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Dudin, Pavel N., and Zufar F. Khusainov. "Преддоговорные основы «экспорта революции» в Восточной Азии и региональный политический порядок в зоне советского влияния: позитивный опыт и социалистическая идеология в Монголии. Год 1921. Часть 2." Oriental Studies 14, no. 2 (July 20, 2021): 226–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2021-54-2-226-237.
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Introduction. The article deals with an important and eventful period of Russia-Mongolia relations, special attention be paid to the shaping of a new regional order in East Asia. The collapse of China’s monarchy resulted in a political vacuum in Russia’s border territories which required utmost consideration and involvement, and the Soviets did seize the opportunity. However, the Agreement on Friendly Relations concluded in November of 1921 can hardly be viewed as a starting point, the former having been rather supposed to actualize previous mutual commitments discussed in the paper. Goals. So, the work attempts an interdisciplinary insight into the mentioned documents (addresses, diplomatic notes, letters, etc.) to have preceded the Agreement and formalized Soviet Russia’s foreign policy in the region and its presence in the territory of Outer Mongolia ― to determine the role and impact of those preliminary papers. Materials and Methods. The study focuses on widely known materials contained in diverse published collections of documents from the Soviet era that were never viewed by most researchers as important tools to have guaranteed the national interests in the Far East. So, the innovative aspect of research is that the addresses, notes and letters are examined through the prism of other humanitarian disciplines, such as jurisprudence and political science — to result in the employment of an interdisciplinary approach with a range of historical, juridical and politological research methods, definitions and categories inherent to international law and international relations. Part One of the article focuses on research tools and ideological essentials, while Part Two examines the actual techniques to have secured the ‘export of revolution’. Conclusions. The insight into the precontractual documents has delineated a number of key lines for cooperation, the latter dominated by bilateral collaboration (and described in Part One). This paper shall characterize the rest that can be together identified as a set of efficient means to have consolidated ideological foundations of the ‘export of revolution’ that include as follows: ‘soft power’ of educational projects; security arrangements for Soviet territories and borders, including assistance to Mongolian comrades in their fight against the White Guard, allocation of the Red Army units within Mongolian territories until the complete eradication of the White threat, with the participation of military units from the Far Eastern Republic; economic cooperation through mutual financial and economic support of industrial construction projects, resource development and social infrastructure initiatives, etc.; joint actions on the international stage pinnacled with the recognition of the Mongolian People’s Republic by China (1946) and the rest of the world community (1961). The study concludes these lines of cooperation were successfully implemented within the two following decades and proved crucial not only in the shaping of a new political order in the region but also facilitated the development of the eastern border security system in the pre-war period and WWII proper (1936–1945), which restrained Japan from initiating military actions against the USSR up until 1945 and guaranteed the security of Mongolia.
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Dudin, Pavel N., and Zufar F. Khusainov. "Преддоговорные основы «экспорта революции» в Восточной Азии и региональный политический порядок в зоне советского влияния: позитивный опыт и социалистическая идеология в Монголии. Год 1921. Часть 1." Oriental Studies 14, no. 1 (April 5, 2021): 8–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2021-53-1-8-23.
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Introduction. In November of 1921 after the meeting between Mongolian officials and Vladimir Lenin, an Agreement on Friendly Relations between the two states was concluded. This significant act confirmed the mutual recognition of the only legitimate government by both counterparties, measures of prevention of unfriendly actions by third parties, exchange of plenipotentiary representatives and ambassadors, state border regulations and the most favorable nation treatment for citizens whilst visiting the counterparty and jurisdiction. It also provided the regulations for a number of trade matters, intercommunication issues, questions of personal property etc., however, in actuality this document touched upon a smaller realm of mutual relations that had already been established before the execution of the Agreement, having been formalized in other documents, such as letters and memorandums. These precontractual acts are of genuine interest not only due to their uncertain legal nature and consequences, but also because they cover a much wider range of collaboration and cooperation issues than the Agreement dated November 5, 1921. Goals. So, the paper attempts an interdisciplinary insight into the mentioned documents (addresses, diplomatic notes, letters, etc.) to have preceded the Agreement and formalized Soviet Russia’s foreign policy in the region and its presence in the territory of Outer Mongolia ― to determine the role and impact of the former. Materials and Methods. The study focuses on widely known materials contained in diverse published collections of documents from the Soviet era that were never viewed by most researchers as important tools to have guaranteed the national interests in the Far East. To facilitate a more comfortable perception of the investigated materials by different specialists, the paper was divided in two ― Part One to focus on research tools and its ideological essentials, and Part Two to emphasize certain instruments to have secured the ‘export of revolution’. Results. The article specifies four key lines of cooperation: 1) bilateral collaboration that includes ‘export of ideology’ and sufficient tools thereto, such as disassociation from former political regimes, support for anticolonial sentiments, securement of equal rights in foreign policy issues, cooperative struggle against the common ideological enemy ― world capitalism, ‘soft power’ in the form of educational projects; 2) security arrangements for Soviet territories and borders, including assistance to Mongolian comrades in their fight against the White Guard, allocation of the Red Army units within Mongolian territories until the complete eradication of the White threat, with the participation of military units from the Far Eastern Republic; 3) economic cooperation through mutual financial and economic support of industrial construction projects, resource development and social infrastructure initiatives, etc., 4) joint actions on the international stage pinnacled with the recognition of the Mongolian People’s Republic by China (1945) and the rest of the world community (1961). This shows that during the shaping of the political agenda towards Mongolia the then Soviet leaders did not view contractual aspects of the mechanism as fundamental, and attached no paramount importance to international agreements, which had been distinctive of the Russian Empire.
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Jeshurun, Chandran. "Civil-Military Relations and National Security in ASEAN." Pacific Focus 4, no. 2 (February 13, 2008): 75–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1976-5118.1989.tb00072.x.
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K.C., Khadga. "Historical Analysis of Civil-Military Relations in Nepal." Tribhuvan University Journal 28, no. 1-2 (December 2, 2013): 123–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v28i1-2.26234.
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As like in other developing democracies, it is obvious that there are many CMR problems in Nepal. A lack of national security policies and common national interests, ignorance about security sensitiveness, political instability, parochialism, mistrust, are prominent factors contributing to Nepal’s adverse civil-military relations. However, the military though has already begun to tuning with democratic norms and values should further be engaged in serious organizational reform that includes among others; enhancing professionalism, further accountability, transparency and loyalty of army to the civilian authority follow by earliest promulgation of democratic constitution with the clear provision of democratic control over armed forces.
