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1
Zięba, Ryszard. "France’s security strategy for the 21st century." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 15, no. 1 (2022): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2022.101.
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After the end of the Cold War, France issued the first document defining its national security strategy only in 1994. In the following years, despite its involvement in NATO and European Union enlargement, France did not publish any documents defining its security strategy. Only when Europe and the world found themselves in the process of reconfiguration of the international order at the end of the first decade of the 21st century did France begin to issue extensive documents defining its defense and national security strategy. As international terrorism became the greatest threat to France, the first document published in 2006 dealt with its position regarding this global phenomenon. Subsequently, White Papers on Defense and National Security were published in 2008 and 2013, followed by the Strategic Review of Defense and National Security in 2017. These documents define threats and challenges to the security of France, as well as its goals, and means and methods for strengthening it. They make up a broad understanding of the security of the state, society and the individuals, and international security. They show the programming of France as a European and world power. The author draws attention to some similarities and differences with the national security strategy of the Russian Federation. The analysis is conducted using the neorealist approach.
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Kavyn, Sviatoslav, Ivan Bratsuk, and Anatoliy Lytvynenko. "Regulatory and Legal Enforcement of Cyber Security in Countries of the European Union: The Experience of Germany and France." Teisė 121 (December 8, 2021): 135–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/teise.2021.121.8.
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This article is devoted to the study of information security in the EU member states, in particular Germany and France, in the context of the analysis of their national legislation, state, national programs and regulations. Particular attention is paid to the study of the features of regulatory and legal security of information security of Germany and France in the context of the study of their national legislation in terms of economic security as an inherent component of national security. In the course of this study the peculiarities of the functioning of the institutional and legal mechanism of cyber defense in the context of the multi-vector system of international security and legal regulation of international cooperation are analyzed. The article substantiates the expediency of developing an integrated, coordinated information policy of the EU member states in order to unify approaches to information security.At the same time, the current realities of European Union policy require comprehensive research in the context of ensuring national interests, developing effective mechanisms for protecting the information space, and legal mechanisms for shaping the economic system as a strategic factor of national security. Accordingly, the approaches to information security adopted in the European Union are currently not unified due to the geopolitical specifics of the EU’s countries. Therefore, the research, evaluation, and implementation of the positive experience of Germany and France in this area, according to the authors, is important in building the information security system of the European Union in the context of reliable protection against cyber threats.
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Nisiobęcka, Aneta. "Dokumenty tajnej policji francuskiej (Sûreté Nationale) i archiwum Paula Desjardinsa w zasobie Archiwum IPN – przegląd archiwaliów." Prace Historyczne 148, no. 1 (2021): 179–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/20844069ph.21.011.13688.
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Documents of the French Secret Police (Sûreté Nationale) and the archives of Paul Desjardins in the Archives of the Institue of National Remembrance – review of the archives The article focuses on presenting French archival documents from the collection of the Commander of the Security Police and Security Service in France (der Befehlshaber der Sicherheitspolizei und des Sicherheitsdienstes in Frankreich) in the archives of the Institute of National Remembrance (IPN). In 1982 the collection was transferred by the Central Archives of the Ministry of Interior to the Central Archives Commission for the Investigation of Crimes against the Polish Nation, and then in 2000 it was transferred to the IPN Archives. Twenty-eight archival units from this collection concern the synarchist movement, its functioning in the 1930s and during the Vichy regime in France, as well as the famous intellectual meetings in Pontigny (Les Décades de Pontigny) organized by Professor Paul Desjardins.
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Frolova, Elena Vladimirovna. "Health care in France." Spravočnik vrača obŝej praktiki (Journal of Family Medicine), no. 4 (April 16, 2021): 64–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/med-10-2104-09.
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In 2015, the WHO recognized health care in France as the best in the world. It has the highest average life expectancy in Europe, the lowest mortality from cardiovascular diseases, and one of the highest birth rates. The state spends 11.8 % of its GDP on health care, ranking third in the world after the USA (17.4 %) and the Netherlands (12 %). France has a complex system uniting private and public sectors that provide medical services and health care financing. The system is based on the principles of compulsory health insurance, which is largely complemented by voluntary one. The national health insurance system, overseen by the Ministry of Social Affairs, covers 99 % of the country’s population and provides equitable access to guaranteed health care. A wide range of almost unlimited medical services is available not only in the hospital sector, but also in the outpatient one. The national insurance system is an integral part of the compulsory social security system.
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Gendron, Robin S. "Tempered Sympathy: Canada’s Reaction to the Independence Movement in Algeria, 1954-1962." Ottawa 1998 9, no. 1 (2006): 225–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/030499ar.
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Abstract This article examines the reaction of the Canadian government to the Algerian war for independence from France from 1954 to 1962. It reveals that, while sympathetic to the ambitions of colonial peoples to determine their own national destinies, the Canadian government often judged colonial issues after the Second World War by the impact they had on the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation, Canadian security interests and the Cold War. Given that the Algerian war threatened France's ability and willingness to contribute to NATO during this period the Canadian government felt compelled to support France's efforts to retain its North African colony both politically and militarily. Canadian officials wanted France's participation in NATO and were unwilling to antagonise France by opposing its Algerian policies. In this instance national security interests were of a higher priority for the Canadian government than support for the principle of national self-determination for colonial peoples.
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Alenezi, Adnan. "The regional challenges affecting Kuwait’s national security." Review of Economics and Political Science 5, no. 1 (2020): 57–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/reps-06-2019-0088.
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Purpose This study aims to scrutinize and analyze the regional challenges facing Kuwait and their impact on Kuwait’s national security since the outbreak of Arab Spring revolutions in 2011. These challenges are as follows: the Iranian threat, the Arab Spring revolutions and the recent Gulf crisis with Qatar. Design/methodology/approach The study adopts national interest approach, which focuses on a state’s economic, military and cultural objectives. According to this approach, a state seeks to achieve its own national interests. There are multiple national interests, but the ultimate goal is the survival and security of the state. Findings The study concludes that the Gulf countries, including Kuwait, are facing unprecedented challenges as a result of the dire consequences of the Arab Spring revolutions, the control of Houthi group on Yemen’s institutions and the repercussions of negotiations between 5 + 1 group (Russia, China, France, Britain, the USA + German) and Iran on the Iranian nuclear program. These developments are not in the interest of the Gulf countries in general and Kuwait in particular. The study recommends that Kuwait must adopt an external strategy based on achieving the regional balance with the countries of the region and dealing with different challenges according to its national interest. Originality/value The importance of the study stems from the fact that the Arab region witnessed many developments at the political, economic and social levels since the outbreak of the Arab Spring revolutions. These developments posed many threats to Arab countries such as the spread of terrorism, religious extremism, terrorist organizations and non-state actors. They also became a key determinant of foreign policy. Kuwait was affected by these developments. In addition, it faces threats affecting its national security such as the Iranian threat, the Arab Spring revolutions and the Gulf crisis with Qatar. The study addresses these threats and how Kuwait, as a small state, has dealt with such enormous ones.
