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Academic literature on the topic 'National security Israel United States'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "National security Israel United States"

1

Slater, Jerome. "Muting the Alarm over the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict: The New York Times versus Haaretz, 2000–06." International Security 32, no. 2 (October 2007): 84–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec.2007.32.2.84.

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The prospects for a two-state solution to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict remain poor, largely because of Israeli rigidity as well as Palestinian policies and internal conflicts. The United States has failed to use its considerable influence with Israel to seek the necessary changes in Israeli policies, instead providing the country with almost unconditional support. The consequences have been disastrous for the Palestinians, for Israeli security and society, and for critical U.S. national interests in the Middle East. Amajor explanation for the failure of U.S. policies is the largely uninformed and uncritical mainstream and even elite media coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict in the United States. In contrast, the debate in Israel is more self-critical, vigorous, and far-ranging, creating at least the possibility of change, even as U.S. policy stagnates. Acomparison of the coverage of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict by the two most prestigious daily newspapers in the United States and Israel—in particular, over the breakdown of the peace process in 2000 and the ensuing Palestinian intifada, the nature of the Israeli occupation, the problem of violence and terrorism, and the prospects for peace today—underscores these differences. While the New York Times has muted the alarm over the dangers of the United States' near-unconditional support for Israeli policies toward the Palestinians, Haaretz has sought to sound the alarm.

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Fuller, Graham E. "Freedom and Security." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.466.

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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics? GEF: Who is a moderate Muslim? That depends on whom you ask and what that person’s (or government’s) agenda is. Moderate is also a quite relative term, understood differently by different people. For our purposes here, let’s examine two basically different approaches to this question: an American view and a Middle Eastern view of what characterizes a moderate Muslim. Most non-Muslims would probably define a moderate Muslim as anyone who believes in democracy, tolerance, a non-violent approach to politics, and equitable treatment of women at the legal and social levels. Today, the American government functionally adds several more criteria: Amoderate Muslim is one who does not oppose the country’s strategic and geopolitical ambitions in the world, who accepts American interests and preferences within the world order, who believes that Islam has no role in politics, and who avoids any confrontation – even political – with Israel. There are deep internal contradictions and warring priorities within the American approach to the Muslim world. While democratization and “freedom” is the Bush administration’s self-proclaimed global ideological goal, the reality is that American demands for security and the war against terror take priority over the democratization agenda every time. Democratization becomes a punishment visited upon American enemies rather than a gift bestowed upon friends. Friendly tyrants take priority over those less cooperative moderate and democratic Muslims who do not acquiesce to the American agenda in the Muslim world. Within the United States itself, the immense domestic power of hardline pro-Likud lobbies and the Israel-firsters set the agenda on virtually all discourse concerning the Muslim world and Israel. This group has generally succeeded in excluding from the public dialogue most Muslim (or even non-Muslim) voices that are at all critical of Israel’s policies. This de facto litmus test raises dramatically the threshold for those who might represent an acceptable moderate Muslim interlocutor. The reality is that there is hardly a single prominent figure in the Muslim world who has not at some point voiced anger at Israeli policies against the Palestinians and who has not expressed ambivalence toward armed resistance against the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands. Thus, few Muslim leaders enjoying public legitimacy in the Muslim world can meet this criterion these days in order to gain entry to the United States to participate in policy discussions. In short, moderate Muslimis subject to an unrealistic litmus test regarding views on Israel that functionally excludes the great majority of serious voices representative of genuine Muslim thinkers in the Middle East who are potential interlocutors. There is no reason to believe that this political framework will change in the United States anytime soon. In my view, a moderate Muslim is one who is open to the idea of evolutionary change through history in the understanding and practice of Islam, one who shuns literalism and selectivism in the understanding of sacred texts. Amoderate would reject the idea that any one group or individual has a monopoly on defining Islam and would seek to emphasize common ground with other faiths, rather than accentuate the differences. Amoderate would try to seek within Islam the roots of those political and social values that are broadly consonant with most of the general values of the rest of the contemporary world. A moderate Muslim would not reject the validity of other faiths. Against the realities of the contemporary Middle East, a moderate Muslim would broadly eschew violence as a means of settling political issues, but still might not condemn all aspects of political violence against state authorities who occupy Muslim lands by force – such as Russia in Chechnya, the Israeli state in the Palestine, or even American occupation forces in Iraq. Yet even here, in principle, a moderate must reject attacks against civilians, women, and children in any struggle for national liberation. Moderates would be open to cooperation with the West and the United States, but not at the expense of their own independence and sovereignty.

