To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: National security, middle east.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'National security, middle east'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 dissertations / theses for your research on the topic 'National security, middle east.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse dissertations / theses on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Ergen, Gaye. "Eu Energy Security And The Middle East Oil." Master's thesis, METU, 2007. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12609089/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims to analyze oil as a security challenge for the European Union. The energy security policy is getting more and more important with the decrease of energy sources, which holds and shapes the balance of power in the world. Especially in the future, energy sources will be the key to political strategies. The European nations have created energy security policies in order to protect their benefits. The central argument of this thesis is that although the EU has attempted to create a common EU energy policy throughout its history, it could not escape from the impact of the national energy policy of the member states. The main focus is on the oil policy of the community. Thus, the aim of the thesis is to explore the policies created for oil security, especially in the Middle East, and why the EU could not implement these policies it created.
2
Todd, Paul. "A regional power : United States' policy in the Indian Ocean and the definition of national security 1970-1980." Thesis, Middlesex University, 1994. http://eprints.mdx.ac.uk/6424/.
Full textAbstract:
This study explores the content, context and contradictions in the making of United States' policy for the Indian Ocean region during the decade of the 1970's. In approaching this undertaking, the study will focus on the strategic dimension to policy from both an historical and an analytic perspective. The work explores three major themes: first, that the need to reverse a perceived decline in U. S. power constituted a common ground for U. S. administrations' during the 1970's; secondly, that the approach to this objective found a critical geopolitical focus in the Middle East and Northern Indian Ocean region; and thirdly, that the modalities of regional engagement redefined, in turn, the nature of regional multipolarity . The principal dilemma to be explored for U. S. policy concems the reconciliation of the rising importance of the region to the United States with diminishing U. S. leverage, in an era of diffusion of power and emergent strategic bipolarity. In methodological terms, the research design adapts the controlled comparison case study model developed by Alexander George amongst others. In this context, the class of events under scrutiny is policy - broadly defined - for the Indian Ocean region under differing strategic concepts, with a focus on bureaucratic interaction, organizational process, and military posture. The parallel analysis of macroscopic processes in world economics, inter-state relations and the central balance provides a conjunctural setting for a structured, focused, comparison of source material drawn from Congressional Hearings, policy documentation, reports, interviews and internal departmental and intelligence memoranda. For the source material itself, the research programme has accessed much material recently declassified under FOI legislation and on record in the National Archives, the National Security Archives and the Nixon Presidential library. The ordering of the work is as follows: for the six major chapters, chapter one locates the origins of United States' strategic interest in the Indian Ocean within a critical account of U. S. relations with the existing British power. Chapter's two and three commence the main historical part of the work in considering the Indian Ocean policy of the Nixon administration, in terms of the local application of the 'Nixon Doctrine'. Here, the objectives and restraints for U. S. policy are assessed with reference to two major themes of this study, great power strategic parity and regional multipolarity. These themes are referenced to signal historical developments in the region - the withdrawal of British forces, the changes in the world oil market and the 1971 India-Pakistan and 1973 Middle East wars. The emerging strategic focus on the Indian Ocean for the Ford administration is taken up in chapter four within the parallel perspectives of U. S. military posture and the evolving distribution of power in the region itself. This context leads into the Indian Ocean policies of the Carter administration. Chapter five provides an overview of the U. S. -Soviet naval arms limitation talks (NALT) of 1977-8, while chapter six undertakes a three part exposition of the 'Carter Doctrine'. In this, the emergence of the South West Asia/Indian Ocean region as the focus of great power competition is located within analysis of the Iranian revolution, the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan and the outbreak of the Iran-Iraq war. Although aspects of U. S. regional policy have been subject to a substantial literature, the stance taken here combines an historical analysis with a parallel essay at synthesis -a perspective that locates the region within the overall cast of U. S. national security policy. The study posits a strategic determination for the Indian Ocean policy framework, one whose unifying process accentuated - pari passu - the differentiation of means - In these terms, it concludes that a differentiation of ends, and notably, those involving effective disengagement from the Indian Ocean, was displaced as a possible option.