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Bouks, Barak. "The Restrains On Egypt's National Security Towards The Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam." Security science journal 3, no. 1 (2022): 39–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/ssj.3.1.3.
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Egypt regards the Nile as a vital "Life Line". As such, the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam poses a significant threat to its national security, and thus, Egypt has to arrive at the most effective decision in order to remove this threat. Egypt embarked on a global diplomatic pressure designated to influence Ethiopia, backed by signals of relevant contributive acquisitions relevant to the Egyptian army's buildup: E.g., 30 Rafale jests from France in 2021 (following a former acquisition of 24 jets in 2015), 50 Mig-29Ms fighter jets in 2015 or 24 Sukhoi Su-35 in 2018, from Russia. This study finds that albeit the noted signals of massive quality acquisitions from new sponsors such as France or Russia due to a decrease of US armament from 47 percent of Egypt's arms imports between 2009-2014, to 14 percent between 2015-2020, due to sanctions by President Obama, following the deposing of President Morsi in 2013, the Egyptian army is bounded by military and economic restrains, effecting an arrival to efficient operative decisions in order to embark on a military response versus Ethiopia, should the diplomatic prism would not achieve its goal, of removing the potential threat on the Nile water flow. The identity of army buildup arms suppliers, weapons and markets, effects significantly the noted decision-making process
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Sidorov, Alexander. "France in Search of a Foothold in Post-Gaddafi Libya." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018568-2.
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Historically, Libya was not part of the French sphere of interest and influence, the core of which was traditionally Francophone Africa. Since the fall of the Gaddafi regime in 2011, security issues in the countries of the Sahara - Sahel region have become particularly important for France. The article is preceded by a brief historical account of Franco-Libyan relations up to and after the fall of the Gaddafi regime, when the situation within and along the Libyan borders deteriorated and became a matter of growing concern in France and internationally. The relevance and novelty of this study lie the examination of the French attitude towards the Libyan crisis in close conjunction with the need for forceful counter-terrorism actions and security measures in the Sahelю The aim is to analyse the evolving situation in the region, identifying the motivation for and the nature of France's actions in and around Libya, as well as in the context of a future post-conflict settlement. In writing the article, the author relied on historical-genetic and historical-analytical methods, drawing on national and international monographs, articles published in academic periodicals, and official documents of international organisations. He concludes that France had limited resources and capacity to stabilise Libya. He argues that the involuntary reliance on Khalifa Haftar as a fulcrum for security in southern Libya, the border areas, and for reducing the projection of the terrorist threat into the Sahara-Sahel region was unwarranted. It is also demonstrated that France has critically underestimated the potential of other influential parties to the current Libyan crisis, which, in the circumstances, has reduced its ability to influence the intra-Libyan and regional balance of power.
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Helnarska, Karolina. "The National security of France in White Papers on Defense. Continuity or change?" Polish Political Science Yearbook 42, no. 1 (2013): 2–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2013017.
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Marko, Y., and V. Kuzmenko. "ECONOMETRICS OF NATIONAL SECURITY AND DEFENSE OF UKRAINE." Visnyk Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. Military-Special Sciences, no. 2 (46) (2021): 44–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2217.2021.46.44-52.
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The article provides the importance of Ukraine's economic development to ensure national security, highlights the main internal and external threats to Ukraine's national security, such as: hybrid economic war, the "needle" of loans from the International Monetary Fund, communal tariffs, opening the gas market in Ukraine, inefficient introduction of the circulation of domestic agricultural lands and insufficient use of the capabilities of the country's economy. The cyclical nature of economic development is practically proved by distinguishing four phases of economic development of the studied countries for the last ten years, weak efficiency of economic policy of Ukraine and possible applied mechanisms of economic growth. An econometric analysis of GDP of Ukraine and countries that occupy the largest share in Ukrainian imports of goods, the budget of Ukraine and the budget of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine using the method of least squares and even linear regressions, calculated the intensity of changes in Ukraine's economic processes. The model of gross domestic product of Ukraine depending on the gross domestic product of China, Poland, Russia, Turkey, Germany, Italy, Belarus, the United States and France (nine-factor model), as well as the model of Ukraine's defense budget depending on the domestic gross domestic product product, budget expenditures, taxes, minimum and average wages and inflation (seven-factor model). On the example of the Ministry of Defense of Ukraine as a public sector institution, the registration algorithm for economic (additional) activities by military units and the distribution of revenues to increase the special fund of the state budget of Ukraine and create recovery of the country economy in general.
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Saraykina, Jaroslavna. "Discourse of the Securitization of Migration in France: from Republican Integration to Alarmism." Contemporary Europe 107, no. 7 (2021): 125–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/soveurope72021125134.
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Modern migration discourse contributes to the securitization of migration in France: it is transferred to the security field, endowed with threat connotations, and thus is becoming the direct cause of the security deficit. The agents of securitization (representatives of the country’s supreme power or right-wing political movements, or writers and essayists who recognize themselves as independent from any political party’s influence and who, however, still share the anti-immigration mood of the right-wing political movement. They use elements of the discourse of fear to achieve their own political goals; they present immigrants as a mortal threat not only to the national identity of the state and the integrity of its society, but also to its public and national security. In the discourse of these agents, there is a clear tendency to create an image of a France “abandoned” by the government and “besieged” by immigrants, a France as a subject to “colonization” by Islam that is incompatible with the secular principle the country that supports republican ideals. Analysis of the migration discourse of securitization agents reveals bold metaphors and emotionally charged expressions that generate a sense of fear in society and give rise to misconceptions about the scale of immigration and the size of the Muslim population in the country.
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Fleurette, Frédéric, and David Banta. "HEALTH TECHNOLOGY ASSESSMENT IN FRANCE." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 16, no. 2 (2000): 400–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462300101060.
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The French healthcare system combines freedom of medical practice with nationwide social security. It is compulsory for every legal resident. A range of public and private institutions provide care, and patients have free access to physicians. The health coverage system is characterized by solidarity and universal responsibility. Although the French system is highly regulated, funding of health-related expenses is a chronic social problem. Since the 1996 healthcare reform, the national objective for reimbursed healthcare expenditures is voted by the parliament, and the annual increase of hospital funding is controlled at the regional level. An agency for hospitals has been established in every region, and it quantifies needs indexes for future equipment and beds. However, establishing appropriate reference ratios based on objective assessment is difficult. The idea of basing policy and practice decisions on objective assessment grew for years, until the National Agency for the Development of Medical Evaluation was established in 1989. The 1996 healthcare reform expanded this agency to encompass hospital accreditation and renamed it the National Agency for Accreditation and Evaluation in Health. In March 1999, the National Agency for Health Products was established. It controls the safety of medical products and evaluates products' medical benefits before reimbursement decisions. Health technology assessment is now related to virtually every health policy process in France, and its role increases continually.
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Sharipov, Sanjar Sobirovich. "Scientific Analysis Of Foreign Experience On The Activities Of Patrol-Post Service In Public Order And Security Systems." American Journal of Interdisciplinary Innovations and Research 03, no. 04 (2021): 48–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajiir/volume03issue04-08.