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Bruneau, Thomas C., Florina Cristiana (Cris) Matei, and Sak Sakoda. "National Security Councils: Their Potential Functions in Democratic Civil-Military Relations." Defense & Security Analysis 25, no. 3 (September 2009): 255–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14751790903201406.
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Berg, Louis-Alexandre. "Civil–Military Relations and Civil War Recurrence: Security Forces in Postwar Politics." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 7-8 (February 27, 2020): 1307–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002720903356.
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Does restructuring security forces reduce the risk of civil war recurrence? Prior research has examined effects of military integration in alleviating commitment problems, but the evidence has been inconclusive. Other aspects of civil–military relations have received less attention. This article examines the effects of civil–military relations in the context of postwar struggles to consolidate authority. It outlines three pathways through which security forces contribute to renewed civil war: by excluding rival factions and facilitating insurgent mobilization, by exploiting control over resources to challenge the regime, or by escalating incipient insurgency through repression. Analysis of original, cross-national data on postwar civil–military relations shows that reducing the potential for exclusion and exploitation through diverse officer appointments and robust civilian oversight lowers the risk of civil war. These findings emphasize the distributive effects of restructuring security forces and highlight the value of examining political contests around state institutions to understand why civil wars restart.
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Palmer, David Scott. "Book Review: Democracy vs. National Security: Civil-Military Relations in Latin America." Armed Forces & Society 19, no. 4 (July 1993): 641–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9301900415.
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Ghosh, Sahana. "Security Socialities." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 39, no. 3 (December 1, 2019): 439–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-7885389.
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Abstract India imposes an increasingly militarized border security agenda along its officially “friendly” border with Bangladesh with a range of preemptive practices to control the illegal movement of people and goods. Focusing ethnographic attention on everyday mobility, I view the articulations of national security in India's eastern borderlands through a gender lens to trace the logics of threat and protection that are made and unmade in everyday civil-military relations. The article explores the social and spatial forms through which civil-military relations unfold and proposes the idea of “security socialities” to think about these polychromatic relations between residents and security force personnel. Intimate yet fluid, ambivalent, and potentially violent, these instantiations of power show how border security is concretized and negotiated, stretched and challenged, but also made acceptable for a range of borderland residents. Security socialities point to the inextricable ties between everyday and spectacular violence of security projects and the relations that constitute them.
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Bacevich, Andrew J., Peter D. Feaver, and Richard H. Kohn. "Soldiers and Civilians: The Civil-Military Gap and American National Security." Foreign Affairs 81, no. 2 (2002): 183. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033111.
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Travis, Donald S. "Saving Samuel Huntington and the Need for Pragmatic Civil–Military Relations." Armed Forces & Society 43, no. 3 (August 30, 2016): 395–414. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x16667287.
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How the U.S. military establishment interacts with other parts of the American government and the people impacts American national power. Because civil–military relationships are influenced by the context of the environment and the “kind of war” being waged, there are a variety of ways that military and civilian leaders can work together to improve the nation’s security. This article proposes an alternative civil–military relations model called pragmatic civilian control. It integrates Samuel Huntington’s objective civilian control theory with traditional American political philosophy and concepts established by Morris Janowitz, while accounting for current geopolitical conditions.
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Stoler, Mark A. "Toward the National Security State: Civil-Military Relations during World War IIby Brian Waddell." Political Science Quarterly 124, no. 2 (June 2009): 388–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165x.2009.tb01905.x.
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Legvold, Robert, and Thomas M. Nichols. "The Sacred Cause: Civil-Military Conflict over Soviet National Security, 1917-1992." Foreign Affairs 72, no. 4 (1993): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20045766.
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Orlova, Keemya V. "Сотрудничество Калмыкии и Монголии в 20-х годах XX в." Oriental Studies 13, no. 3 (December 24, 2020): 546–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2619-0990-2020-49-3-546-559.
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Introduction. The issue of Kalmykia-Mongolia cooperation in the 1920s still remains understudied both in Kalmyk and Mongolian historiography. Ever since the Kalmyks migrated to Russia-controlled territories, relations with Mongolia became irregular enough and were largely reduced to pilgrimage contacts en route to Tibet. But the 1920s witnessed an intensification therein. The period proved extremely harsh and definitely dramatic to both the nations: Kalmyk Steppe became an operational theater of the Russian Civil War, and Outer Mongolia sank into the ‘pot’ of social transformations and struggle for independence. And it is in those tough times that Kalmyks arrived in Mongolia as military instructors to arrange the formation and training of troop units for the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Army. On the other hand, Mongolia delivered humanitarian aid to Kalmykia during the famine. Moreover, the Mongolian Government initiated a resettlement of starving Kalmyks to the country, with significant allowances to be funded. The military and humanitarian aspects have been examined by a number of Kalmyk and Mongolian researchers. Goals. The paper aims to provide additional data on the mentioned and other realms of cooperation during the period under consideration. Materials. The study analyzes new sources, archival materials, and scholarly works, including documents stored at the Central Archive of Russia’s Federal Security Service and ones introduced in Russia-Mongolia Military Cooperation. Results. The attachment of Kalmyks officers to Mongolian military units attests to that the Soviet Government recognized the exnomads should aptly adapt themselves to familiar conditions and cultural environment. Their primary objective was to help commanders of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Army create efficient military forces. And Mongolia did its best to support Kalmykia during the famine of 1921. In January of 1923, the Government of Mongolia initiated a resettlement of starving Kalmyks. Chronicles of relations show the key landmarks for the Soviet Government therein were ethnogenetic ties between the populations, linguistic and cultural affinities. Religious identity also proved an important unifying element.
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Santos, Jorge Calvário dos, José Cimar Rodrigues Pinto, and Ricardo Alfredo de Assis Fayal. "Armed forces and internal security: reflections on civil-military relations in brazil." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas Avançadas do Terceiro Setor 2, no. 2 (August 18, 2019): 206. http://dx.doi.org/10.31501/repats.v2i2.10603.