3
Al-Kasaji, Mohannad K. "Evaluating the Jordanian National Security Strategy Toward the Palestinian_Jordanians (Palestinian_Jordanians as a Securitization Case-Study)." FIU Digital Commons, 2012. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/554.
Full textAbstract:
In its approach to the Palestinian-Jordanians’ issue, this dissertation employs a security-based theory and technique, which deal with the issue as a securitization case-study. It employs a modified version of the securitization theory offered by the Copenhagen School to evaluate the classical Jordanian national security strategy toward Palestinian-Jordanians. It addresses, reviews, weighs and evaluates the four strategies and tools of the Jordanian securitization model toward Palestinian-Jordanians: exclusionism, tribalism, cooptation and ideologization, which present the independent variables of this study. This evaluation process is based on a multi-standard strategy, which discusses the goals, the evidence, the outputs and the structure of the Jordanian securitization model since Black September 1970. In terms of methodology, the dissertation adopted a multi-method strategy, which used field research, participant observation and elite interviewing as primary methods for data acquisition.
In its security-based re-reading of the modern Jordanian history and its evaluation of the Jordanian national security strategy, the dissertation concludes that the Jordanian securitization model has led to a number of dangerous adverse reactions and hazards, which threaten Jordanian national security. The awakening of the extreme versions of nationalism, the rise of social/tribal violence and the emergence of the radical Islamist Salafi-Jihadi movement are examples of the hazardous outputs of the classical Jordanian national security strategy. Although the classical strategy has succeeded in maintaining the physical survival of the state/regime in Jordan since 1921, it has failed to cure the structural crises of statehood and nationhood, which the Jordanian state suffers from. Also, the classical strategy has failed to decisively answer the strategic questions of "what is Jordan?" and "who are Jordanians?". This strategic failure of the classical Jordanian national security strategy toward Palestinian-Jordanians rings alarm bells about the strategic and urgent need for an alternative national security strategy based on egalitarianism, modernism, populism and democratization.
4
King, Michael G. "Modern piracy and regional security cooperation in the maritime domain the Middle East and Southeast Asia /." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Mar/10Mar%5FKing.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2010.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Dahl, Erik J. Second Reader: Moran, Daniel J. "March 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 28, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: Piracy, Maritime Security, Regional Security Cooperation, Cooperative Security, Middle East, Southeast Asia, Gulf of Aden, Straits of Malacca, Maritime Capacity. Includes bibliographical references (p. 103-116). Also available in print.
5
Gulseven, Enver. "Identity security and Turkish foreign policy in the post-cold war period : relations with the EU, Greece and the Middle East." Thesis, Brunel University, 2010. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/5083.
Full textAbstract:
Since the establishment of the republic in 1923 there has never been a consensus over Turkey‘s national identity, either internally or externally. Westernization was a top-down project that fostered societal resistance from the outset and which received only partial recognition from the West itself. The end of the Cold War has further intensified the debates over Turkish identity both in Turkey itself and in the wider world. This thesis examines the implications of a complex and insecure identity for Turkey‘s political development and in particular its ability to develop an international role commensurate with its size and capabilities. In doing so, it demonstrates the connection between different notions of Turkish identity and foreign policy preferences whilst emphasising also the important role of the international institutional context (for example membership of NATO and the EU) in shaping the preferences of diverse state/societal actors within Turkey in the post-Cold War period. The focus in this regard is on the military, political parties and business/civil-society groups. The thesis engages recent debates between constructivists and rationalists and argues that a constructivist account of Turkish foreign policy is more helpful than a rationalist explanation, through the case studies of Turkey‘s relations with the EU, Greece and the Middle East in the post-Cold War period. It shows how rational actor assumptions operate within a constructivist context and aims to shed light on the relationship between identity, political interests and foreign policy. The thesis also demonstrates that an insecure identity is a barrier to pursue consistent foreign policy goals, thereby lending support to the view that a secure identity is a condition of developing a stable and influential role in the post-Cold War system.
6
Hanna, John Nabil. "The Nuclearization of Iran: Motivations, Intentions and America's Responses." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/30894.
