals, el corporativisme i el prestigi de les FFMM) i (3) la seva idoneïtat professional (formació militar i formació no castrense, la seva concepció de la política, les institucions i moviments socials, la seva tendència ideològica i el seu enteniment de els valors ciutadans). Per a tal fi, es van examinar les opinions de 273 oficials de l'Exèrcit, l'Armada i la Força Aèria que van avançar el Curs d'Estat Major a l'Escola Superior de Guerra "General Rafael Reis Prieto" com a requisit per ser promoguts a el grau de tinent coronel o capità de Fragata. La informació obtinguda també es va confrontar en certs aspectes amb les percepcions de 1.120 cadets, futurs oficials de l'Exèrcit, de l'Escola Militar de Cadets "General José María Córdova". A més de permetre la identificació, en major profunditat, dels orígens i perspectives dels oficials, aquest treball contribueix a l'enfortiment de l'enllaç harmònic entre civils i militars, així com a enfortir la democràcia en un país llargament afectat per un conflicte armat intern.
The military identity of the members of the Colombian Armed Forces (FFMM) is one of the least studied aspects in academic literature, especially, in the fields of political science, military sociology and management science. Although, during the past two decades, the FFMM have maintained their status as an institution with the highest degree of approval in Colombia, the citizens’ lack of knowledge as far as the meaning of being a military woman/man is concerned has precluded the society from gaining a better understanding of the military institutions and its members. This, therefore, had a negative impact on the civil-military relations as well as the governance of the State and strengthening of democracy. In light of this problem, this research seeks to offer specific solution from the political science perspective by analyzing the military identity of the 21st century Colombian FFMM officers with an emphasis on three areas: (1) their sociodemographic features (their place of origin, economic stratification, religious beliefs and endogamic patterns); (2) their view of what it means for them to be a military woman/man (reasons to join the military, military qualities and virtues, their position in relation to the risk of death and their opinion on professional stimuli, corporatism and prestige of the FFMM); and (3) their professional suitability (military and non-military training, their perception of politics, institutions and social movements, their ideological orientation and their understanding of citizen values). To this end, the thesis examines 273 opinions pertaining to the officers from the Army, Navy and Air Force who completed the General Staff Course at the Colombian War College (Escuela Superior de Guerra “General Rafael Reyes Prieto”) as a requirement for promotion to the rank of Lieutenant Colonel or Navy Commander. The data obtained was also verified to a certain degree with the perceptions of 1.120 cadets, future officers of the Army, from the Colombian Army Military Academy (Escuela Militar de Cadetes “General José María Córdova”). In addition to identifying with greater depth the origins and perspectives of the officers, this thesis contributes to strengthening both the link between the civilians and the military and democracy in a country largely affected by an internal armed conflict.

Orientador: Eliezer Rizzo de Oliveira
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-05T00:45:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Antunes_PriscilaCarlosBrandao_D.pdf: 26356082 bytes, checksum: c01a75fdefd83ce61dece0abae7a04c2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005
Resumo: Esta tese analisa as recentes reformas nos serviços de inteligência civil brasileiro, argentino e chileno, no contexto das relações civis militares. Três diferentes problemas analíticos estruturam a pesquisa: A) o desafio institucional da construção de sistemas que sejam eficientes, eficazes e consistentes com as demandas de segurança e defesa nestes países. Como os serviços de inteligência civis têm sido institucionalmente desenhados a partir dos processos de transição e consolidação democrática? B) O desafio institucional de construção de sistemas de inteligência responsáveis, responsivos e consistentes com as demandas de controle público democrático? Porque os recentes mecanismos de supervisão congressual e accountability têm desempenho diferenciado nos diversos países em termos de sua capacidade de controle sobre as atividadesde inteligência? C) Odesafio profissional da construção de sistemas de inteligência flexíveis, capacitados e analiticamente relevantes. Quais são os mecanismos institucionais mais importantes utilizados em cada país para avaliar o desempenho analítico dos serviços de inteligência? Os objetivos gerais desta pesquisa são produzir conhecimentos sobre o funcionamento e o papel dos sistemas de inteligência durante processos de consolidação democrática e aumentar o grau de expertise civil e reconhecimento público sobre a importância e os dilemas envolvidos na atuação dos serviços de inteligência
Abstract: This thesis analyzes the recent refonns of the Brazilian, Argentinean and Chilean civic intelligence services in the context of the South American civic-military relationship issues. The research is based on three different problems: A) The institutional challenge of building effective, efficient and consistent intelligence systems in order to fulfill the demands for security and defense of those countries. How have Latin American civic intelligence services been institutionally planned in the transition and consolidation periods? B) The institutional challenge of designing responsive, consistent and responsible intelligence systems to do what is required by the public democratic controI. Why have the modern means of supervising congress tasks had distinct perfonnances in the control of intelligence activities considering accountability in those countries? C) The professional challenge of structuring flexible, qualified and analytically relevant intelligence systems. How do those countries deal with the professionalization issues related to intelligence systems analysis? What are the most important institutional devices used to evaluate the analytic perfonnance of intelligence services by the national government in each of those countries? The general objectives of the research are to produce knowledge about the role and operations of intelligence systems during processes of democratic consolidation and to increase civil expertise and public awareness about the importance and the dilemmas involved in the perfonnance of intelligence services
Doutorado
Doutor em Ciências Sociais