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This article aims to reflect about the possible implications of the use of the Armed Forces in internal security activities on civil-military relations in Brazil. From the Proclamation of the Republic, in 1989, this fraction occupied a prominent position in the national scenario, whose course, until 1964, was characterized by an interventionist function, imbued with messianic spirit and protagonism in the development of Brazilian institutions, configuring a model of intercurrence that had the characteristics of the civilian subjective control as formulated by Samuel P. Huntington in The Soldier and the State. However, on the basis of academic argumentation in recent research by which there was a process aimed at distancing the military from political participation, in its internal individual aspect and in collusion with political parties, radical organizations or social movements, it was admitted that, after 1985, there was a rupture with the previous trajectory, approaching the barracks of the civilian objective control, lineate in same work of that cited author, which, however, may be being hampered in its external institutional side, due to the significant increasing in the use of the armed segment in the so-called Law and Order Guarantee Operations, giving rise to the possibility of an return to that existing condition prior to the Civil and Military Movement of 1964, a phenomenon that will be explored through the use of the path dependence methodology. The result of the investigation points out to the creation of a condition that has an inertial charge capable of altering the course inherited by the so-called New Republic, which, by combining with other social vectors, can contribute to the return to the status quo ante.
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FURLAN, BRANIMIR. "ZMANJŠEVANJE TVEGANJ ZA NASTANEK CIVILNO-VOJAŠKIH KONFLIKTOV." 20 YEARS OF CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES/20 LET SODOBNIH VOJAŠKIH IZZIVOV, VOLUME 2018, ISSUE 20/4 (October 15, 2018): 27–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.20.4.1.
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Povzetek Za sodobne demokratične civilno-vojaške odnose je značilna vključenost vojaških voditeljev v procese kreiranja politik o vprašanjih nacionalne varnosti in uporabe oboroženih sil. Pri oblikovanju obrambnih ali varnostnih interesov, ciljev in strategij se prepletata civilna in vojaška domena. Zaradi različnih pogledov na nacionalno varnost in obrambo ter z njima povezano vlogo vojske prihaja v civilno-vojaških odnosih do trenj, ki večinoma pomagajo pri sprejemanju dobrih odločitev in oblikovanju kakovostnih varnostnih ali obrambnih strategij. Trenja lahko prerastejo v civilno-vojaški konflikt in vodijo v destabilizacijo civilno-vojaških odnosov. Avtor na podlagi teoretičnih spoznanj o civilno-vojaških odnosih ter študije primera prakse tujih civilno-vojaških odnosov opisuje okoliščine, ki vodijo v civilno-vojaški konflikt. Pri tem predstavi nekatere negativne učinke uveljavljanja mehanizmov civilnega nadzora in pozitivne ter negativne zglede odzivanja ob nesoglasju med udeležencema civilno-vojaškega dialoga. Za zmanjšanje tveganja za nastanek konfliktov ter s tem ohranjanje stabilnih civilno-vojaških odnosov izpostavlja med drugim potrebo po zavedanju vojaških voditeljev o prevladujoči vlogi civilnih voditeljev v razpravah, v katerih prihaja do nesoglasij, ter potrebo po preudarni uporabi mehanizmov civilnega nadzora izvajalcev nadzora. Ključne besede: civilni nadzor, civilno-vojaški konflikti, civilno-vojaška trenja Abstract Modern and democratic civil-military relations are characterized by equal involvement of senior military leadership into processes for the creation of politics associated with questions on national security and use of armed forces. Civilian and military domains overlap in the process of defining defence and security interests, goals and strategies. Due to different perspectives on national security and defence, and the related role of the armed forces, civil-military tensions are logical consequence of this process. In most cases, tensions support effective decision making and creation of good security or defence strategies. At certain point, tensions may lead to civil-military conflicts and lead to the destabilization of civil-military relations. Using different theories of civil-military relations and foreign case studies, the author describes circumstances that lead to civil-military conflicts. He describes certain negative effects of implementing civilian control mechanisms, as well as good and bad examples of how both actors in civil-military debate respond to tensions. In order to reduce risks for the development of conflicts and consequently assure the stabilization of civil-military relations, the author highlights, among others, a need for the military leadership to be aware of the supremacy of civilian authorities in debates where consent does not exist, and a need for prudent use of control mechanisms by the civilian authorities. Key words: civilian control, civil-military conflicts, civil-military tensions
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Baynham, Simon. "Quis Custodiet Ipsos Custodes?: the Case of Nkrumah's National Security Service." Journal of Modern African Studies 23, no. 1 (March 1985): 87–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00056512.
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From the ancient Greek city-states of Athens and Sparta to twentiethcentury Bolivia and Zaïre, from theories of development and underdevelopment to models of civil-military relations, one is struck by the enormous literature on armed intervention in the domestic political arena. In recent years, a veritable rash of material on the subject of military politics has appeared – as much from newspaper correspondents reporting pre-dawn coups from third-world capitals as from the more rarefied towers of academe. Yet looking at the subject from the perspective of how régimes mobilise resources and mechanisms to protect themselves from their own security forces, one is struck by the paucity of empirically-based evidence on the subject.1
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Coletta, Damon, and Thomas Crosbie. "The Virtues of Military Politics." Armed Forces & Society 47, no. 1 (September 12, 2019): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x19871605.
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Sociologists and political scientists have long fretted over the dangers that a politicized military poses to democracy. In recent times, however, civil–military relations experts in the United States accepted retired or indeed still serving generals and admirals in high-ranking political posts. Despite customary revulsion from scholars, the sudden waivers are an indicator that military participation in momentous national security decisions is inherently political without necessarily being partisan, including when civilian authority defers to a largely autonomous sphere for objective military expertise. Military politics is actually critical for healthy civil–military collaboration, when done prudently and moderately. Janowitz and Huntington, founders of the modern study of civil–military relations, understood the U.S. military’s inevitable invitation to political influence. Here, we elaborate on two neglected dimensions, implicit in their projects, of military politics under objective civilian control based on classical virtues of civic republicanism: Aristotle’s practical wisdom and Machiavelli’s virtú.
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Kars Kaynar, Ayşegül. "Political Activism of the National Security Council in Turkey After the Reforms." Armed Forces & Society 43, no. 3 (April 14, 2016): 523–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x16642775.
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Since the early 2000s, civil–military relations in Turkey have been tremendously overhauled. The National Security Council (MGK) lay at the crux of this transformation. This semi-military council was considered to be the principal formal channel that allowed the military to intervene in politics. Therefore, the reforms toward more civilian domination in the MGK were extensively hailed and reckoned as the end of the military’s protracted political role. However, subsequent developments did not verify this initial optimism about the demise of the old pattern of strong military presence in politics. This study examines the political activism of the reformed MGK. It suggests that the reforms trimmed the military’s power through subjecting its functions to civilian control. Nevertheless, this shift proved insufficient to end MGK’s political role. The MGK still actively takes part in politics and preserves its executive authority, although this authority is now performed concertedly by civilians and the soldiers.