Full textAbstract:
This research investigates the strategic intentions behind the Iranian state's programs for acquiring nuclear weapons. Using Graham Allison's Rational Actor Model of national decision-making, this thesis investigates three questions: 1) Iran's motivations for obtaining nuclear weapons; 2) Iran's strategies for actual use of nuclear weapons; and, 3) alternative political frameworks for the U.S. to use with Iran to minimize the negative effects of a nuclearized Iran.
This study asserts that Iran would most likely acquire nuclear weapons for the purposes of self-reliance, a greater international voice, to make up for deficiencies in conventional weapons, and for deterrence. Some scholars argue that since Iran should be designated a "rogue" state, it may become aggressive or hostile once obtaining nuclear weapons. Yet, Iran's political actions actually seem to have become increasingly pragmatic. Hence, it appears that Iran would use this arsenal to induce caution among its rivals to avoid major wars, as well as a tool for deterrence.
While current political differences between Iran and America are considerable, this research recommends pursuing greater political engagement with Tehran, focusing on mutual benefits. American policymakers should implement policies which rely on positive inducements for change as well as sanctions for non-compliance. If no rapprochement takes place prior to Iran's nuclearization, however, the U.S. will need to employ tactics for minimizing the significance of Iran having nuclear weapons. This research suggests that Washington could begin by implementing economic, technical and material sanctions, establishing a Middle East missile defense system, and beefing-up U.S. coastal defenses.<br>Master of Arts
7
Seibel, Kevin S. "Perceptions of ideological imperialism why the establishment of democracy in the Middle East alone will not defeat Islamist terrorism /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA491185.
Full text
8
Gailan, Mohammed. "National Security Concerns And The Kurdistan Region In A New Middle East: From Rebellion To Statehood : The Influences Of Power, Threat Enviornment And Opportunity Structures On The Choice Of Becoming An Independent State." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, Institutionen för säkerhet, strategi och ledarskap (ISSL), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-7009.
Full textAbstract:
Under which conditions do some nations and de facto state actors with relative power assert their statehood and independence? What factors should we focus on when we assess such cases? How much can we relate a nation’s choice and path to statehood and independence to its national security concerns? The aim of this case study has been to answer the questions asked above and explain why nations during some periods do not choose to declare independence and form their own state and during other periods they aim to do so. The case of the Kurdistan region of Iraq has been selected and studied both due the drastic regional changes in the Middle East since Saddam Hussein’s fall and the rise Islamic State in Iraq and Syria. During 2003-2005, the US invaded Iraq, toppled Saddam Hussein and destroyed the Iraqi army. Unlike the expectations that the Kurds would declare independence, they did not do so. However, 14 years after the fall of Saddam Hussein and establishment of the new Iraq, the Kurds aim to declare independence and form their own state. Hence, the puzzle is why not then and 14 years later? Inspired by realism, nationalist movement theory and rational strategic actor, three interrelated hypotheses have been tested and verified, which lay ground for a theoretical and explanatory model for this and similar cases within the fields of security studies and international relations. Process tracing has been used as an additional analytical tool in order to detect critical junctures and the chain of events that have produced the two different outcomes. The empirical material is mainly based on a fieldwork conducted in the Kurdistan region followed up by 12 individual qualitative interviews with a number of highly ranked Kurdish political and military officials including the President of the Kurdistan region, the Foreign Minister of the Kurdistan region, a senior Foreign and Security Advisor, three Peshmerga Generals and six members of both Kurdistan and Iraqi Parliaments. Building on the previous research, the findings of this study suggest that the choice and decision for becoming an independent and sovereign de jure state is closely related to a nation’s national security concerns and it is the same factors that causes a nation to declare/not declare independence during different periods of time. They are: (1) changes in power relations and access to a certain degree of indirect/direct external support and cooperation, (2) the existence/non-existence of national security threats and threat environments and (3) the rise of opportunity structures, strategic thinking and the ability to mobilize resources.
9
Morselli, Valentina. ""We are the last frontier against…": National Role Conception and Primacy of Security in Israel's road to the First and Second Lebanon Wars (1982, 2006)." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/219435.