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3

Fuller, Graham E. "Freedom and Security." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.466.

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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics? GEF: Who is a moderate Muslim? That depends on whom you ask and what that person’s (or government’s) agenda is. Moderate is also a quite relative term, understood differently by different people. For our purposes here, let’s examine two basically different approaches to this question: an American view and a Middle Eastern view of what characterizes a moderate Muslim. Most non-Muslims would probably define a moderate Muslim as anyone who believes in democracy, tolerance, a non-violent approach to politics, and equitable treatment of women at the legal and social levels. Today, the American government functionally adds several more criteria: Amoderate Muslim is one who does not oppose the country’s strategic and geopolitical ambitions in the world, who accepts American interests and preferences within the world order, who believes that Islam has no role in politics, and who avoids any confrontation – even political – with Israel. There are deep internal contradictions and warring priorities within the American approach to the Muslim world. While democratization and “freedom” is the Bush administration’s self-proclaimed global ideological goal, the reality is that American demands for security and the war against terror take priority over the democratization agenda every time. Democratization becomes a punishment visited upon American enemies rather than a gift bestowed upon friends. Friendly tyrants take priority over those less cooperative moderate and democratic Muslims who do not acquiesce to the American agenda in the Muslim world. Within the United States itself, the immense domestic power of hardline pro-Likud lobbies and the Israel-firsters set the agenda on virtually all discourse concerning the Muslim world and Israel. This group has generally succeeded in excluding from the public dialogue most Muslim (or even non-Muslim) voices that are at all critical of Israel’s policies. This de facto litmus test raises dramatically the threshold for those who might represent an acceptable moderate Muslim interlocutor. The reality is that there is hardly a single prominent figure in the Muslim world who has not at some point voiced anger at Israeli policies against the Palestinians and who has not expressed ambivalence toward armed resistance against the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands. Thus, few Muslim leaders enjoying public legitimacy in the Muslim world can meet this criterion these days in order to gain entry to the United States to participate in policy discussions. In short, moderate Muslimis subject to an unrealistic litmus test regarding views on Israel that functionally excludes the great majority of serious voices representative of genuine Muslim thinkers in the Middle East who are potential interlocutors. There is no reason to believe that this political framework will change in the United States anytime soon. In my view, a moderate Muslim is one who is open to the idea of evolutionary change through history in the understanding and practice of Islam, one who shuns literalism and selectivism in the understanding of sacred texts. Amoderate would reject the idea that any one group or individual has a monopoly on defining Islam and would seek to emphasize common ground with other faiths, rather than accentuate the differences. Amoderate would try to seek within Islam the roots of those political and social values that are broadly consonant with most of the general values of the rest of the contemporary world. A moderate Muslim would not reject the validity of other faiths. Against the realities of the contemporary Middle East, a moderate Muslim would broadly eschew violence as a means of settling political issues, but still might not condemn all aspects of political violence against state authorities who occupy Muslim lands by force – such as Russia in Chechnya, the Israeli state in the Palestine, or even American occupation forces in Iraq. Yet even here, in principle, a moderate must reject attacks against civilians, women, and children in any struggle for national liberation. Moderates would be open to cooperation with the West and the United States, but not at the expense of their own independence and sovereignty.

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Sharipov, Sanjar Sobirovich. "Scientific Analysis Of Foreign Experience On The Activities Of Patrol-Post Service In Public Order And Security Systems." American Journal of Interdisciplinary Innovations and Research 03, no. 04 (April 27, 2021): 48–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajiir/volume03issue04-08.

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The article deals with public order and security systems and the role of the patrol service, as well as the police of foreign countries, including the United States, France, Italy, Spain, Israel, China and Japan, in managing the activities of the patrol service in public order and security systems. The service experience has been scientifically analyzed. Based on best international practices, suggestions for improving national legislation are made.