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The article deals with public order and security systems and the role of the patrol service, as well as the police of foreign countries, including the United States, France, Italy, Spain, Israel, China and Japan, in managing the activities of the patrol service in public order and security systems. The service experience has been scientifically analyzed. Based on best international practices, suggestions for improving national legislation are made.
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Guichaoua, Yvan. "The bitter harvest of French interventionism in the Sahel." International Affairs 96, no. 4 (2020): 895–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa094.
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Abstract This article studies the bitter diplomatic sequence arising in the fall of 2019 between France and the Sahelian countries where France has been conducting military operations since 2013. Far from being just one more hiccup in the troubled relations between France and its former colonies, the article interprets this sequence as a constitutive effect of French protracted military presence in the Sahel. Specifically, it argues that although France has a rather clear security-driven agenda, its operational moves produced by bureaucratic thinking are questioned by influential sections of Sahelian public opinions who frame the French military presence as a deeply political issue over their country's sovereignty. In addition, being the de facto military guarantor of the security of Sahelian regimes, France constrains the domestic political conversation through the ‘red lines’ it imposes on actors. This externally-induced distortion of the domestic political landscape eventually places Sahelian authorities in front of a dilemma. Pleasing their foreign patrons might cost them the support of the section of public opinion most attached to national sovereignty, and expose them to nationalist entrepreneurs.
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Stolyarov, V., O. Shinkaryuk, and V. Stolyarova. "Systemic Interaction of Center and Regions in Ukraine (basics of national-civilizational security)." Economic Herald of the Donbas, no. 4 (62) (2020): 52–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.12958/1817-3772-2020-4(62)-52-63.
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The article poses and solves the problem of achieving coordinated interaction between the Center and the Regions as a single, organic and dynamic system of a sovereign independent state. Modern approaches of liberal and planned principles of overcoming bureaucratic and corrupt arbitrariness and urgent resuscitation with intensive revival of economic and vital activity of Ukraine, which is purposefully destroyed under external influence, are considered. The main provisions of the report of the President of France Emmanuel Macron in August 2019 on the Great Fracture in European and world civilization processes are revealed. The main ideas and directions of the Plan of the Great Reset and implementation of the fourth industrial revolution of June 2020 of the Davos World Economic Forum are presented. A meaningful chronology of the formation of the organizational mechanism for the introduction of inclusive capitalism and its management and staffing is given. The equivalence of the principles of homeostasis of economic and biological systems is considered by comparing the restoration of the viability of the global network economy and marine biological systems (on the example of a vampire octopus). Generalized signs of international and state terrorism in Ukraine. The necessity to change the Anglo-Saxon model of open market economy to socially oriented one using the doctrine of 3 "S": social forecasting, social planning and social management is substantiated. It is proposed to use the experience of the United States and Great Britain on social planning and the European financial model of people's capitalism. Based on the proposals of Emelyanov O.S. to enhance the role of the Center in cooperation with the Regions, it is recommended to develop National and Regional Human Development Programs. It is proposed to develop a Planning Code of Ukraine based on the provisions of the model of socially adequate management with encyclopedic criteria for their use at the national and regional levels of government.
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Schade, Daniel. "Limiting or liberating? The influence of parliaments on military deployments in multinational settings." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 20, no. 1 (2018): 84–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1369148117746918.
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Multilateral contexts often complicate parliaments’ efforts to scrutinise and influence security policy, as parliaments usually work in a national setting. This article explores how the internationalisation of security policy has altered parliamentary constraints on executive decision-making. It focuses on cases where multilateral decision-making is particularly advanced and studies military deployments under the auspices of the European Union’s (EU’s) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP). Using the examples of France, the United Kingdom and Germany, the article examines how the policy’s location at the intersection of decision-making on security and EU matters creates new opportunities for member state parliaments to scrutinise it. Yet, as an analysis of three CSDP military operations shows, these opportunities do not always translate into increased scrutiny practice and vary in line with factors such as national troop contributions, distinct political traditions and an operation’s salience.
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BINAR, Ales. "THE DEFENCE SECTOR AND ITS EFFECT ON NATIONAL SECURITY DURING THE CZECHOSLOVAK (MUNICH)." Zeszyty Naukowe Akademii Sztuki Wojennej 111, no. 2 (2019): 71–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0012.8528.
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The Czechoslovak (Munich) Crisis of 1938 was concluded by an international conference that took place in Munich on 29-30 September 1938. The decision of the participating powers, i.e. France, Germany, Italy, and the United Kingdom, was made without any respect for Czechoslovakia and its representatives. The aim of this paper is to examine the role of the defence sector, i.e. the representatives of the ministry of defence and the Czechoslovak armed forces during the Czechoslovak (Munich) Crisis in the period from mid-March to the beginning of October 1938. There is also a question as to, whether there are similarities between the position then and the present-day position of the army in the decision-making process.
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Van Puyvelde, Damien, James J. Wirtz, Jean-Vincent Holeindre, et al. "Comparing National Approaches to the Study of Intelligence." International Studies Perspectives 21, no. 3 (2020): 298–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz031.
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Abstract This forum compares and contrasts national experiences in the development of intelligence studies from the perspective of seven countries: France, Japan, Israel, Romania, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The discussion is structured around a comparative framework that emphasizes five core dimensions that, we posit, are essential to the emergence of this subfield: access to relevant government information, institutionalization of research on intelligence and security in a higher education setting, periodic scientific meetings and networks, teaching and learning opportunities, and engagement between researchers and practitioners. The forum demonstrates how researchers working in different contexts and disciplines have overcome similar challenges to broaden our understanding of secret government practices.
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Mizanbekova, S., B. Kalykova, and A. Jumabayeva. "ENSURING FOOD SECURITY IN KAZAKHSTAN." Problems of AgriMarket, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.46666/2020-4-2708-9991.03.
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The purpose of the study is to study and substantiate the criteria and indicators for ensuring the country's food security - one of the multifaceted problems of international and national character, affecting many social groups of the population. Food security characterizes the state of agro-industrial complex, in which, regardless of external and internal conditions, decrease in the State food reserve, the needs of residents for products are satisfied in accordance with physiological norms, in volumes sufficient for active and healthy life. The article considers FAO's methodological approaches to assessing food supply based on the availability of grain reserves and its per capita production, which are necessary for economic security at the interstate level. The problems associated with macroeconomic situation, production efficiency and the level of profitability of the population of the republic are considered. Data on development of agricultural production, income and quality of food is provided. It is shown that Kazakhstan is moving to a new stage of ensuring food security and price control by creating a national distribution network - a complex of wholesale distribution centers (WDC). A similar system operates in France, Spain and other economically developed countries. This project will be implemented in three stages until 2022, it is planned to build 24 WDC, which will act as a warehouse and manage product flows at retail outlets, distributing it among them.
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MIZANBEKOVA, S., В. KALYKOVA, and А. JUMABAYEVA. "ENSURING FOOD SECURITY IN KAZAKHSTAN." Problems of AgriMarket 4 (December 15, 2020): 31–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.46666/2020-4-2708-9991.03.