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Moon, Chung-in. "Democratization, National Security Politics and Civil-Military Relations: Some Theoretical Issues and the South Korean Case." Pacific Focus 4, no. 2 (February 13, 2008): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1976-5118.1989.tb00068.x.
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Khatri, Ratindra. "Complex nature of humanitarian crisis: Unique dynamics of civil military relations in Nepal." Unity Journal 1 (February 1, 2020): 126–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v1i0.35703.
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The Nepali Army in its vital role in humanitarian assistance and disaster response operation in Nepal receives reputation the world wide. Nepal is prone to disaster risk and the majority of people are living in vulnerable situation. Every year Nepal is facing different types of disasters that caused massive loss of lives and properties. Nepal has not been able to prepare any other viable alternatives in the civil society, so there is no other choice than utilizing military or security forces during any disasters. The Nepali Army has vast inbuilt resources to mobilize its troops effectively in any parts of the country. However, timely and effective disaster response is very difficult due to numerous constraints and complexities. Difficult terrain, limited road communication, inadequate resources and insufficient response capacity are prime reasons that make response operations very challenging. The Army together with other security agencies is performing role as per the given mandate articulated in act, rules, framework and guidelines. In this situation, building civil-military coordination mechanism can be an effective means to respond to the disaster. As a matter of fact, a comprehensive disaster army should continue dialogue, training and exercise with foreign militaries for better understanding and learning through experience. Despite the Nepali Army’s spectacular capability to disaster response, there is a debate whether the military is a right institution to involve in the humanitarian response operations. However, keeping in mind Nepal’s reality without compromising primary role of national sovereignty, territorial integrity and national independence, the Nepali Army should enhance its capability to save lives and property from disasters and hazards.
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Nordhaus, William, John R. Oneal, and Bruce Russett. "The Effects of the International Security Environment on National Military Expenditures: A Multicountry Study." International Organization 66, no. 3 (July 2012): 491–513. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818312000173.
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AbstractWe consider the influence of countries' external security environments on their military spending. We first estimate the ex ante probability that a country will become involved in a fatal militarized interstate dispute using a model of dyadic conflict that incorporates key elements of liberal and realist theories of international relations. We then estimate military spending as a function of the threat of armed interstate conflict and other influences: arms races, the defense expenditures of friendly countries, actual military conflict, democracy, civil war, and national economic output. In a panel of 165 countries, 1950 to 2000, we find our prospectively generated estimate of the external threat to be a powerful variable in explaining military spending. A 1 percentage point increase in the aggregate probability of a fatal militarized dispute, as predicted by our liberal-realist model, leads to a 3 percent increase in a country's military expenditures.
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Ghimire, Pragya. "Nepal’s military diplomacy: Retrospect and prospect." Unity Journal 1 (February 1, 2020): 120–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/unityj.v1i0.35702.
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Military diplomacy has been an important security and foreign policy tool for many centuries. However, in the age of globalization, its importance has grown more rapidly than ever because of the recognition that country’s survival and development also depend on a peaceful and stable national and regional environment. Some of the significant practices in the past reflect that various tools of military diplomacy could be implemented to strengthen country’s overall diplomacy, including bilateral and multi-lateral contacts of military and civilian defence officials of foreign countries; preparing bilateral/multilateral security and defence agreements; exchanging experience with foreign military and civilian defence officials; providing military assistance and support to other countries, such as aid, materials and equipment when there is need and request during the disaster or humanitarian crises. However, these tools of strengthening military diplomacy will not be as effective as expected if there is no effective civil-military relations and synergies between a country’s national security and foreign policy. Moreover, it will require strong expertise and good command of civilian diplomats on security issues and military diplomats on foreign policy issues. To strengthen its military diplomacy to contribute to Nepal’s overall diplomacy and foreign policy, it will require more military attaché in Nepal foreign diplomatic missions of vital security and development interest. Moreover, Nepal should continue building synergies between its national security, foreign and development policies as well as strengthening military diplomacy both at bilateral and regional levels.
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Gibson, Christopher P., and Don M. Snider. "Civil-Military Relations and the Potential to Influence: A Look at the National Security Decision-Making Process." Armed Forces & Society 25, no. 2 (January 1999): 193–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9902500202.
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White, Peter. "Generals in the Cabinet: Military Participation in Government and International Conflict Initiation." International Studies Quarterly 65, no. 2 (February 18, 2021): 551–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqab012.
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Abstract How does the presence of military officers in national government affect a state's likelihood of international conflict? We know a great deal about how overall regime type affects international conflict, but there is substantial variation within regime types in the participation of military officers in the government. We know little about how this variation affects a state's conflict propensity. In this Research Note, I examine three competing arguments for the effect of military participation in government on conflict initiation: Military Aggression, Military Conservatism, and Civil–Military Competition. Military Aggression suggests that military involvement in government will tend to guide the state toward conflict, given a military predisposition to favor the use of force. In contrast, Military Conservatism argues that military officers in government will lead the state to less conflict, given their personal familiarity with its costs. Civil–Military Competition holds that when military officers and civilians share political power, a variety of pathologies in national security deliberation and decision-making emerge, increasing conflict propensity. I test these three propositions cross-nationally using data on the number and type of positions held by military officers in cabinets and state councils and international conflict and find the strongest support for Civil–Military Competition.
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Avant, Deborah, and Kara Kingma Neu. "The Private Security Events Database." Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 8 (January 30, 2019): 1986–2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718824394.
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Since the 1990s, the private provision of military and security services has become a common feature of local, national, and transnational politics. The prevalence of private security has generated important questions about its consequences, but data to answer these questions are sparse. In this article, we introduce the Private Security Events Database (PSED) that traces the involvement of private military and security companies (PMSCs) in events in Africa, Latin America, and Southeast Asia from 1990 to 2012. We describe the PSED project, highlight its descriptive findings, conduct a replication and reanalysis of Akcinaroglu and Radziszewski’s contract data in Africa, and compare the two databases’ coverage of Sierra Leone from 1991 to 1997. Our analysis demonstrates new insights into the relationship between PMSCs and civil war duration, confirming a correlation between PMSC presence and shorter conflicts, but questioning the logic Akcinaroglu and Radziszewski propose. It also points to a number of productive paths for future research.
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Shashkin, P. A. "Institutional Features of the Neo-Weberian state Civil service in the Mechanism of Management of Modern Military Organization." Humanities and Social Sciences. Bulletin of the Financial University 9, no. 6 (February 10, 2020): 62–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.26794/2226-7867-2019-9-6-62-71.