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Van Puyvelde, Damien, James J. Wirtz, Jean-Vincent Holeindre, Benjamin Oudet, Uri Bar-Joseph, Ken Kotani, Florina Cristiana Matei, and Antonio M. Díaz Fernández. "Comparing National Approaches to the Study of Intelligence." International Studies Perspectives 21, no. 3 (February 3, 2020): 298–337. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isp/ekz031.

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Abstract This forum compares and contrasts national experiences in the development of intelligence studies from the perspective of seven countries: France, Japan, Israel, Romania, Spain, the United Kingdom, and the United States. The discussion is structured around a comparative framework that emphasizes five core dimensions that, we posit, are essential to the emergence of this subfield: access to relevant government information, institutionalization of research on intelligence and security in a higher education setting, periodic scientific meetings and networks, teaching and learning opportunities, and engagement between researchers and practitioners. The forum demonstrates how researchers working in different contexts and disciplines have overcome similar challenges to broaden our understanding of secret government practices.

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Posner, Richard A. "National Security and Constitutional Law. Précis: The Constitution in a Time of National Emergency." Israel Law Review 42, no. 2 (2009): 217–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700000534.

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In my recent book Not a Suicide Pact: The Constitution in a Time of National Emergency (2006), I argue for a way of understanding constitutional law that would enable sensible adjustments to the pressures that arise when a nation is confronted with a serious threat to the safety or other well-being of its people; and I tried to show how the method that I was advocating could be used to resolve some of the constitutional issues that have arisen in the wake of the terrorist attacks on the United States of September 11, 2001. The analysis is limited to American constitutional law; whether it has possible applications to the law of Israel or of any other foreign country, I leave for others to decide, though, given the audience, I drop a few hints in this Paper.The starting point of my analysis is recognition that constitutional law, at least in America (but this is even more true of what passes for “constitutional law” in Israel), is very largely the creation of judges rather than of the framers or ratifiers of formal constitutions. The United States Constitution is 222 years old (1787–2009), though the amendments are younger (but the most influential of them—the first ten—the Bill of Rights, by just a few years). Some of the provisions, in both the original Constitution and in the Bill of Rights and later amendments, are precise; but many are not, and it is the vague or open-ended ones that figure most largely in debates over the legal limits of measures to protect national security. Terms like “due process of law,” “unreasonable searches and seizures,” “freedom of speech,” and “habeas corpus” are not self-defining; nor have judges been willing to confine them to the same meaning they had for the framers or to the core meaning that they would have to be given to have any significance at all. Because American judges do not adhere strictly to precedent, the meaning impressed by judicial decisions on constitutional texts is tentative, especially when a case arises that is not within the heartland of a previous decision because of the novelty of its facts or a shift in the social or political context of the relevant issues.

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Parshkova, J. Yu. "The Development of the US National Missile Defense and its Impact on the International Security." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 1(40) (February 28, 2015): 43–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2015-1-40-43-48.

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The article reflects the US officials' point of view on the development of its national missile defense. The major threat to international security is the proliferation of ballistic missiles and weapons of mass destruction. The United States and the former Soviet Union made huge efforts to reduce and limit offensive arms. However, presently the proliferation of ballistic missiles spreads all over the world, especially in the Middle East, because of the ballistic missile technology falling into the hands of hostile non-state groups. Missile defenses can provide a permanent presence in a region and discourage adversaries from believing they can use ballistic missiles to coerce or intimidate the U.S. or its allies. With the possible attack regional missile defense systems will be promptly mobilized to enhance an effective deterrent. The ultimate goal of such large-scale missile defense deployment is to convince the adversaries that the use of ballistic missiles is useless in military terms and that any attack on the United States and its allies is doomed to failure. The United States has missile defense cooperative programs with a number of allies, including United Kingdom, Japan, Australia, Israel, Denmark, Germany, Netherlands, Czech Republic, Poland, Italy and many others. The Missile Defense Agency also actively participates in NATO activities to maximize opportunities to develop an integrated NATO ballistic missile defense capability. The initiative of the development of US BMD naturally belongs to the United States. That country has enormous technological, financial, economic, military and institutional capabilities, exceeding by far those of the other NATO members combined.