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The purpose of the study is to study and substantiate the criteria and indicators for ensuring the country's food security - one of the multifaceted problems of international and national character, affecting many social groups of the population. Food security characterizes the state of agro-industrial complex, in which, regardless of external and internal conditions, decrease in the State food reserve, the needs of residents for products are satisfied in accordance with physiological norms, in volumes sufficient for active and healthy life. The article considers FAO's methodological approaches to assessing food supply based on the availability of grain reserves and its per capita production, which are necessary for economic security at the interstate level. The problems associated with macroeconomic situation, production efficiency and the level of profitability of the population of the republic are considered. Data on development of agricultural production, income and quality of food is provided. It is shown that Kazakhstan is moving to a new stage of ensuring food security and price control by creating a national distribution network - a complex of wholesale distribution centers (WDC). A similar system operates in France, Spain and other economically developed countries. This project will be implemented in three stages until 2022, it is planned to build 24 WDC, which will act as a warehouse and manage product flows at retail outlets, distributing it among them.
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Wegge, Njord. "Arctic Security Strategies and the North Atlantic States." Arctic Review on Law and Politics 11 (2020): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/arctic.v11.2401.
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New uncertainties in international relations have presented several states in the West with important choices regarding their national strategies for the Arctic. This article analyzes security challenges in the Arctic and North Atlantic region, as understood by some key North-Atlantic states, namely: the USA, Canada, Denmark, Norway, the UK, Germany and France. By analyzing how, or to what degree, the colder east-west security landscape since 2014 is reflected in these selected North Atlantic states’ Arctic security strategies, this article seeks to improve our understanding of how the security situation in the northernmost part of the world is developing and being understood. Through applying a traditional understanding of security, the article identifies similarities but also significant differences among the Arctic and North-Atlantic states. Most notable when comparing the strategies is the rather unique global perspective laid out in the US security strategy for the region. The British, Norwegian, Danish and Canadian perspectives, on the other hand, stand out as more regional in nature. Germany displays a rather low profile in its approach to international security in the Arctic, considering its economic status in Europe. France reveals a strong concern for Arctic shipping and freedom of navigation, a perspective similar to the USA’s, but with less global ambition.
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Hotchkiss, Nikole. "Globalizing security? Media framing of national security in France and the United States from the Cold War through 11 September." International Journal of Comparative Sociology 51, no. 5 (2010): 366–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020715210376867.
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Garigue, Philippe. "Continuité et adaptation : Les priorités stratégiques du gouvernement de la France." Études internationales 22, no. 4 (2005): 703–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702916ar.
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French strategic priorities have been marked since the Second World War by the need to maintain continuity in national identity while adapting to changing world conditions. This process has been successful because the French Government was able to achieve a « minimal » political consensus and prevent fondamental contradiction in goals from developing. It is now extending its priorities so as to achieve a new harmonization between national defence and the development of a European defence, while maintaining a role in the structuration of world security. However, the cost of defence is gradually demonstrating that a further adaptation is required, through the consolidation of European defence. Yet, while accepting some supranational transfers of competence, this adaptation is now raising the question of the capacity for the « minimal » consensus to be maintained while balancing national sovereignty against efficiency.
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Reznik, Oleg M., Nadiia S. Andriichenko, Irina V. Zvozdetska, Volodymyr O. Zarosylo, and Viktoriia I. Hryshko. "Results and perspectives on policing as part of the national security sector." Linguistics and Culture Review 5, S3 (2021): 411–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.21744/lingcure.v5ns3.1544.
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The police are one of the actors involved in ensuring national security. Therefore, the relevance of this article stems from the need to ensure effective performance. The issue of studying the experience of countries in this field is relevant to find the best models to assess the activities of these structures, which will contribute to a better performance of tasks assigned to them by law - this is one of the tools to assess the performance of the police. The aim of the article was to investigate the peculiarities of police performance assessment, thereby identifying practices that can improve the assessment of police performance. The objective was achieved by using dogmatic, statistical, comparative legal methods and a system-structural approach. The authors revealed the peculiarities of police assessment in Ukraine, the USA, Canada, France and the UK. The focus is on the assessment of police performance based on the level of citizens' trust and statistical data. The conclusion is made that citizens' trust in the police is necessary for the effective performance of its tasks.
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N.V., Shmeleva. "Human Rights and National Security: France in Search of the Resolution of the Migration Crisis." MGIMO Review of International Relations 3, no. 60 (2018): 104–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2018-3-60-104-125.
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Vladu, Mircea, Ioan-Dan Popa, and Stelian Popescu. "Considerations Regarding the Constitution of the Romanian National Guard." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 25, no. 1 (2019): 175–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2019-0029.
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Abstract The insecurity area from the proximity of the Romanian territory has always been dynamic, fluid and characterized by insecurity issues. In such context, Romania could never be able to preserve the national security by its own powers. For eliminating such major deficiencies, Romania has made efforts towards the integration made efforts towards the integration in certain alliances that would give it security guarantees. Nevertheless, Romania has not relied in exclusivity on alliances for preserving the national security. From this perspective, Romania has prepared its own forces and means to fulfil this objective, until the potential alliance forces intervention. This attitude is maintained in the present days, when Romania is a member of the North Atlantic Treaty, and unless the activation of the 5th article of the Treaty, it must provide the national defence through its own forces and means. Still, according to our opinion, these forces and means destined to serve such purpose are insufficient and, consequently, they should be supplemented with other forces and means generated by the constitution of the National Guard, this compensating for the existing deficit. We consider that by taking this direction, we could go back to the long-lasting tradition of the National Guard in Romania, and to the example of the most powerful armies in the world: SUA, Great Britain, France etc. Starting from these considerations, we would like to further speak about the constitution of the National Guard in Romania.
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Bielawski, Radosław. "Hypersonic Resources as Contemporary Threat to National Security. Analysis of Current State of Research." Kwartalnik "Bellona" 696, no. 1 (2019): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.2458.
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The article presents research results on contemporary hypersonic resources (including hypersonic weapon) in the context of a threat to national security. The author discusses the state of research on such resources, their capabilities and development phases, as well as potential threats they can pose. The analysis has been done separately for each country in which such resources are being developed. Today, there are five of them: the United States, France, the Russian Federation, India, and the Republic of China. It is worth noting that these resources are in their different phases, from initial development concepts to objects with positive ballistic test results capable of reaching hypersonic and high-hypersonic speed. They seem to be a serious contemporary threat to national security for they are capable of carrying combat warheads, including thermonuclear and nuclear ones, and they can reach very high speed.
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Bērziņa, Ieva, and Coline Jeancourt-Galignani. "Comparison of Emergency State Regulation Experiences in Latvia, France and Belgium." SOCRATES. Rīgas Stradiņa universitātes Juridiskās fakultātes elektroniskais juridisko zinātnisko rakstu žurnāls / SOCRATES. Rīga Stradiņš University Faculty of Law Electronic Scientific Journal of Law 2, no. 20 (2021): 40–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.25143/socr.20.2021.2.040-057.