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The author examines the institutional features of the civil service in the model of the “Neo-Weberian state” regarding improving the quality of management of a modern military system. The civil service is considered as an institution for the development of human capital, an element of civil-military synergy that guarantees the stability of management and the legitimacy of political power, including defining the goals of military policy. The study analyses the main features of representation and the realisation of the interests of actors within the framework of the civil service institute to ensure high quality of cognitive management and comprehensive national security. The author analysed the institutional features of the “Neo-Weberian state” civil service model — elitism and integrativeness, and the types of relations they form — autonomy and cognitiveness, on the example of the activities of the European Defense Agency. Analysis of the institutional features of the civil service in the “Neo-Weberian state” model in the mechanism of management of a modern military system serves to determine the motives and forms for the realisation of the interests of actors in military policy, including setting political goals of war, conducting intelligence activities and organising military-civilian cooperation.
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Krebs, Ronald R., and Roy Licklider. "United They Fall: Why the International Community Should Not Promote Military Integration after Civil War." International Security 40, no. 3 (January 2016): 93–138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00228.
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Preventing the recurrence of civil war has become a critical problem for both scholarship and policy. Conventional wisdom urges the creation of capable, legitimate, and inclusive postwar states to reduce the risk of relapse into civil war, and international peacebuilders have often encouraged the formation of a new national army that would include members of the war's opposing sides. However, both the theoretical logics and the empirical record identifying military integration as a significant contributor to durable post–civil war peace are weak. An analysis of eleven cases finds little evidence that military integration played a substantial causal role in preventing the return to civil war. Military integration does not usually send a costly signal of the parties’ commitment to peace, provide communal security, employ many possible spoilers, or act as a powerful symbol of a unified nation. It is therefore both unwise and unethical for the international community to press military integration on reluctant local forces.
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Bruneau, Thomas C. "Civilians and the Military in Latin America: The Absence of Incentives." Latin American Politics and Society 55, no. 04 (2013): 143–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2013.00216.x.
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Abstract This article argues that civil-military relations should be conceptualized not only in terms of democratic civilian control but also for effectiveness in implementing a spectrum of roles and missions. It also argues that achieving effectiveness requires institutional development as a necessary but not sufficient condition. Currently in Latin America, the focus in civil-military relations remains exclusively on civilian control. While there is a growing awareness of the need for analysis beyond asserting control over the armed forces, so far nobody has proposed or adopted a broader analytical framework. This article proposes such a framework, and employs it to analyze differences among four major South American countries: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, and Colombia. The explanation for the differences identified by use of the framework is found in the incentives of civilian elites in Chile and Colombia, who have recognized serious threats to national security and defense.
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Khawaja, M. Idrees. "Ayesha Siddiqa. Military Inc.: Inside Pakistan’s Military Economy. Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2007. 292 pages. Paperback. Rs 450.00." Pakistan Development Review 46, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 177–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v46i2pp.177-179.
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The book is about business interests of the military in Pakistan. It looks at the political economy of military’s business activities and the personal economic stakes of military personnel as the driver of political ambitions of the armed forces. The author has coined the term ‘Milbus’ for military’s business activities. She defines ‘Milbus’ as ‘military capital used for the personal benefit of military fraternity’. Apart from the Introduction, the book has ten chapters. Chapter 1, ‘Milbus: A Theoretical Concept’, argues that Milbus prevails in most militaries around the world. The extent to which Milbus prevails in a military depends upon the civil-military relations and the strength of political institutions in the country. The chapter outlines six distinct categories of civil-military relations along a continuum of the strength of civil institutions. Polity’s that boast of strong civil institutions, see political forces rule over the country with military playing a subservient role. As the strength of civil institutions declines, militaries penetrate, with the role military becoming complete when the state fails. This is the state where warlords rule. Chapter 2, ‘The Pakistan Military: The Development of Praetorianism’, argues that certain structural lacunae in Pakistan’s political system, dating back to 1947, brought the military to fore. Governments of the day, having failed to promote socioeconomic development, promoted the national security paradigm, to retain their political legitimacy. This brought the military to the forefront. The ascent of military is owed on the one hand to the weak political leadership, that gave the military an opportunity to assert itself, and on the other hand to the authoritarian inclination of civil governments, that compelled these governments to partner with the military. Thus the seed of praetorianism were sown from the very beginning.
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M. Shields, Patricia. "Introduction to Symposium." Armed Forces & Society 43, no. 1 (August 19, 2016): 3–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x16662541.
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This Armed Forces & Society symposium on the ethics of senior officer resignation in the United States includes a collection of four papers, each looking at principled resignation in different ways. Two authors, Dubik and Snider, believe principled resignation of senior military officers is sometimes justified, especially in wartime, where their inherent morals clash with their professional demands; these senior officer’s ability to resign in protest distinguishes their service to this nation between stewards and servants. Conversely, Feaver and Kohn believe principled resignation is almost never justified as this action weakens the military profession and ultimately threatens national security. Further, the disastrous effects increase the ever present friction and mistrust in the civil-military process. Each author answers the question in the context of current American civil military relations and it is their hope that this symposium will lead to further discussions, research, and policies regarding the ethics surrounding the issue.
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Azca, Muhammad Najib. "In Between Military and Militia: The Dynamics of the Security Forces in the Communal Conflict in Ambon." Asian Journal of Social Science 34, no. 3 (2006): 431–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853106778048588.
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AbstractThis article presents and discusses the role of the security forces in the communal conflict in Ambon, Indonesia. Though it shares the view articulated by many scholars and social obervers that the security forces played partisan roles in prolonging the Ambon conflict, it criticizes the tendency to overstate their role and see them as a single homogenous actor. Based on extensive research and fieldwork, this paper argues that the dynamics of the role of the security forces in the conflict in Ambon evolved in concert with the dynamics of the conflict itself and was influenced by both local and national factors and their respective actors. It also examines the issue in the context of civil-military relations in the aftermath of the collapse of the authoritarian regime, with particular attention paid to its impact on security sector reform.
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Kohn, Richard H. "On Resignation." Armed Forces & Society 43, no. 1 (August 19, 2016): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x16657323.
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Arguments in favor of the topmost senior officers exercising “principled resignation” in opposition to policies, decisions, or orders that they find immoral, unethical, or disastrous for the country weaken the military profession and endanger American national security. A member of the Joint Chiefs, a combatant commander, or a topmost war commander who “resigns” would be injecting themselves improperly into a policy role, opposing civilian authority, and undermining civilian control of the military. The act would be politicizing for the military and likely fail to change what the officer opposes. Most importantly, their act of personal conscience would poison civil–military relations long into the future; civilian trust in military subordinates not to undermine support for policies and decisions with the public and other political leaders would decline. Even more than today, they would choose their senior military leaders for compatibility and agreement above other traits.