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Cheung, Tai Ming, and Bates Gill. "Trade Versus Security: How Countries Balance Technology Transfers with China." Journal of East Asian Studies 13, no. 3 (December 2013): 443–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800008298.

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Apart from a short period in the 1980s, the People's Republic of China has been almost completely excluded from access to military and sensitive dual-use civilian-military technologies from the United States and its allies. But in an era of globalization and convergence in the civilian and military technological domains, this compartmentalization of the economic and security arenas has become increasingly difficult to maintain and justify. Major trading countries are caught in the dilemma of balancing restrictions on high technology and other sensitive trade and investment with China against the benefits of deeper ties with the world's second-largest economy. In examining the trade-offs between economics and national security for the United States, the European Union, Israel, and Japan, it becomes clear that China's rise and growing economic and strategic influence introduce new complexities and challenges for controlling militarily relevant technology and knowledge transfers.

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Mikaelian, Arman Artakovich, and Vladimir Mikhailovich Morozov. "The U.S. Factor in Sino-Israeli and Indian-Israeli Relations." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 338–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-338-349.

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The article analyses the US influence on Israeli policy towards both China and India. The United States has had and still has a significant influence on the dynamics of Israeli-Chinese and Israeli-Indian relations. The relevance of the issue stems from the growing importance of China and India in the world affairs amid rising tensions between the US and China that are spilling into a trade war. The article aims to explore the US influence on Israels policy in Asia. It examines the way how the Israeli leadership has adapted to Washingtons influence while promoting its strategic cooperation with China and India. The study comprises historical method, comparative analysis and historical-systematic analysis. The author comes to the following conclusions. First, Washingtons influence on Sino-Israeli relations has gone through five development stages: the first stage (1971-1989): implicit US support for the development of Sino-Israeli relations; the second stage (1990-1998): American criticism of military and technical cooperation between Israel and China; the third stage (1999-2005): Washingtons shift from criticism to pressure policy in order to prevent the Israeli leadership from military cooperation with China; the fourth stage (2006-2016): Israels acceptance of US demands and refusal to supply arms to Beijing (with Tel Aviv focusing on the development of trade and economic relations with China); the fifth stage (2017 - present): U.S. criticism of Israeli-Chinese economic cooperation amid worsening contacts between Beijing and Washington. The Israeli government is trying to meet Washingtons demands as well as preserve its strategic economic relations with Beijing. Second, the US factor, on the contrary, contributed to normalization of Indian-Israeli relations, having a positive impact on the development of trade, economic and military cooperation between Tel Aviv and New Delhi. Third, the US actions can be explained by an attempt to preserve its national interests. At the same time, the author stresses that the US influence on Israels policy in Asia complies with Washingtons regional priorities set forth in the 2017 US National Security Strategy.

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Gill, Amandeep Singh. "Artificial Intelligence and International Security: The Long View." Ethics & International Affairs 33, no. 02 (2019): 169–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679419000145.

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AbstractHow will emerging autonomous and intelligent systems affect the international landscape of power and coercion two decades from now? Will the world see a new set of artificial intelligence (AI) hegemons just as it saw a handful of nuclear powers for most of the twentieth century? Will autonomous weapon systems make conflict more likely or will states find ways to control proliferation and build deterrence, as they have done (fitfully) with nuclear weapons? And importantly, will multilateral forums find ways to engage the technology holders, states as well as industry, in norm setting and other forms of controlling the competition? The answers to these questions lie not only in the scope and spread of military applications of AI technologies but also in how pervasive their civilian applications will be. Just as civil nuclear energy and peaceful uses of outer space have cut into and often shaped discussions on nuclear weapons and missiles, the burgeoning uses of AI in consumer products and services, health, education, and public infrastructure will shape views on norm setting and arms control. New mechanisms for trust and confidence-building measures might be needed not only between China and the United States—the top competitors in comprehensive national strength today—but also among a larger group of AI players, including Canada, France, Germany, India, Israel, Japan, Russia, South Korea, and the United Kingdom.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "National security Israel United States"

1

Arikan, Mehmet Okan. "Transformation of the Israel Defense Forces : an application of the U.S. Military transformation /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Dec%5FArikan.pdf.