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The article analyses the legal framework of emergency state in three countries – Latvia, France and Belgium. The aim of the study is to identify problems thus to improve the national legal framework. Given that the concept of emergency state has gained its relevance in 2020 with the spread of the Covid-19 disease, it has been found that the Emergency State Institute and its legal framework is an important part of every country’s national legal system, as it is a mechanism that helps to strengthen national security in case of external and internal dangers. Analysis of the legal framework of emergency state in Latvia in the context of the selected legal framework of two other countries is an effective way to assess whether the national legal framework requires improvements. In the research such methods were used as cognition, monographic, historical, comparative and analytical method, as well as interpretation of legal provisions recognized in scientific law, which contributed to understanding of the scope of legal norms in national constitutions and other related legislation in the context of the topic. In the result of the study differences in national basic laws and special laws were mainly identified, including the aspect of restriction of human rights, thus contributing to reflection and drawing conclusions on the necessary changes to the national framework. Research also outlines functioning and competence of municipality work in an emergency state.
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Rožňák, Petr. "Free Cross-Border Movement, Lucifer’s Effect and National Security of the Visegrad Countries." Security Dimensions 32, no. 32 (2019): 37–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0014.0983.
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Since 2015, the migration crisis continues with varying intensity, and international security crisis as well as debt, institutional, and personnel crises are worsening, not only in the Eurozone. Probably war, economic and climate immigrants will continue to move into the Schengen area, showing how helpless the European Union is. Angela Merkel said there was no upper limit for the number of people admitted to escape political persecution. Germany leaves the Dublin system inconsistently, runs counter to European cohesion and stops differentiating between immigrants and refugees. Migration is shared by the EU Member States. Between “old” and “new” EU countries, scissors are opened. Moreover, in some European regions (France, Belgium, Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom, Spain, Greece) there are closed communities where majority law is not valid. Our current socio-political and economic existence is based on a traditional understanding of security. However, in the third decade of the 21st century the image of prosperity and security is to be seen from a different perspective than in previous years. Dramatic development has led to the mass migration of African and Asian people and to the division of the European Union, especially regarding the mechanism of redistribution of asylum seekers.
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Ovakimyan, M. S. "Prospects for Cooperation of Russian and French Multinational Energy Companies on the Basis of National Energy Strategies." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(25) (August 28, 2012): 255–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2012-4-25-255-260.
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The article analyses possible areas of mutually advantageous cooperation of Russian and French multinational energy companies enabling Russia to upgrade its fuel-energy complex and attract adequate investments for large-scale projects realization and France can benefit by participating in new gas mains construction for diversifying its energy supplies and by acquiring shares of Russian multinational energy companies in order to resolve national energy security problem and strengthen its position in the international energy market.
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Gheciu, Alexandra. "Remembering France's glory, securing Europe in the age of Trump." European Journal of International Security 5, no. 1 (2019): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eis.2019.24.
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AbstractThese days, when we hear the slogan ‘let's make our country great again’ we almost automatically assume the state concerned is the US, and the leader uttering the slogan is President Trump. This article invites readers to explore the discourse and practices through which another national leader is seeking to restore his country's ‘greatness’ and promote national and international security. The leader concerned is France's Emmanuel Macron. Why focus on the French president? Because since his election he has become the most dynamic European leader, on a mission to enhance France's international stature, and to do so via a broader process of protecting and empowering the EU. More broadly, France stands out as a country whose political leadership has long been committed to the goal of playing a global role. As Pernille Rieker reminds us, ‘Since 1945, French foreign policy has been dominated by the explicit ambition of restoring the country's greatness [la grandeur de la France], justified in terms of French exceptionalism’.1Macron has cast his vision of national/European greatness, security, and international order in opposition to the isolationist, rigidly nationalist visions articulated by his domestic opponents and, internationally, by President Trump. In his view, France and Europe can only be secure if they defeat the illiberal ideas advocated by the increasingly vocal political forces, particularly far-right movements, seeking to undermine the core values and multilateral principles of the post-1945 international order. Under these circumstances, an analysis of Macron's policies and practices of grandeur can help us gain a better understanding of the competition between liberal and illiberal worldviews – a competition that is increasingly pronounced within the Western world.
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Menshakova, Daria. "ECONOMIC COMPONENT OF FRENCH NUCLEAR STATUS." Epistemological Studies in Philosophy Social and Political Sciences 2, no. 2 (2019): 142–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/341934.
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The article reveals the significance of the economic component of the French Republic’s nuclear status notion in the context of ensuring its security and support of military power, and especially the financial support of this concept, as one of the most effective methods of guaranteeing security and independence in the modern world. The author emphasizes the fact that in present conditions, considering growing instability and international relations turbulence, the economic component tends to be a vital requirement for the development of state nuclear safety, on the example of France. Relying on the analysis of the economic component and the definition of the French nuclear power notion, it is possible to predict and assess the main trends in the development of the state security system and its defence strategy, as well as to formulate ideas about threats and national interests. It has been argued that the economic component of nuclear status is inextricably associated not only with the formation of a state security strategy but also with the development of the image and geopolitical component of security, aimed at providing the necessary conditions for the realization of French national interests.
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Svik, Peter. "The Czechoslovak Factor in Western Alliance Building, 1945–1948." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 1 (2016): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00622.
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This article assesses the role of the Czechoslovak coup d’état in February 1948 in the establishment of the Brussels Pact a month later and formation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in April 1949. The article places these developments in the larger context of post-1945 national security policymaking in several countries, weighing the impact of the Czechoslovak coup on relations among seven countries on national security issues at the outset of the Cold War: Czechoslovakia, France, the United Kingdom, the three Benelux countries, and the United States. The article shows that the only proper way to evaluate the effect of the Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia on the formation of the Western alliance is by looking at the considerations present in each country and seeing how they interacted with one another. The Czechoslovak factor varied in its magnitude from country to country.
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Gregorczyk, Dariusz J., and Joanna Gregorczyk. "Selected issues on the activities of the General Secretariat for National Defense and Security of France (Secrétariat Général de la Défense et de la Securité Nationale SGDSN)." Prace Naukowe Akademii im. Jana Długosza w Częstochowie. Res Politicae 8 (2016): 11–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.16926/rp.2016.08.01.
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Arrouays, D., A. C. Richer-de-Forges, A. B. McBratney, et al. "THE GLOBALSOILMAP PROJECT: PAST, PRESENT, FUTURE, AND NATIONAL EXAMPLES FROM FRANCE." Dokuchaev Soil Bulletin, no. 95 (November 1, 2018): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.19047/0136-1694-2018-95-3-23.