This dissertation analyzes how statesmen and soldiers make decisions on war and peace and identifies key linkages between a state's civil-military relations and its international relations. It shows that there is a clear connection between a state's civil-military relations and the making of strategy. This study analyzes how different patterns of civil-military relations affect a state's propensity to use military force, as well as its ability to design effective military strategies to achieve its political objectives. It develops a framework, which allows us to derive hypotheses as to the conditions under which policy-makers would be more likely to make informed decisions on the use of force. The dissertation studies how top decision-makers process information and advice and the political and psychological dynamics that affect the policy-making process. I show that firm civilian control, while necessary, is not a sufficient condition and does not automatically translate into effective national security decision-making or victorious military strategies. Even wealthy and powerful states with firm control over their militaries have paid, at times, enormous cost in blood and treasure due to poorly-conceived diplomatic and military strategies. In the coming years, we are certain to have many occasions when the U.S. uses or considers the use of military force. That is why scholars should continue studying the dynamics of the relations between civilian and military leaders at the pinnacle of government and their effect on the making of military strategy and national security policy.

The changing security environment in Asia has led to a renewed interest in the Japanese Self Defense Forces (SDF). However, the SDF itself remains a black box: assessed either in terms of its problematic legal standing or physical military capacity, but with limited understanding of the people within; who they are, what they do, and how they think. This dissertation opens up the black box and brings the SDF officers into the analysis of civil-military relations in post-war Japan. I present a theoretical framework inspired by principal-agent theory, in which I hypothesize that the type of control (ex-ante or ex-post) and preference divergence between the civilians and the military produces four different outcomes in civil-military relations: containment, auto pilot, conflictual, and cooperative (possibly excessive). I examine how civil-military relations in Japan evolved over time and across three realms of defense policy making, budget, personnel, and use of force; utilizing the findings from an opinion survey conducted among SDF officers and civilian elite addressing the "civil-military gap," oral history records of former SDF leaders and civilian defense officials, and interviews with active duty SDF officers and civilian officials. My research shows that civil-military relations in Japan was generally calm, not because the ex-ante constraints were strong and suppressed the opposing views of the SDF, but because the policy preferences of SDF officers and civilian bureaucracy converged in support of the alliance relationship with the United States. Such preference convergence made it possible for the politicians to continue "auto-pilot control" of the SDF, which was convenient for politicians who preferred to avoid dealing with military matters in face of the anti-militaristic public. However, this led to two paradoxical outcomes: (1) the SDF came to enjoy their relative autonomy within the ex-ante constraints, and (2) the ex-ante constraints turned out to be self-binding for politicians, possibly hampering their ability to control the SDF ex-post. Institutional changes through the electoral and administrative reforms in the 1990s along with the perceived changes in the security environment surrounding Japan enhanced both the incentive and capacity of politicians to release the ex-ante constraints and to control the SDF in their own hands. Re-interpretation of the constitution to allow for collective self defense is a step in the same direction. Looking towards the future, the shift from ex-ante to ex-post control may result in tension between the civilians and SDF officers, in cases where their preferences diverge.

This dissertation addresses one of the most vexing issues in American foreign policy: Under what circumstances should the United States use military force in pursuit of national interests? Despite not having a policy upon entering office or articulating one throughout its first term, the Reagan administration used military force numerous times. Two-weeks following Reagan's landslide reelection victory, Secretary of Defense Caspar W. Weinberger articulated six tests for when and how to use military force, which surprisingly seemed to call for restraint. Through the examination of three case studies, the Reagan administration's decisions are found to have been influenced by the assimilation of lessons from Vietnam, the reading of public pulse, the desire to placate Congress, and the need to protect the nation's strategic interests. All these factors, ultimately codified by Weinberger, were considered by the leaders in the Reagan administration as they tried to expand the military's ability to help the U.S. meet an increasingly wider range of threats. Thus this dissertation will show that, contrary to what one finds in contemporary scholarship, the Weinberger doctrine was intended as a policy to legitimize the use of military force as a tool of statecraft, rather than an endorsement to reserve force as a last resort after other instruments of power have failed.