Full textAbstract:
The present research is an analysis of the political decision-making process in Israel in relation to two crises, the summer of 1982 and the summer of 2006, preceding respectively the First and Second Lebanon wars. The present research is structured in accordance with the theoretical posture of Neoclassical Realism. Although still a young school of thought, the theoretical roots of Neoclassical Realism can be found in Classical Realism and Neo-realism - concerning the role of the State in the international system, and are integrated with the study of the domestic level and the role of the deciders in the elaboration of foreign policy decisions. By making the link between the international and domestic level explicit, this thesis allows grasping the full extent of the origins and implications of a State’s foreign policy. In addition, in order to study the relevance of a long-term approach in researches on decision-making processes, Historical Institutionalism complements Neoclassical Realism in the theoretical framework. To answer the research question the present research is based on the “process tracing” methodology, which aims at uncovering the mechanisms - that is the tangible expression of actors and their actions - and aims at explaining how these are linked to their surrounding environment.<br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
10
Baroni, Samiah. "SAUDI ARABIA AND EXPANSIONIST WAHHABISM." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3430.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the development of Wahhabism as an ideology into a rapidly expanding, transportable, contemporary Islamic political system. Serving as the territorial foundation, individuals maintain allegiance to Makkah, the center of the Islamic world, through symbolic Islamic prayer. Along with a central, globally financed economic distributive mechanism, and Wahhabi social and educational institutions emerging from the traditional mosque, Wahhabism serves the demand for an Islamic political system in a late capitalist world. Wahhabism is fluid within contemporary dynamic political systems and rapidly changing international relations. Wahhabism continues to expand at a global level, at times, providing a foundation for new forms of contemporary terrorism.<br>M.A.<br>Department of Political Science<br>Arts and Sciences<br>Political Science
11
Bilgin, Hatice Pinar. "Regional security in the Middle East : a critical security studies perspective." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/2cb22a06-5783-4d11-8387-7cc38dfe4fc2.
Full textAbstract:
This is a study of regional security in the Middle East from a Critical Security Studies perspective. The main aim of the thesis is to provide an account of the pasts, presents and futures of regional security in the Middle East cognisant of the relationships between the three in one's thinking as well as practices. This is achieved through the threefold structure of the thesis, which looks at Cold War pasts (Part I), post-Cold War presents (Part II) and possible futures (Part III). The thesis also has a set of more specific aims. First, it aims to present a critique of prevailing security discourses in theory and practice with reference to regional security in the Middle East and point to unfulfilled potential immanent in regional politics. Second, the thesis aims to explore the mutually constitutive relationship between (inventing) regions and theories and practices of security. And finally, it aims to show how Critical Security Studies might allow one to think differently about the futures of regional security in the Middle East. The overall thesis is that the Critical Security Studies perspective presents a fuller account of regional security in the Middle East; it offers a comprehensive framework recognising the dynamic relationships between various dimensions and levels of security, as voiced by multiple referents.
12
Logue, Bart W. "U.S. security posture in the Middle East need for a change? /." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2002. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion.exe/02Dec%5FLogue.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2002.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Glenn E. Robinson, James Russell. "December 2002." Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-70). Also available in print.
13
Logue, Bart W. "US security posture in the Middle East need for a change?" Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2002. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA459802.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2002.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Robinson, Glenn E. ; Russell, James. "December 2002." Description based on title screen as viewed on February 28, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 65-70). Also available in print.