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Soils have critical relevance to global issues, such as food and water security, climate regulation, sustainable energy, desertification and biodiversity protec-tion. As a consequence, soil is becoming one of the top priorities for the global environmental policy agenda. Conventional soil maps suffer from large limita-tions, i.e. most of them are static and often obsolete, are often generated at coarse scale, and can be uneasy to handle. Digital Soil Mapping has been developed as a solution to generate high-resolution maps of soil properties over large areas. Two projects, GlobalSoilMap and SoilGrids, presently aim at delivering the first generation of global, high-resolution soil property fine grids. In this paper, we briefly describe the GlobalSoilMap history, its present status and present achievements, and illustrate some of these with (mainly) French examples. At given moment there is still an enormous potential for forthcoming research and for delivering products more helpful for end users. Key here is the continuous progress in available covariates, in their spatial, spectral and temporal coverage and resolution through remote sensing products. All over the world, there is still a very large amount of point soil data still to be rescued and this effort should be pursued and encouraged. Statistically advances are expected by exploring and implementing new models. Especially relevant are spatial-temporal models and contemporary Artificial Intelligence for handling the complex big data. Advances should be made and research efforts are needed on estimating the uncertainties, and even on estimating uncertainties on uncertainties. Attempts to merge different model strategies and products (for instance deriving from different covariates, spatial extents, soil data sources, and models) should be made in order to get the most useful information from each of these predictions, and to identify how controlling factors may change depending on scales.
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Samusevych, Yaryna, Serhiy Lyeonov, Artem Artyukhov, et al. "Optimal Design of Transport Tax on the Way to National Security: Balancing Environmental Footprint, Energy Efficiency and Economic Growth." Sustainability 15, no. 1 (2023): 831. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su15010831.
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To ensure the progress of sustainable development and overcome threats to national security, the development of tools for balancing ecological, economic and energy aspects of economic activity acquires special importance. This study is related to the influence of choosing different functional elements of transport taxes on their effectiveness in ensuring national security. For calculations, panel regression modelling with panel-adjusted standard errors based on the use of the Durbin–Watson test using dummy variables was chosen. The assessment involves the selection of the main factor variable (tax revenues from transport taxes, as well as an additional dummy variable) and compliance with a country’s transport taxation system, with a certain criterion for its application. The resulting criterion was chosen as an integral indicator of national security, which summarizes the parameters of environmental footprints, economic growth, energy efficiency and security. Calculations were made for nine countries (i.e., the Czech Republic, Finland, France, Ireland, Israel, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia and Turkey) for the period 1996–2019. The calculations proved that the establishment of transport taxes, depending on the type and weight of the car, increases their effectiveness on ensuring national security or, depending on the cost and age of the car, weakens such effectiveness. The use of emissions generated by the car, its capacity and its type of fuel requires additional research; the obtained results did not allow for unambiguously determining their impact on the effectiveness of transport taxes. The conducted research forms the basis for choosing the optimal design of transport taxes to ensure the maximization of their regulatory effectiveness. The developed approach can be extended to evaluate the effectiveness of other environmental taxes.
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Baun, Michael, and Dan Marek. "Making Europe Defend Again: The Relaunch of European Defense Cooperation from a Neoclassical Realist Perspective." Czech Journal of International Relations 54, no. 4 (2019): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.32422/mv.1643.
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This article examines the relaunch of European defense cooperation since 2016 from the perspective of neoclassical realism, a theoretical approach to the study of foreign policy which explores how domestic political and ideational factors shape national foreign policy responses to international systemic pressures. It argues that while Europe’s changing geostrategic and security environment has created incentives for increased defense cooperation, explaining the form and content of this cooperation requires understanding the preferences of key European states, especially France and Germany. The article focuses on two new forms of European defense cooperation: PESCO and the E21, the former inside the EU institutional framework and the latter outside of it. The article argues that these initiatives are explained by the contrast between French and German preferences on defense cooperation, which in turn reflect their divergent national security priorities but also their different strategic cultures, including their differing perspectives on European integration.
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Hall, Steven. "National Bibliographies on CD-ROM." Alexandria: The Journal of National and International Library and Information Issues 9, no. 2 (1997): 143–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/095574909700900205.
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CD-ROM technology has tremendous potential for storing and enabling access to just the type of data contained in national bibliographies. A single CD-ROM can hold the equivalent of c.250,000 A4 sheets of print. CD-ROMs are easily replicable, and therefore offer security as well as enabling the information contained to be made more widely available. Of the two methods used to convert print to binary data in electronic form, scanning and keying, databases published by Chadwyck-Healey use the latter. In the case of national bibliographies on CD-ROM, new records are created electronically at the very first stage of cataloguing, while older records are converted by keying. Chadwyck-Healey has developed an extensive CD-ROM list, focusing on both bibliographic and full-text literary works. The national bibliographies it produces on CD-ROM are those of the UK, France, Germany, Italy, Portugal and Spain. That of the Netherlands is shortly to appear. Bibliographic coverage is further extended by several other databases produced by Chadwyck-Healey. National bibliographies on CD-ROM produced by other bodies are those of Finland, Norway, Bulgaria, Singapore and the USA. Although other means of making this sort of material are now competing with CD-ROM, it looks like holding its own for some time.
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Chernyak, Oleksandr, Ganna Kharlamova, and Andriy Stavytskyy. "Trends of International Energy Security Risk Index in European Countries." Baltic Journal of European Studies 8, no. 1 (2018): 5–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bjes-2018-0002.
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Abstract The paper deals with the analysis and forecasting of energy security risk index for eleven European countries (the United Kingdom, Denmark, Norway, France, Germany, Poland, Spain, Italy, Norway, the Netherlands, and Ukraine for the period 1992-2016). Nowadays, energy security plays an important role in guaranteeing the national, political and economic security of the country. A literature review of different approaches to defining energy security gave the possibility to consider the regression model of energy security risk index assessment, which takes into account the levels of economic, technical and technological, ecological, social and resource components. This step was proceeded with clusterization of the analysed countries in three groups according to Energy Security Risk Index. Based on this approach resource-mining countries (Denmark, Germany, Norway and the UK) were grouped in Cluster I, while Ukraine occupied the last Cluster III. The next division in five clusters supported the indicated allocation. Finally, we calculated the forecasts of energy security risk index based on data of 1992-2014. It allowed realizing the perspectives of energy market for the nearest future, particularly for Ukraine, which needs development of a new strategy of energy security
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Leiren, Merethe Dotterud, Kacper Szulecki, Tim Rayner, and Catherine Banet. "Energy Security Concerns versus Market Harmony: The Europeanisation of Capacity Mechanisms." Politics and Governance 7, no. 1 (2019): 92–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v7i1.1791.
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The impact of renewables on the energy markets–falling wholesale electricity prices and lower investment stability–are apparently creating a shortage of energy project financing, which in future could lead to power supply shortages. Governments have responded by introducing payments for capacity, alongside payments for energy being sold. The increasing use of capacity mechanisms (CMs) in the EU has created tensions between the European Commission, which encourages cross-country cooperation, and Member States that favour backup solutions such as capacity markets and strategic reserves. We seek to trace the influence of the European Commission on national capacity markets as well as learning between Member States. Focusing on the United Kingdom, France and Poland, the analysis shows that energy security concerns have been given more emphasis than the functioning of markets by Member States. Policy developments have primarily been domestically driven, but the European Commission has managed to impose certain elements, most importantly a uniform methodology to assess future supply security, as well as specific requirements for national capacity markets: interconnectors to neighbouring countries, demand side responses and continuous revision of CMs. Learning from other Member States’ experiences also play a role in policy decisions.
