Academic literature on the topic 'National security, france'

After the end of the Cold War, France issued the first document defining its national security strategy only in 1994. In the following years, despite its involvement in NATO and European Union enlargement, France did not publish any documents defining its security strategy. Only when Europe and the world found themselves in the process of reconfiguration of the international order at the end of the first decade of the 21st century did France begin to issue extensive documents defining its defense and national security strategy. As international terrorism became the greatest threat to France, the first document published in 2006 dealt with its position regarding this global phenomenon. Subsequently, White Papers on Defense and National Security were published in 2008 and 2013, followed by the Strategic Review of Defense and National Security in 2017. These documents define threats and challenges to the security of France, as well as its goals, and means and methods for strengthening it. They make up a broad understanding of the security of the state, society and the individuals, and international security. They show the programming of France as a European and world power. The author draws attention to some similarities and differences with the national security strategy of the Russian Federation. The analysis is conducted using the neorealist approach.

This article is devoted to the study of information security in the EU member states, in particular Germany and France, in the context of the analysis of their national legislation, state, national programs and regulations. Particular attention is paid to the study of the features of regulatory and legal security of information security of Germany and France in the context of the study of their national legislation in terms of economic security as an inherent component of national security. In the course of this study the peculiarities of the functioning of the institutional and legal mechanism of cyber defense in the context of the multi-vector system of international security and legal regulation of international cooperation are analyzed. The article substantiates the expediency of developing an integrated, coordinated information policy of the EU member states in order to unify approaches to information security.At the same time, the current realities of European Union policy require comprehensive research in the context of ensuring national interests, developing effective mechanisms for protecting the information space, and legal mechanisms for shaping the economic system as a strategic factor of national security. Accordingly, the approaches to information security adopted in the European Union are currently not unified due to the geopolitical specifics of the EU’s countries. Therefore, the research, evaluation, and implementation of the positive experience of Germany and France in this area, according to the authors, is important in building the information security system of the European Union in the context of reliable protection against cyber threats.

Documents of the French Secret Police (Sûreté Nationale) and the archives of Paul Desjardins in the Archives of the Institue of National Remembrance – review of the archives The article focuses on presenting French archival documents from the collection of the Commander of the Security Police and Security Service in France (der Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei und des Sicherheitsdienstes in Frankreich) in the archives of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN). In 1982 the collection was transferred by the Central Archives of the Ministry of Interior to the Central Archives Commission for the Investigation of Crimes against the Polish Nation, and then in 2000 it was transferred to the IPN Archives. Twenty-eight archival units from this collection concern the synarchist movement, its functioning in the 1930s and during the Vichy regime in France, as well as the famous intellectual meetings in Pontigny (Les Décades de Pontigny) organized by Professor Paul Desjardins.

In 2015, the WHO recognized health care in France as the best in the world. It has the highest average life expectancy in Europe, the lowest mortality from cardiovascular diseases, and one of the highest birth rates. The state spends 11.8 % of its GDP on health care, ranking third in the world after the USA (17.4 %) and the Netherlands (12 %). France has a complex system uniting private and public sectors that provide medical services and health care financing. The system is based on the principles of compulsory health insurance, which is largely complemented by voluntary one. The national health insurance system, overseen by the Ministry of Social Affairs, covers 99 % of the country’s population and provides equitable access to guaranteed health care. A wide range of almost unlimited medical services is available not only in the hospital sector, but also in the outpatient one. The national insurance system is an integral part of the compulsory social security system.

Abstract This article examines the reaction of the Canadian government to the Algerian war for independence from France from 1954 to 1962. It reveals that, while sympathetic to the ambitions of colonial peoples to determine their own national destinies, the Canadian government often judged colonial issues after the Second World War by the impact they had on the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, Canadian security interests and the Cold War. Given that the Algerian war threatened France's ability and willingness to contribute to NATO during this period the Canadian government felt compelled to support France's efforts to retain its North African colony both politically and militarily. Canadian officials wanted France's participation in NATO and were unwilling to antagonise France by opposing its Algerian policies. In this instance national security interests were of a higher priority for the Canadian government than support for the principle of national self-determination for colonial peoples.