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Perruci, Gamaliel. "Paul W. Zagorski. Democracy vs. National Security: Civil-Military Relations in Latin America. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1992. 217 pp." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 35, no. 1 (1993): 167–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166108.
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Rasevic, Zivorad. "The resort to military force in the COVID-19 health emergency: A justification." Revista Científica General José María Córdova 19, no. 35 (July 1, 2021): 549–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.21830/19006586.777.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has been mobilizing the full capacities of societies worldwide to respond to unprecedented threats to national and human security. In many cases, emergency measures have involved military support to civil institutions, including law enforcement operations. This paper aims to understand the legality and legitimacy of these military operations better, using hermeneutic, comparative, and survey methodology. It is based on the assumptions that international human rights standards crucially determine moral requirements for domestic use of military force and that just war theory can be equally helpful in the decision-making on domestic military operations in such circumstances. This study assesses the justification of current military enforcement and recommends criteria for future emergencies.
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Bobkov, Vladimir A. "Statutory Regulation of Living of Employees of Military Industry Enterprises of Russia in the Second Half of the XIX to the Beginning of the XX Century." Military juridical journal 2 (February 4, 2021): 25–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/2070-2108-2021-2-25-28.
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On the basis of historical documents that were not previously introduced into a wide scientific circulation, the features of the normative legal regulation of the life of workers of military-industrial enterprises (arsenals and factories) of Russia in the second half of the 19th — early 20th centuries are reconstructed. The dependence of the social relations considered in the article on the development of civil and military legislation of the Russian Empire is shown. The publication found that the legal regulation sought to cover most aspects of the life of workers in military enterprises. The military authorities gave legislative incentives to impeccable and high-quality work, designated socio-economic guarantees for workers in the event of injury, injury or retirement. The corresponding punitive norms of the military legislation were applied to the workers of the military-industrial enterprises who were careless about the case, and sometimes committing antisocial actions. In general, civil and military legislation were harmoniously combined and successfully regulated the life of workers of military-industrial enterprises of Russia in the second half of the 19th — early 20th centuries. Effective legislative regulation helped boost productivity in military factories and arsenals, and ultimately ensured the strength of domestic weapons and increased Russia’s national security.
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Linebarger, Christopher, Andrew J. Enterline, and Steven R. Liebel. "Shaken or stirred? Terrorism and third-party state resolve in civil war interventions." Conflict Management and Peace Science 37, no. 3 (December 22, 2017): 301–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0738894217740874.
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Does terrorism against third-party state interveners affect their willingness to continue an intervention into a civil war? Drawing on research examining the impact of terrorism on partisanship, public opinion, and political survival, as well as the targeting of states by terrorists, we link terrorist attacks originating from a civil war state with an intervening state’s resolve to continue an ongoing military intervention into a civil war in support of the government. Terrorism can either undermine a third party’s resolve, because the political costs resulting from terror attacks are perceived to be larger than the national security benefits advertised in support of an intervention or it can fortify a third party’s resolve to continue an intervention because it produces a domestic rally effect that raises the political costs of early departure. Event history analysis of 127 interventions with military personnel into civil conflicts on the side of the government during the 1975–2005 period indicates that terrorist campaigns shake the resolve of third-party states and reduce time to their departure.
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Stahn, Carsten. "Accommodating Individual Criminal Responsibility and National Reconciliation: The UN Truth Commission for East Timor." American Journal of International Law 95, no. 4 (October 2001): 952–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2674655.
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The population of East Timor has been subjected to severe human rights violations, in both the near and the more distant past.1 Indonesia invaded the former Portuguese colony and non-self-governing territory under Chapter XI of the United Nations Charter on December 7,1975, after a period of civil turmoil and political instability marked by parallel claims to independence and calls for integration into Indonesia.2 The Indonesian invasion brought with it massive violations of human rights and the laws of war.3 Military clashes between the independence movement FRETILIN (Frente Revolucionaria do Timor Leste Independente) and Indonesia continued on a large scale until 1979, though rebellion against Indonesian rule generally persisted for the whole period of Indonesian occupation. Beginning in January 1999, pro-Indonesian militia, supported by Indonesian security forces.
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Gourdin, Kent N. "Preserving the Civil Reserve Air Fleet: sustaining America’s emergency lifeline." Journal of Defense Analytics and Logistics 3, no. 2 (December 2, 2019): 142–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jdal-01-2019-0003.
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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine an issue of critical importance to America’s national security. The Civil Reserve Air Fleet (CRAF) is a public/private partnership between US air carriers and the Department of Defense (DOD) for the provision of contingency airlift services to the military in times of national need. Formed in 1951, the CRAF has only been activated twice, but it has continued to be a source of emergency air transportation should the nation require resources beyond those available from the US Air Force. Sweeping changes occurring in global trade, commercial aviation, national defense policy and foreign relations suggest that changes will be needed to maintain the CRAF as a strategic defense transportation resource. Design/methodology/approach This paper examines the long-standing national policy of relying on commercial interests to provide contingency transportation to the DOD in wartime. The CRAF will be singled out for closer examination in light of environmental changes occurring in the airline industry, international trade and global threats to the nation. The purpose of this analysis is to then assess the partnership’s ability to remain relevant in an uncertain future. Findings First, commercial cargo aircraft are downsizing thereby becoming less useful to the DOD. Second, there is no new wide-body military airlifter on the horizon. Third, threats from hostile nations are becoming more indirect and subtle, requiring planners to think “outside the box” when assessing the need for strategic airlift over the next 20-50 years. Originality/value The CRAF has not fundamentally changed since its inception in 1951. The time has come to reexamine the partnership to ensure that it remains America’s emergency lifeline.
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Lemeshko, Olha V., Volodymyr V. Lemeshko, Natalia V. Kalyniuk, and Oleh H. Trembovetskyi. "Development of the National Security Masters’ communicative language ability." Revista Romaneasca pentru Educatie Multidimensionala 13, no. 2 (July 2, 2021): 340–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/rrem/13.2/425.