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Wrona, Jacqueline-Marie Wilson. "From sticks and stones to zeros and ones : the development of computer network operations as an element of warfare : a study of the Palestinian-Israeli cyberconflict and what the United States can learn from the "Interfada" /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Sep%5FWrona.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Systems Technology (Command, Control, and Comunnications(C3)))--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2005.
Thesis Advisor(s): Dan C. Boger. Includes bibliographical references (p. 131-136). Also available online.

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Farr, Matthew A. "Homeland Security lessons for the United States /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FFarr.pdf.

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Wilkinson, Nachelle M. "Leveraging National Guard counterdrug assets for Homeland Security." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FWilkinson.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Homeland Security and Defense))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.
Thesis advisor(s): Jeanne Giraldo. Includes bibliographical references (p. 71-77). Also available online.

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Ma, Tiffany. "Christianity and U.S. national security: doctrine, training, and policy." Thesis, Boston University, 2003. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27706.

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Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses.
PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
2031-01-02

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Doris, Francis W. "DOD's role in homeland defense and homeland security." Norfolk, Va. : Joint Forces Staff College, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2006. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA451263.

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Thesis (M.S. in Joint Campaign Planning and Strategy)--Joint Forces Staff College, Joint Advanced Warfighting School, 2006.
"14 April 2006." Vita. "National Defense Univ Norfolk VA"--DTIC cover. Includes bibliographical references (p. 61-62). Also available via the Internet.

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Bour, Mark C. "National Guard engagement in the Pacific : no threat to security /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/02Dec%5FBour.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in International Security and Civil-Military Relations)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2002.
Thesis advisor(s): Lyman Miller, Paul Stockton. Includes bibliographical references (p. 59-62). Also available online.

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Ljuba, Paul J. "Organized crime in Russia and United States national security." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 1996. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA327429.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, December 1996.
Thesis advisor(s): M. Tsypkin. "December 1996." Includes bibliographical references (p. 83-88). Also available online.

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Sinks, George W. "Reserve Policy for the Nuclear Age: The Development of Post-War American Reserve Policy, 1943-1955." Connect to resource, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1210099254.

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Behunin, Scott A. "Homeland Security advisory system." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FBehunin.pdf.

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Books on the topic "National security Israel United States"

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Chapman, Lean Nathan, ed. Iran, Israel, and the United States: Regime security vs. political legitimacy. Santa Barbara, Calif: Praeger, 2011.

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America, the gulf, and Israel: CENTCOM (Central Command) and emerging US regional security policies in the Mideast. Jerusalem, Israel: Jerusalem Post, 1988.

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Israel's security, the Iranian nuclear threat, and United States relations. New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2012.

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Mike, Evans. Showdown with nuclear Iran: Radical Islam's messianic mission to destroy Israel and cripple the United States. Nashville, Tenn: Nelson Current, 2006.

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A, Shlapak David, Byman Daniel 1967-, United States Air Force, and Project Air Force (U.S.), eds. The implications of the possible end of the Arab-Israeli conflict for Gulf security. Santa Monica, CA: RAND, 1997.

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Crisis and crossfire: The United States and the Middle East since 1945. Washington, D.C: Potomac Books, Inc., 2005.

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Hahn, Peter L. Crisis and crossfire: The United States and the Middle East since 1945. Washington, DC: Potomac Books, Inc., 2006.

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Israel's economic future: Hearing before the Joint Economic Committee, Congress of the United States, One Hundred Fifth Congress, first session, October 21, 1997. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1998.

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Kallen, Stuart A. National security. San Diego, CA: ReferencePoint Press, Inc., 2007.

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National security issues. Washington, D.C: U.S. General Accounting Office, 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "National security Israel United States"

1

Jolish, Barak D. "The Encryption Debate in Plaintext: National Security and Encryption in the United States and Israel." In Financial Cryptography, 202–24. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/3-540-45472-1_15.

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Gilboa, Eytan. "The Palestinian campaign against Israel at the United Nations Human Rights Council." In Soft Threats to National Security, 68–88. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003243151-6.

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Groth, Carl H. "The Evolving National Security Strategy of the United States." In The Political Economy of War and Peace, 1–28. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4615-4961-1_1.