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Mićić, Srđan. "The Influence of France and Italy's (Central)European projects on Yugoslavia's Re-evaluation of regional pacts (1927–1933)." Istorija 20. veka 38, no. 2/2020 (2020): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2020.2.mic.39-60.
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This paper analyzes the impacts of the French and Italian plans for the political, military, and economic reorganization of European affairs on the Yugoslav reconsideration of regional pacts in national security policy and foreign policy, and the consequences of that reassessment on the Yugoslav standpoint toward the reorganizations of the Little Entente and its role in European affairs.
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Kashiem, Mustafa Abdalla A. "The Italian role in the Libyan spring revolution: is it a shift from soft to hard power?" Contemporary Arab Affairs 5, no. 4 (2012): 556–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550912.2012.728396.
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While France, Britain, Qatar and the United States played crucial political and military roles in the alliance of countries backing Libya's ‘spring’ revolution from the beginning, Italy's early stance towards the Libyan revolution was somewhat hesitant and vague. Its initial reticence was due to national security considerations, Italy's calculation of its national interest and the complexity of contemporary international relations. However, as events unfolded, the Italian position became clearer and firmer, such that in time Italy played a leading role that helped the global efforts to rebuild the new contemporary democratic Libya post-Qadhafi. The focus of this study is on the Italian role during the course of the Libyan ‘spring’ revolution, known now as the revolution of 17 February 2011, after the agreed date of its inception. Notwithstanding Rome's initial hesitancy, Italy is considered among the leading actors that participated in the alliance galvanized to act under the terms of UN Security Council Resolutions 1970 and 1973. Here the contention is that Italy's full participation in the global alliance that carried out the UN mandates represented a process of transition in the Italian orientation from that of a soft power to that of a hard power as well. Thus, it is argued, when Italy's national security and interests are challenged in a global context, Italy is willing to use both soft and hard power. The findings of this study supported, by and large, the initial expectations concerning the important types of internal and external elements influencing the role of Italy in the Libyan crisis. Thus, Italy's position towards the Libyan revolution of 17 February 2011 may be attributed, among other factors, to its discernment of its national security and national interests in the context of competition in the Mediterranean region and the Middle East as well.
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Chigara, Ben. "On the Jurisprudential Significance of the Emergent State Practice concerning Foreign Nationals Merely Suspected of Involvement with Terrorist Offences." Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 16, no. 3 (2009): 315–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x0901600304.
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This article examines emergent state practice of European States concerning foreign nationals that are merely suspected but not charged with involvement with terrorist offences, including deportation to destinations where they risk torture, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment – usually their own country of origin, contrary to the foremost rules of international human rights law. The article attempts a rule of law analysis with a view to evaluating the difficulty posed for States by the absence still of alternative mechanisms for ensuring both the national security interest on the one hand, and on the other, the human rights interest of terrorist suspects. The article argues that sustainable counter-terrorist strategies will be distinguished and characterised by their insistence on the recognition, promotion and protection of the dignity inherent in all individuals – including terrorist suspects whether or not they have been charged with terrorist offences. This calls for the urgent development of human rights steered national security policies that prioritize the recognition, promotion, protection and reinforcement of the dignity inherent in all individuals. Such policies will have at their core, strategies for the efficient resolution of the question of how best to deal with the individuals that are ‘merely suspected by States agents' of involvement in terrorist offences, particularly foreign nationals. The article examines jurisprudence arising from cases involving among others the UK, Italy, Sweden, Spain, the Netherlands and France and shows a worrying appetite by these pro-democracy States to minimize human rights protection of terrorist suspects as a means of progressing the fight against international terrorism. This approach contradicts the international paradigm of over six decades whereby the establishment and maintenance of international peace and security was premised on human rights. The article advocates the development of human rights steered policies and strategies to deal with foreign nationals suspected of involvement with international terrorism.
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Wagner, Anne. "The Muslim Veil in France: Between Power and Silence, between Visibility and Invisibility." HERMES - Journal of Language and Communication in Business 24, no. 46 (2017): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/hjlcb.v24i46.97365.
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This paper will explore the contingency and fluidity of religious freedom in France and stress the existence of overlapping, competing and coexisting legal discourses in terms of national security and public order. In response to the Muslim veil, changing power structures, changing societal norms and new faces of injustice, established doctrines are reconsidered, reformulated and partly replaced by competing doctrines and hypotheses. Given the relative indeterminacy of law on the concept of secularism and French neutrality, it is no surprise that the problem of interpretation has always been one of the focal points of attention for legal practice and drafting.
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Menshakova, Daria. "Nuclear status of France as a tool for implementation its foreign policy interests in the international arena." Bulletin of Mariupol State University. Series: History. Political Studies 10, no. 27 (2020): 135–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.34079/2226-2830-2020-10-27-135-141.
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The article reveals the significance of the usage of France’s nuclear status as a tool for the realisation of its foreign policy interests in the International Arena, especially in the context of necessity to ensure its security. A well-formulated and scientifically grounded, clear and reasonably transparent strategy for Foreign Policy ensures state security and is an inalienable attribute of a civilised, contemporary International Actor. One of the most critical aspects of France’s Defence strategy is based on its nuclear status. Therefore, it is essential to understand its role and function in the formulation of the foreign policy strategy. In particular, the concept of «nuclear diplomacy» is explored on the example of the French Republic. This concept describes the possibility of using nuclear status in various fields of foreign policy to achieve the interests of the state in the world arena. The survey describes political, economic and security aspects of the disposition of nuclear diplomacy in foreign policy. Also, the historical experience of exercising the nuclear status as a tool has been analysed. Relying on the analysis made it has been found that the practice of using nuclear status as a tool for conducting international dialogue has its several advantages, the main of which is the efficient protection of the national interests of the state. The author emphasises the fact that the wise usage of all nuclear status benefits, in the present conditions of growing instability and turbulence in international relations is a vital requirement for the development of France, especially as for nuclear-weapon state and a significant actor in the international arena. It has been argued that the nuclear status is inextricably associated not only with the formation of a state security strategy but also with the development of the image and geopolitical component of security, aimed at providing the necessary conditions for the realisation of French national interests in the International Arena, as one of the most effective methods of guaranteeing security and independence in the modern world. The modern world is the world of pervasive transformations and breakthroughs connected with the degeneration of traditional and modern structures. Although today the world is interconnected and united more than ever before, it is necessary to respect and estimate the idea of boundaries, sovereignty, and independence of a state, the right of a state to lead its policy. So, the best guarantee of directing separate political line it is wise using of one of the most effective and impressive tools, in a Foreign Policy too, that is nuclear status.
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Veebel, Viljar, and Raul Markus. "Europe´s Refugee Crisis in 2015 and Security Threats from the Baltic Perspective." Journal of Politics and Law 8, no. 4 (2015): 254. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v8n4p254.