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Knowledge of the English language is very important not only for civil but also for the military personnel because there are a lot of changes in defense relations all over the world and English is the operational language. So, we should focus on high quality training of specialists who are able to work not only under standard conditions, but also to solve professional problems. According to the Ukrainian current legislation, one of the professional competences of border guards is to speak in English while accomplishing duties on the state border. So there is a necessity to analyze methods and ways of organizing the educational process of this category. The article reflects the key issues connected with the educational program of border guards; investigates integral, general and professional competencies and program learning outcomes. The main attention is paid to peculiarities of English for Specific Purposes and its aim to form foreign professional communicative competence according to the NATO Standards at the 2nd level. The hypothesis of our article is that the development of the national security masters’ communicative language ability depends on use of up to day learning methods at the English language lessons. The discipline ESP for border guards training includes such themes: “Conceptual bases of politics and public administration in the sphere of national security and defense of Ukraine”, “Border security of Ukraine”, “Border Security of the USA and EU country-members” and “Conceptual bases of politics and public administration in the sphere of national security and defense of the USA and EU country-members”. The organization of the lesson “Land navigation: map reading” has been discussed and its five-stage plan (introduction, input, practice, production, and conclusion) has been investigated. The information obtained from this paper could be of interest for English for Specific Purposes teaching material developers and foreign language instructors.
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Ghafoori, Akbar. "The Study of Effects of Iraq's New Political Geography on the National Security of the Islamic Republic of Iran Based on Lee Norji Martin’s Theory." Journal of Politics and Law 9, no. 5 (June 29, 2016): 230. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v9n5p230.
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Given that the geography of modern times was one of the most important factors affecting the relations between Iran and Iraq, in this article we have tried to examine the influence of Iraq's new political geography variable factors on the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. For this purpose, regardless of the security implications of Iraq's geopolitical constant factors, with placing three variable factors in the political geography means population, natural resources and socio-political institutions in the form of five security variables for Lee Norji. Martin, meaning the political legitimacy, civil rights and ethnic and minorities, military strength, the strength of economic management and natural resources, fifteen areas will be formed (in the annexes, these fifteen areas are in the table). The question that arises here is that what is the impact of Iraq's new political geography on the national security of Iran? The hypothesis that we are looking to review it is that changes in some areas of geopolitical of Iraq, after the United States invaded Iraq, made threats to the national security of Iran. The main objective of this paper is to study Iranian security changes in the first ten areas and to present solutions. Since the Iraq has not achieved stability yet, next five areas need further research and in this article do not occur<strong>.</strong>
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Gill, Amandeep Singh. "Artificial Intelligence and International Security: The Long View." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 02 (2019): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000145.
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AbstractHow will emerging autonomous and intelligent systems affect the international landscape of power and coercion two decades from now? Will the world see a new set of artificial intelligence (AI) hegemons just as it saw a handful of nuclear powers for most of the twentieth century? Will autonomous weapon systems make conflict more likely or will states find ways to control proliferation and build deterrence, as they have done (fitfully) with nuclear weapons? And importantly, will multilateral forums find ways to engage the technology holders, states as well as industry, in norm setting and other forms of controlling the competition? The answers to these questions lie not only in the scope and spread of military applications of AI technologies but also in how pervasive their civilian applications will be. Just as civil nuclear energy and peaceful uses of outer space have cut into and often shaped discussions on nuclear weapons and missiles, the burgeoning uses of AI in consumer products and services, health, education, and public infrastructure will shape views on norm setting and arms control. New mechanisms for trust and confidence-building measures might be needed not only between China and the United States—the top competitors in comprehensive national strength today—but also among a larger group of AI players, including Canada, France, Germany, India, Israel, Japan, Russia, South Korea, and the United Kingdom.
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Parrott, Bruce. "The Sacred Cause: Civil-Military Conflict over Soviet National Security, 1917–1992. By Thomas M. Nichols. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1993. 259p. $32.50." American Political Science Review 88, no. 2 (June 1994): 504–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2944770.
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Clark, Nathan Edward. "Blurred Lines." Journal of International Humanitarian Legal Studies 10, no. 1 (June 9, 2019): 171–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18781527-01001003.
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This article examines the dynamics of an emerging multi-use paradigm for satellite remote sensing (RS). From the beginning of the space age, RS satellites have served as dual-use technologies. The advancements to RS technology since that time have largely been driven by the security and economic interests of States. While these interests are to some extent mutually supporting, they have also created a complex environment where non-governmental actors such as commercial satellite operators are increasingly involved in matters of national security and defence. Furthermore, the growing number of RS data providers globally, and more open and easily accessible data and analysis tools online, are creating a new use paradigm for RS in civil-military relations. These developments are extending the dual-use technology dilemma to one of multi-use, where non-governmental actors, including ordinary individuals, are becoming entangled in government affairs. This article traces the trajectory of these processes, and discusses potential implications for RS capable States.
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Gamba-Stonehouse, Virginia. "Paul W. Zagorski, Democracy vs. National Security: Civil–Military Relations in Latin America (Boulder and London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1992), pp. xii+216, $35.00, $16.95 pb." Journal of Latin American Studies 24, no. 3 (October 1992): 700–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00024457.
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Taydas, Zeynep, and Dursun Peksen. "Can states buy peace? Social welfare spending and civil conflicts." Journal of Peace Research 49, no. 2 (March 2012): 273–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343311431286.
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This study examines whether the state’s ability to provide social welfare services has any major effect on the probability of civil conflict onset. We argue that welfare spending contributes to sustaining peace because the provision of social services reduces grievances by offsetting the effects of poverty and inequality in society. Welfare spending serves as an indication of the commitment of the government to social services and reflects its priorities and dedication to citizens. By enacting welfare policies that improve the living standards of citizens, governments can co-opt the political opposition and decrease the incentives for organizing a rebellion. Utilizing time-series, cross-national data for the 1975–2005 period, the results indicate that as the level of the government investment in welfare policies (i.e. education, health, and social security) increases, the likelihood of civil conflict onset declines significantly, controlling for several other covariates of internal conflict. Additional data analysis shows that general public spending and military expenditures are unlikely to increase or decrease the probability of civil unrest. Overall, these findings suggest that certain types of public spending, such as welfare spending, might have a strong pacifying effect on civil conflict, and therefore the state’s welfare efforts are vital for the maintenance of peace.
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al-Hamid, Raed. "The American withdrawal from Iraq: ways and means for remaining behind*." Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no. 2 (April 1, 2012): 230–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.669094.