Purpose This study aims to scrutinize and analyze the regional challenges facing Kuwait and their impact on Kuwait’s national security since the outbreak of Arab Spring revolutions in 2011. These challenges are as follows: the Iranian threat, the Arab Spring revolutions and the recent Gulf crisis with Qatar. Design/methodology/approach The study adopts national interest approach, which focuses on a state’s economic, military and cultural objectives. According to this approach, a state seeks to achieve its own national interests. There are multiple national interests, but the ultimate goal is the survival and security of the state. Findings The study concludes that the Gulf countries, including Kuwait, are facing unprecedented challenges as a result of the dire consequences of the Arab Spring revolutions, the control of Houthi group on Yemen’s institutions and the repercussions of negotiations between 5 + 1 group (Russia, China, France, Britain, the USA + German) and Iran on the Iranian nuclear program. These developments are not in the interest of the Gulf countries in general and Kuwait in particular. The study recommends that Kuwait must adopt an external strategy based on achieving the regional balance with the countries of the region and dealing with different challenges according to its national interest. Originality/value The importance of the study stems from the fact that the Arab region witnessed many developments at the political, economic and social levels since the outbreak of the Arab Spring revolutions. These developments posed many threats to Arab countries such as the spread of terrorism, religious extremism, terrorist organizations and non-state actors. They also became a key determinant of foreign policy. Kuwait was affected by these developments. In addition, it faces threats affecting its national security such as the Iranian threat, the Arab Spring revolutions and the Gulf crisis with Qatar. The study addresses these threats and how Kuwait, as a small state, has dealt with such enormous ones.

Egypt regards the Nile as a vital "Life Line". As such, the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam poses a significant threat to its national security, and thus, Egypt has to arrive at the most effective decision in order to remove this threat. Egypt embarked on a global diplomatic pressure designated to influence Ethiopia, backed by signals of relevant contributive acquisitions relevant to the Egyptian army's buildup: E.g., 30 Rafale jests from France in 2021 (following a former acquisition of 24 jets in 2015), 50 Mig-29Ms fighter jets in 2015 or 24 Sukhoi Su-35 in 2018, from Russia. This study finds that albeit the noted signals of massive quality acquisitions from new sponsors such as France or Russia due to a decrease of US armament from 47 percent of Egypt's arms imports between 2009-2014, to 14 percent between 2015-2020, due to sanctions by President Obama, following the deposing of President Morsi in 2013, the Egyptian army is bounded by military and economic restrains, effecting an arrival to efficient operative decisions in order to embark on a military response versus Ethiopia, should the diplomatic prism would not achieve its goal, of removing the potential threat on the Nile water flow. The identity of army buildup arms suppliers, weapons and markets, effects significantly the noted decision-making process

Historically, Libya was not part of the French sphere of interest and influence, the core of which was traditionally Francophone Africa. Since the fall of the Gaddafi regime in 2011, security issues in the countries of the Sahara - Sahel region have become particularly important for France. The article is preceded by a brief historical account of Franco-Libyan relations up to and after the fall of the Gaddafi regime, when the situation within and along the Libyan borders deteriorated and became a matter of growing concern in France and internationally. The relevance and novelty of this study lie the examination of the French attitude towards the Libyan crisis in close conjunction with the need for forceful counter-terrorism actions and security measures in the Sahelю The aim is to analyse the evolving situation in the region, identifying the motivation for and the nature of France's actions in and around Libya, as well as in the context of a future post-conflict settlement. In writing the article, the author relied on historical-genetic and historical-analytical methods, drawing on national and international monographs, articles published in academic periodicals, and official documents of international organisations. He concludes that France had limited resources and capacity to stabilise Libya. He argues that the involuntary reliance on Khalifa Haftar as a fulcrum for security in southern Libya, the border areas, and for reducing the projection of the terrorist threat into the Sahara-Sahel region was unwarranted. It is also demonstrated that France has critically underestimated the potential of other influential parties to the current Libyan crisis, which, in the circumstances, has reduced its ability to influence the intra-Libyan and regional balance of power.

The article provides the importance of Ukraine's economic development to ensure national security, highlights the main internal and external threats to Ukraine's national security, such as: hybrid economic war, the "needle" of loans from the International Monetary Fund, communal tariffs, opening the gas market in Ukraine, inefficient introduction of the circulation of domestic agricultural lands and insufficient use of the capabilities of the country's economy. The cyclical nature of economic development is practically proved by distinguishing four phases of economic development of the studied countries for the last ten years, weak efficiency of economic policy of Ukraine and possible applied mechanisms of economic growth. An econometric analysis of GDP of Ukraine and countries that occupy the largest share in Ukrainian imports of goods, the budget of Ukraine and the budget of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine using the method of least squares and even linear regressions, calculated the intensity of changes in Ukraine's economic processes. The model of gross domestic product of Ukraine depending on the gross domestic product of China, Poland, Russia, Turkey, Germany, Italy, Belarus, the United States and France (nine-factor model), as well as the model of Ukraine's defense budget depending on the domestic gross domestic product product, budget expenditures, taxes, minimum and average wages and inflation (seven-factor model). On the example of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine as a public sector institution, the registration algorithm for economic (additional) activities by military units and the distribution of revenues to increase the special fund of the state budget of Ukraine and create recovery of the country economy in general.