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Treto, Carlos Alzugaray. "Cuba’s National Security Vis-À-Vis the United States." In Debating U.S.-Cuban Relations, 62–81. Revised and updated edition. | New York : Routledge, 2017. |: Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315271279-4.

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Dumas, Lloyd J. "National Security, Noncontributive Activity and Macroeconomic Analysis: Theoretical, Empirical and Methodological Issues." In Towards a Peace Economy in the United States, 57–77. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-12105-2_3.

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Medina Núñez, Ignacio. "Central America: Ungoverned Spaces and the National Security Policy of the United States." In US National Security Concerns in Latin America and the Caribbean, 93–112. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137379528_6.

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von Lucke, Franziskus. "United States: Climate Change, National Security and the Climatisation of the Defence Sector." In The Securitisation of Climate Change and the Governmentalisation of Security, 59–116. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-50906-4_2.

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Oliva Campos, Carlos. "The United States and the Security Agenda in the Caribbean Basin after 9/11." In US National Security Concerns in Latin America and the Caribbean, 41–60. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137379528_3.

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Groves, Lauren, John M. Davis, James Page, Michael Whitely, Dylan Rose, and Doe West. "Views on National Security: the United Kingdom, Northern Ireland, Australia, Canada, and the United States of America." In International Handbook of War, Torture, and Terrorism, 205–22. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4614-1638-8_14.

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Villafuerte Solís, Daniel. "Security Issues on the Mexico-Guatemala Border and Their Relationship to the New National Security Policy of the United States." In US National Security Concerns in Latin America and the Caribbean, 113–41. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137379528_7.

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Conference papers on the topic "National security Israel United States"

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King, James, Richard Freeman, Kenneth Jacoby, Peter Torres, Patrick Hillyard, Jeffrey Koch, and Gabriel Torres. "X-ray Calibration and Characterization at the Nevada National Security Site / Livermore Operations." In SPIE Optics + Photonics 2017, San Diego Convention Center San Diego, California, United States, 6 - 10 August 2017. US DOE, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/1755908.

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Nechaev, V., E. Brodovskaya, and A. Dombrovskaya. "The internet culture and e-democracy in Russia and the United States: results of a cross-national study." In International Scientific Conference "On the Way to a Stable World: Security and Sustainable Development". Global partnership on Development of Scientific Cooperation Limited Liability Company; Ron Bee & Associates, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.17809/02(2015)-12.

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Sipior, Janice, and Burke Ward. "A Framework for Information Security Management Based on Guiding Standards: A United States Perspective." In InSITE 2008: Informing Science + IT Education Conference. Informing Science Institute, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.28945/3188.

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Despite government oversight, consumers continue to be concerned about the security of personal information used by corporations. Consumer concerns give rise to the necessity for corporations to manage information security. Navigating the multitude of existing security standards, including dedicated standards for information security and frameworks for controlling the implementation of information technology, presents a challenge to organizations. In response, we propose our ISM framework which considers global, national, organizational, and employee standards to guide ISM. We contend that a strategic approach to ISM will enable a focus on managing information as a key resource in global competition. This framework is intended to promote a cohesive approach which considers a process view of information within the context of the entire organizational operational environment. This framework can be used by international, national, and regional corporations to formulate, implement, enforce, and audit information security policies and practices.

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Frias, Patrick, José R. O. Muñoz, Louis Restrepo, James L. Tingey, and David L. Y. Louie. "Nuclear Facility Safety at the United States Department of Energy." In 2020 International Conference on Nuclear Engineering collocated with the ASME 2020 Power Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone2020-16167.

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Abstract Nuclear facility safety is crucial to preventing and/or reducing high consequence-low probability accidents and, thus reducing the potential risks posed by United States Department of Energy (DOE) and National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA) operations at their facilities/activities. DOE/NNSA has the responsibility of developing, issuing, maintaining, and enforcing nuclear safety Directives while fostering a culture that promotes nuclear safety research and development. Lessons learned from past accidents, near misses, and experiments/analyses are also important resources for improving operational nuclear safety in the safety community. This paper first identifies and describes the current Directives in place, including safety review and regulatory process, and safety programs that support implementation of the Directives. This paper also describes a contractor’s approach to identifying and implementing safety using these Directives and lessons-learned in multiple discipline areas of nuclear safety.