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This article examines the 2011 withdrawal of United States' regular military forces from Iraq in the context of Gen. David H. Petraeus strategy of the ‘surge’ and co-opting Sunni fighters against forces aligned with al-Qāʿidah through brokering tribal alliances and adding members of the majālis al-ṣaḥwah (‘awakening councils’) to government pay rosters. It is argued here that Petraeus's strategy of the ‘surge’ was numerically insignificant and – even if he did order US fighting units back onto the streets – was only partly effective. Various factors and internal Iraqi dynamics played a more decisive role in the outcome of events that ultimately gave the Nuri Maliki government a free hand to work in unofficial cooperation with Shiʿite militias to leave major Sunni neighbourhoods in Baghdad depopulated or abandoned and which transformed the capital into a predominantly Shiʿite city. American withdrawal from Iraq was dictated by the need to redeploy US military personnel and material in Afghanistan, which coincided with a new rhetorical framework under Barack Obama for working with the Islamic world that diverged from George W. Bush's categorizations under his ‘War on Terror’ as well as the recommendations of the new May 2010 National Security Strategy, which set down the broad outlines for withdrawal. Despite the formal military withdrawal, a palpable American presence remains in Iraq through private security firms as well as a constellation of various agreements and deals concluded with mega-corporations and other, not to mention the largest US embassy in the world with its various support apparatuses. While the troop withdrawal of regular forces has taken place and permitted redeployment in Afghanistan, the ways which the Americans have devised to remain behind are many and their de facto presence, albeit in more ‘civil’ forms, is still very much a ‘fact on the ground’.
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Morgan, Matthew J. "Book Review: Danopoulos, C. P., Vajpeyi, D., & Bar-or, A., eds. (2004). Civil-Military Relations, Nation-Building, and National Identity: Comparative Perspectives. Westport, CT: Praeger International Security." Armed Forces & Society 34, no. 4 (May 4, 2007): 716–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x07308352.
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Sidorov, Sergey. "V International Scientific Conference “Military History of Russia: Problems, Search, Decisions” Devoted to the 75th Anniversary of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War (September 11–12, 2020, Volgograd)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 1 (March 2021): 253–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.22.
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The article presents information about the V International scientific conference “Military history of Russia: problems, search, solutions” held in Volgograd on September 11–12, 2020, dedicated to the 75th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War. The conference was held at Volgograd State University. The conference was informative and representative in its composition: more than 220 representatives of scientific institutions of the Russian Academy of Sciences, civil and military universities and centers, archives, museums and libraries in 48 cities of Russia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Great Britain, Kazakhstan, USA, Turkmenistan and Ukraine. Among the participants of the conference there was a corresponding member of RAE, 39 doctors and 82 candidates of sciences. Along with professors and associate professors, the conference was attended by young scientists: assistant lecturers, postgraduate students, master students, students and schoolchildren. The article analyzes the work of the plenary session, sections, round tables and the discussion platform. The mainstream sections were the following: “Patriotic War: history and modernity”, “National economy of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War”, “Social history of the Great Patriotic War”, “Lower Volga and the Don during the Great Patriotic War”, “Source base for the study of the Great Patriotic War”, “Problems of historiography of the Great Patriotic War”. The permanent sections presented reports on military history in ancient times, the middle ages, modern and contemporary times, social protection of the population in wartime, and international aspects of the Battle of Stalingrad. The round tables discussed issues of military and political security of society and the state, problems of military memorial tourism in the Russian Federation, and international aspects of military conflicts. The discussion platform was dedicated to patriotic education of children and youth.
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Marković, Damir. "The relationship between civilian and military health insurance: The condition for more efficient healthcare." Vojno delo 72, no. 1 (2020): 71–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2001071m.
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The aim of this paper is to analyze the relationship between the Fund for Social Security of Military Insurers and the Republic Health Insurance Fund through the aspect of more efficient use of health insurance funds. Analyzing this relationship, the system of health care in the Republic of Serbia and the health insurance system are essentially considered. Taking into account the specifics of the social protection of military insurers, efforts are being made to find out the direction and improvement of relations with the civilian health care system. Only the proactive relationship between the military and the civilian health system and the health insurance system is a condition of better health care for the insured of both funds, as well as more efficient use of health insurance funds. Health protection of the population is one of the most important social priorities and as such it must be given special attention. The right of the individual to health care, but also to other forms of protection, is realized within the framework of social insurance. Health care, and therefore the health insurance system of military insureds, developed in accordance with the specifics related to the military system itself. Fully respecting the autonomy of the said system, the development of insurance in this area evolved along with changes in the prevailing civilian health insurance system. The system of health care and health insurance is one of the most important systems in each country. The efficiency and cost-effectiveness of the functioning of this system is a challenge for every national economy. The goal that needs to be achieved is to achieve the best health care of the nation by means of available health insurance. The system of compulsory health insurance in the Republic of Serbia is implemented through a unique state organization - the Republic Health Insurance Fund. When it comes to health insurance and the protection of civil and military insurers, it is clear that these are two completely separate and independent systems that have a lot of common points and whose mutual cooperation and shared use of resources should lead to positive effects as a whole. The financial aspect, which is especially reflected through the health insurance system, is one of the most important factors because it directly affects the scope and quality of the entire health care system. Considering and analyzing the complexity of the mutual relations between the civilian and military health and social security systems, and consequently the health care system, some of the possible proposals have emerged for improvement of one of the most important aspects of every society - the health of the nation.
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Blagojević, Jelisaveta. "Triple relations: The society, armed forces and civil authority in the context of political transition: The case of Syria." Vojno delo 73, no. 2 (2021): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vojdelo2102031v.
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The study of civil-military relations, from the standpoint of political science, gains particularly relevance in the periods of transition, i.e. the attempt to change the existing regime through protests or rebellion of the dissatisfied masses. How the armed forces will react, i.e. whether they will remain loyal to the regime or take the demonstrators' part, depends, inter alia, on the closeness of the ties between the armed forces and society. The ethnic, national, religious and other structure of the armed forces, their main mission, the position in relation to the security services, as well as participation in the implementation of repressive measures, are some of the indicators of the relation between the armed forces and society. The objective of this paper is to study the impact of the social structure of the armed forces on their decision to (not) support the protests, based on the following hypothesis: If the structure of the armed forces is mostly composed of members of the ruling ethnic, sectarian, tribal and similar groups, it is more likely that they will support the regime. The hypothesis was tested on the case of Syria, where the armed forces decided to stay with Bashar al-Assad, which was analyzed through their sectarian-Alawite character, i.e. the identity of the Alawites religious sect, the main features of the Assad rule and the armed forces position in that regime. Using the case study method, it can be concluded that the case of Syria shows that if the social structure of the armed forces is a reflection of the structure of the ruling elite, they remain loyal to the regime because their survival depends on that regime.