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Recent developments in Europe starting with the Russia-Ukraine conflict and ending with the economic and political instability in Greece have given rise to instability in the European Union. Yet, none of the previous crises could be compared with the crisis concerning the current massive influx of refugees into the EU that challenges both solidarity and responsibility of the member states. In this context, it is extremely important to understand the actual security threats related to the refugee crisis, particularly for the Baltic countries that have linked their security with European Union and the NATO. Particularly in Estonia and in Latvia, the refugee crisis has been presented as a high security matter as possible rejection of the EU-migrant could lead to the country’s isolation from the international community, the loss of the NATO security network and its exposure to the security threats from Russia. Alternative decision to accept the refugee quotas could on the other hand create challenges for internal security in terms of legitimacy of national governments and public support to refugee policy. In the light of recent terrorist attacks in France these questions seem even growingly important.
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Calderaro, Charlène, and Calogero Giametta. "‘The Problem of Prostitution’: Repressive policies in the name of migration control, public order, and women’s rights in France." Anti-Trafficking Review, no. 12 (April 2, 2019): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.14197/atr.2012191210.
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This article focuses on the political debates that led to the adoption of the sex purchase ban (commonly referred to as the Swedish or Nordic model) in France in April 2016. It examines the convergence of French mainstream feminists and traditional neo-abolitionist actors in the fight against prostitution, and its impact on sex workers’ rights and wellbeing. We argue that there is continuity between the effects produced by the ban on soliciting enacted in 2003 and those created by the law penalising clients passed in 2016. In discussing the current repression of sex work in France, we highlight how the construction of the ‘problem of prostitution’ should be seen in light of broader political anxieties over sexism in poor neighbourhoods and immigration control, which justify the national priorities of security and public order.
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Marinicheva, K. V., L. V. Pchelinskaya, and D. А. Zubritsky. "DARPA programs and biological technologies – in the interests of national security." Scientific Messenger of LNU of Veterinary Medicine and Biotechnologies 20, no. 91 (2018): 9–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.32718/nvlvet9102.
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The purpose of our article is to review and analyze the main areas, projects and developments in the management of promising research projects of the US Department of Defense DARPA. The dynamics of funding revealed an increase in interest in such areas as materials technology and biotechnology, promising aerospace systems, technology centric armed struggle, etc. The object of the research is – the development of the DARPA agency, and its influence on world scientific activity. As a subject of research in the article the possibilities of the DARPA Biological Technology Department and the perspective directions of research are considered. The Agency for Advanced Defense Research Projects DARPA (USA) was established in 1958. Over the past decade, success has led to the creation of analogues of this organizational structure in other countries: DRDO (India), MAFAT (Israel), SASTIND (China), GDA (France). DARPA Technology Priorities for 2020: 1. human technology; 2. technology of robotics; 3. network technologies; 5. technologies of automatic switching of events of real and virtual worlds; 6. technologies of integration and mutual empowerment of human and computer networks; 7. integrated network technologies for the transformation of the real world through the interaction of man and robots. In 2014, DARPA announced the creation of a new department – Biological Technology. The Department of Biological Technologies (DBT) is created to study the complex mechanisms of natural processes, and to implement their use in solving the problems of national defense. The task of DBT is to put biology at the service of national security. Among the priorities of the new department: 1) Survivability and ability to survive military service; 2) Synthetic biology of animals and living systems; 3) Integration of biochemical and omics data on human health. A feature of the direct line will be the overcoming of moral and ethical constraints on the way to improving the physical and intellectual abilities of a person. The appearance in Ukraine of the DARPA analogue is of the utmost importance for future technological development. Such a structure, called GARDA, should become a platform that brings together developers, startups, investment funds and military. The GARDA project was developed last year, but it requires professional expertise, resources, and serious political support at the government level.The creation in Ukraine of the domestic prototype of the DARPA Agency has a number of prerequisites: 1) the presence of high-tech institutions in the areas of defense and dual use; 2) the need for technological advantages of the Armed Forces of Ukraine and other armed formations of the state; 3) the importance of high-tech export on the world market of armaments and consolidation of the image of Ukraine as a high-tech state.
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Hongwei, Jia. "Language Security Problems: A Historical Survey." Sinología hispánica 2, no. 1 (2016): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.18002/sin.v2i1.5252.
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<p align="LEFT">This paper, grounded on historical facts of</p><p align="LEFT">language policies worldwide, reviews the</p><p align="LEFT">evolution of language policies in Great Britain,</p><p align="LEFT">United States, Germany, France and Soviet</p><p align="LEFT">Union in terms of national security, analyses the</p><p align="LEFT">achievements of language security at home,</p><p align="LEFT">reconsiders the current situation of language</p><p align="LEFT">security in China, and points out the weaknesses</p><p align="LEFT">of language security problems in China: (1)</p><p align="LEFT">stressing on macro-level researches, (2) standing</p><p align="LEFT">still over literature review, (3) lack of the</p><p align="LEFT">researches based on ethnic areas and</p><p align="LEFT">cross-border regions, (4) short of the studies of</p><p align="LEFT">language security problems over internet</p><p align="LEFT">media, and (5) language security problems in</p><p align="LEFT">ethnic areas and regional language security</p><p>strategy to be done.</p>
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Rožňák, Petr. "Migration and National Security of the Visegrad Countries. Does the Nation State Have a Superstate?" Central European Review of Economics & Finance 31, no. 3 (2019): 17–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.24136/ceref.2019.009.
Full textAbstract:
Several serious circumstances led to the writing of this essay: since 2008 the crisis remains, albeit with varying degrees of intensity, the situation in the field of international security, as well as debt and institutional crises, are worsening not only in the eurozone. Probably the organized migratory wave of war, economic and climate migrants continues to move across the permeable borders of the Schengen area, showing how the European Union is fragile and helpless. [Klaus, Weigl, 2015] German Chancellor Angela Merkel said there is no upper limit for the number of people who would be admitted to escape political persecution in their country. Germany leaves the Dublin system inconsistently, runs counter to European cohesion and stops differentiating between the immigrant and the refugee. Migration divides EU Member States into patriarchal and patrimonial and distrust between municipalities. Between „old” and „new” EU countries, scissors are opened. In addition, in some regions of Europe (France, Belgium, Germany, Sweden, the United Kingdom) there are closed communities where the majority law is not valid. Our current socio-political and economic existence is based on a traditional understanding of security. However, the second decade of the 21st century represents a political and military conservative mirror that reflects the image of prosperity and security from a different angle than in previous years. Dramatic developments have led to massive migration of the peoples of the African and Asian continent and to the division of the European Union, especially with regard to the permanent mechanism of redistribution of asylum seekers. Our aim is to contribute to discussion and reflection on topical issues of security environment and security system as a follow-up to the dramatic development that have resulted in the massive migration of people from the African and Asian continent, and in the European Union's break-up, especially in view of the permanent mechanism of redistribution of asylum seekers. We are focused on to what extent the security system of the EU and national states has been threatened and what the threatening factors are. Our aim is to point out that the international security situation has not changed for the better in the second decade of the 21st century. For this purpose, the author uses deductive, analytical, comparative, scientific methods such as exploration, prediction, explanation, and Hanlon's razor.