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Pope, Ronald B., and Richard R. Rawl. "Security in the Transport of Radioactive Materials." In ASME 2009 Pressure Vessels and Piping Conference. ASMEDC, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/pvp2009-77089.

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The United States Department of Energy National Nuclear Security Administration’s (DOE/NNSA) Global Threat Reduction Initiative (GTRI), the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and active IAEA Donor States are working together to strengthen the security of nuclear and radioactive materials during transport to mitigate the risks of theft, diversion, or sabotage. International activities have included preparing and publishing the new IAEA guidance document Security in the Transport of Radioactive Material while ensuring that security recommendations do not conflict with requirements for safety during transport, and developing and providing training programs to assist other countries in implementing radioactive material transport security programs. This paper provides a brief update on the status of these transportation security efforts.

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Delaney, C. L. "Test and Evaluation of Shale Derived Jet Fuel by the United States Air Force." In ASME 1985 Beijing International Gas Turbine Symposium and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/85-igt-115.

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In June 1980, the United States Congress passed the Energy Security Act which provided for the formation of the United States Synthetic Fuels Corporation and amended the Defense Production Act of 1950 to provide for synthetic fuels for the Department of Defense (DOD). A subsequent law, P.L., 96-304, appropriated up to $20 billion for financial incentives to foster a national synthetic fuel industry. The initial synthetic fuel project funded under the Energy Security Act is the Unocal Parachute Creek Project in Colorado with an expected shale oil production of 10,000 bbls/day. The Defense Fuel Supply Center (DFSC) contracted with Gary Energy Refining Company, Fruita, Colorado to provide approximately 5000 bbls/day of shale JP-4 for the United States Air Force (USAF) using crude from the Parachute Creek project, with initial deliveries to begin in 1985. The USAF immediately accelerated preparations for the eventual operational use of shale derived fuels for turbine engine aircraft. An extensive test and evaluation program was initiated consisting of aviation turbine fuel processing, fuel characterization, aircraft component and subsystem testing, engine and flight testing. This paper describes the testing program that was accomplished, the significant results which were determined and the quality assurance program that is being implemented to assure that the shale fuel meets the requirements of JP-4, the standard USAF jet fuel.

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Blanchard, Tiffany A., William J. Abramson, James W. J. R. Russell, and Catherine K. Roberts. "The Global Threat Reduction Initiative’s Radiological Security Cooperation With Russia." In ASME 2011 14th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. ASMEDC, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2011-59361.

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The United States (U.S.) Department of Energy (DOE) / National Nuclear Security Administration’s (NNSA) Global Threat Reduction Initiative (GTRI) supports both U.S. and international threat reduction goals by securing vulnerable nuclear and radiological material located at civilian sites throughout the world. GTRI’s approach to reducing the threat posed by vulnerable, high-activity radioactive sources includes removing and disposing of orphan or disused radioactive sources; implementing physical security upgrades at civilian sites containing radioactive sources; and establishing a cooperative sustainability program at sites to ensure that upgrades are maintained. For many years GTRI has collaborated successfully with the Russian Federation and international partners to improve radiological security in Russia. This paper provides a synopsis of GTRI’s accomplishments and cooperation with Russia in the following areas: 1.) recovering and disposing of orphan and disused radioactive sources, 2.) recovering and disposing of radioisotope thermoelectric generators (RTGs), and 3.) providing physical security upgrades at civilian sites that contain vulnerable radiological material.

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Toprak, Nuri Gökhan. "From Embargo to Blockade: An Evaluation of the United States Sanctions against Iran in the Context of the Use of Economic Impact Tools in Foreign Poli." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c11.02219.

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The concept of influence can be defined as a tool of international actors, a form of power, the ability to overcome obstacles in order to achieve different purposes or the desired result in the process of power relations established between actors in international politics. According to the approach that aims to reach the concept of influence as the desired result, in the process of setting up influence states try to influence each other through different methods and tools in which can be used through states’ own capacities. In addition to political and military tools, economic impact tools related to the field of foreign trade and finance are frequently used today. Economic impact tools, such as external aid, which may be positive or rewarding, may also be negative or punitive in a range from the boycott to the blockade. The study aims to provide a qualitative assessment of the United States' (US) economic sanctions against Iran in the context of the use of economic impact tools in international politics. In order to achieve this aim, 12 executive orders issued by the US on the grounds that Iran poses a threat to its national security, foreign policy and economy will be examined. In the conclusion of the study, the assumption that the US sanctions against Iran almost for 40 years has become a multilateral structure such as commercial and financial blockade from a structure related to bilateral relations such as boycott and embargo will be tested.