Dissertation

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Management, University of the Witwatersrand, in 50% fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of Master of Management (in the Field of Security). March 2016
Defence Review 2015 concluded that the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) was in a “critical state of decline”, faced imminent and irreversible loss of capabilities and questioned its ability to meet all of its ordered defence commitments (Department of Defence, 2015c, pp. ix; 99). This is a grave indictment considering it is entrusted with the constitutional mandate to defend the Republic (Republic of South Africa, 1996, Sec 200). This begs the question “what went wrong?” Causes raised include the apparent disjuncture between the defence mandate and budget. It is unlikely, however that the blame can be attributed to a funding shortfall and overly ambitious defence mandate, alone. Some question whether a flawed institutional civil control structure might be to blame for compromising military command and thereby the ability of the armed forces to ensure effective defence. Did the new government go too far in imposing robust civil control over the SANDF in 1994, effectively emasculating the SANDF? Alternatively is the selected model for South Africa’s civil control and oversight regimes simply inappropriate or otherwise ineffective? Whether the failure lies with the selected model itself or in its execution are issues that were examined in the study. This study takes as its point of departure, various Defence Review 2015 policy proposals that, it was argued, point to deeper flaws in the institutional civil-military arrangements within the DOD. As such, they are fundamental to our understanding of the civil control challenges confronting the DOD and the formulation of policy options and recommendations. What the study highlighted was that the ultimate challenge for the DOD could be reduced in simple terms to finding an agreeable solution that would satisfy both the statutory civil control precepts and the Chief SANDF’s desire for freedom from undue interference with his executive military command. Central to the entire civil control debate is of course the balance DOD design, around which the DOD transformation project is structured, and the role of the Sec Def in exercising civil control in a ‘collaborative relationship’ with the Chief SANDF. There is general consensus that the balance DOD design has 1 Colonel C.B. Hepburn, late of the Transvaal Scottish, is employed on a term contract as Deputy Director Departmental Performance Monitoring and Evaluation; Defence Policy, Strategy and Planning Division; Defence Secretariat. His staffing at the integrated Defence Head Office provided him with access to the strategic level of defence policy decision-making and daily engagement with senior leaders at the point of interface between the ‘civilian’ Defence Secretariat and the Defence Force. The views expressed in this student academic research paper are those of the author and do not reflect the official policy or position of the Department of Defence or any other agency of the South African government. C.B. HEPBURN 416498 failed to live up to expectations and that it has proven difficult to establish and maintain the optimum balance between civil control and an effective armed service. What is equally obvious is that even after more than two decades of democratic consolidation; the DOD has yet to complete its transformation. If Defence Review 2015 is anything to go by then it can be expected that the process is set to continue for at least the next 25 years. That civil control remains a contested concept within the DOD is not in doubt. The solutions may be elusive; however, there is strong evidence that the answers lie more with how the Def Sec should be capacitated rather than the current focus on repositioning to better enable civil control of defence and to perform the duty assigned to it. Structural issues are clearly a factor and should indeed be dealt with in the broader DOD reorganisation. Nonetheless, there is a strong argument presented that instead of restructuring, better use should be made of performance agreements, delegations and detailed instructions. Given that the DOD is recognised in law as a ‘special case’, there should be a strong legal argument for amending the applicable legislation to make provision for a ‘special delegation regime’ or performance agreements, as a solution to the DOD’s immediate needs for providing an effective armed service. Keywords: Civil control; oversight; Defence Review 2015; South African National Defence Force; armed services; budget; civil-military relations; Constitutional mandate; defence ministry, military command and control, defence secretariat.
GR2018

Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
In the early 1950s, President Dwight Eisenhower encouraged citizens to “Wake Up! Sign Up! Look Up!” to the Soviet atomic threat by joining the Ground Observer Corps (GOC). Established by the United States Air Force (USAF), the GOC involved civilian volunteers surveying the skies for Soviet aircraft via watchtowers, alerting the Air Force if they suspected threatening aircraft. This thesis examines the 1950s response to the longstanding problem posed by the invention of any new weapon: how to adapt defensive technology to meet the potential threat. In the case of the early Cold War period, the GOC was the USAF’s best, albeit faulty, defense option against a weapon that did not discriminate between soldiers and citizens and rendered traditional ground troops useless. After the Korean War, Air Force officials promoted the GOC for its espousal of volunteerism and individualism. Encouraged to take ownership of the program, observers appropriated the GOC for their personal and community needs, comprised of social gatherings and policing activities, thus greatly expanding the USAF’s original objectives.