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Heath, Garvin A., David D. Hsu, Daniel Inman, Andy Aden, and Margaret K. Mann. "Life Cycle Assessment of the Energy Independence and Security Act of 2007: Ethanol—Global Warming Potential and Environmental Emissions." In ASME 2009 3rd International Conference on Energy Sustainability collocated with the Heat Transfer and InterPACK09 Conferences. ASMEDC, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/es2009-90037.

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Strategies to reduce the dependence of the United States on foreign oil, increase the use of renewable energy, and lessen the contribution to global warming have received significant attention. National adoption of such strategies could significantly impact America’s economy and security as well as global climate change. The Energy Independence and Security Act of 2007 (EISA) mandates specific renewable energy market penetration targets for the year 2022 [1]. For liquid transportation fuels, the 2022 EISA mandate is 36 billion gallons per year (bgy) of biofuel, of which 21 bgy must come from feedstocks other than corn starch. Despite this legal mandate for renewable biofuels, many questions remain unanswered with regard to the potential environmental effects of such a large increase in the production and use of biofuels. In addition to specifying volumetric standards for these renewable fuels, EISA establishes greenhouse gas mitigation standards. The objective of this study is to use life cycle assessment (LCA) to evaluate the global warming potential (GWP), water use, and net energy value (NEV) associated with the EISA-mandated 16 bgy cellulosic biofuels target, which is assumed in this study to be met by cellulosic-based ethanol, and the EISA-mandated 15 bgy conventional corn ethanol target. Specifically, this study compares, on a per-kilometer-driven basis, the GWP, water use, and NEV for the year 2022 for several biomass feedstocks.

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Gullerud, Arne, John M. Emery, and Ryan Jamison. "Computational Assessment of Brittle Fracture in Glass-to-Metal Seals." In ASME 2010 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2010-38928.

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Glass-to-metal seals are widely used in engineering applications, but are often plagued by cracking and loss of hermeticity despite design efforts to avoid these problems. Standard computational approaches typically rely on under-refined meshes and rule-of-thumb approaches that are not always effective. This paper investigates improvements to current practice in glass-to-metal seal design. First, material models with more extensive temperature dependence are used to enhance the accuracy of residual stress prediction. Second, a Weibull-statistics approach is adopted for the prediction of the likelihood of failure. These approaches are then applied to a simplified seal geometry. The paper demonstrates that the application of these methods, especially the Weibull-statistics approach, have difficulties that need to be addressed before this proposed set of approaches can be effectively used for seal design. Sandia is a multiprogram laboratory operated by Sandia Corporation, a Lockheed Martin Company, for the United States Department of Energy’s National Nuclear Security Administration under contract DE-AC04-94AL85000.

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Reports on the topic "National security Israel United States"

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Lund, Timothy M. Perestroika: It's Impact on United States National Security. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, February 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada236608.

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Janker, Peter S. United States Homeland Security and National Biometric Identification. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada404488.

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Cochran, Edwin S. Post-Apartheid South Africa and United States National Security. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, June 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada353177.

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JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF WASHINGTON DC. The National Military Strategy of the United States of America 2015: The United States Military's Contribution to National Security. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, June 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada619156.

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Malackowski, Patrick C. Improving the United States National Security Strategy: An Informed Public. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada431968.

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Klann, Eugene A. Security Implications of the National Debt of the United States. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, June 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada255470.

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DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE WASHINGTON DC. United States Plan for Sustaining the Afghan National Security Forces. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada517213.

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Ballard, Eli. The Role of Puerto Rico in United States National Security Strategy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada404525.

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Hazdra, Richard J. Air Mobility: The Key to the United States National Security Strategy. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, August 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada388573.

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Bacon, Donald. United States' National Security Strategy: A Hamiltonian Solution for the Iranian Conundrum. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, October 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada443532.

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