14
Fouladi, Mohammad Hassan. "Promoting reform and innovation in national-regional planning : the case of Iran." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1996. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1317516/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis is basically concerned with the status of the 'regional development processes' under the system of 'medium-term national socio-economic development planning'. The evaluation of the regional dimension of the sectoralised approach to elaboration of the national plan in a centralised system of planning is the core of the concern. It represents both the explicit contribution of 'reflective practice' and of a systematic survey of 'room for manoeuvre' experienced by a professional planner working in a planning agency - the Plan and Budget Organisation of the Islamic Republic of Iran - at the national level in the field of regional planning. The thesis provides the reader with an original exposure detailed mechanism of 'doing planning' ' from the inside of planning process', discusses the normative and positive ingredients of planning practice - theoretical, technical, procedural, instrumental, and organisational - and examines the following hypotheses: -the conventional approach of elaboration of the national plan neglects the regional dimension and spatial analysis of its choices; -the conventional system of planning prevents both implementation of the deliberate regional policies and incorporation of the results of the independent regional development studies into the national planning process; This dissertation introduces the planning system in Iran, reviews ten efforts at medium-term socio-economic development plans, analyses the regional policies of these plans, and classifies various schools of thought in Iranian regional planning. It concludes that the national planning process would have a haphazard and chaotic contribution in the processes of regional development . Finally recommends an alternative approach to elaboration of the national plan with more satisfactory consideration of both sectoral and regional development' criteria. Finally the dissertation offers a proposal for a sectoral-regional approach of elaboration of a national plan, on the basis of empirical and theoretical analysis of the regional efficiencies of the Iranian national plans and planning procedure.
15
Al-Hajjri, Ibrahim Abdulwahab. "The new Middle East security threat the case of Yemen and theGCC /." Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://bosun.nps.edu/uhtbin/hyperion-image.exe/07Jun%5FAl-Hajjri.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2007.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Abbas Kadhim, Heather Gregg. "June 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 67 -71). Also available in print.
16
Shaaban, Ingy Abdel Kader. "Evaluating security image of the Middle East as perceived by travel intermediaries." Thesis, University of Bedfordshire, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10547/301603.
Full textAbstract:
An analysis of literature on security issues and its effect on destination image suggests that that to date little research has been done on the specific issue of the security image of the Middle East destinations, particularly as perceived by travel intermediaries. In this context, and due to the current situation of the Middle East, especially the Islamic countries, this research is a response to the urgent need to investigate and evaluate the safety and security perceptions, attitudes and behaviours of travel intermediaries towards Middle East destinations, and also seeks to compare between such perceptions, attitudes and behaviours of travel intermediaries based in the region and those of travel intermediaries based outside the region. This research may be described as phenomenological research that employed qualitative research tools. As a result of this perspective, the development of research methods is geared toward qualitative methods of study. The phenomenological approach employs qualitative research tools to interpret meaning from the reactions of individuals to experiences of dealing with Middle East destinations. Therefore, the present study adopts, as a primary method of data collection, interviewing of individuals representing the travel intermediaries in UK and Egypt. Results from the evaluation of the Middle East security image held by travel intermediaries showed that the Middle East is mostly positively perceived by majority of travel intermediaries despite the security problems that might occur in some of its destinations. Also it was made very clear that each destination in the Middle East is sold and promoted separately based on its unique image and identity as presented by travel intermediaries and not as apart of the Middle East.
17
Bluth, Christoph. "Security, culture and human rights in the Middle East and South Asia." Xlibris, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/17560.
Full textAbstract:
No<br>European countries are dealing with an increasing number of refugees seeking asylum. Country evidence is critical in the assessment of any asylum claim. The purpose of this study is to review some of the common issues which frequently are the focus of asylum appeal cases in relation to applicants from South Asia and the Middle East. The focus is on Pakistan, Iraq and Iran and it covers a range of issues that give rise to asylum claims, such as the general security situation, the risk from terrorism and other forms of political violence, the risk to political opponents of governments, the risks in blood feuds and from the perceived violation of family honour, religious persecution and the risks faced by ethnic minorities. It is a very useful resource to volunteers and professionals involved in supporting asylum seekers.
18
Dolatyar, Mostafa. "Water politics in the Middle East : a context for conflict or cooperation?" Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.245084.
Full text
19
Al-Suwaiji, Abdullah Saleh. "The development of national manpower in the health service of the United Arab Emirates." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.265433.
Full text
20
Nizameddin, Talal. "Towards a national foreign policy : Russia and the Middle East, 1991-1996." Thesis, University College London (University of London), 1997. http://discovery.ucl.ac.uk/1317655/.
Full textAbstract:
The basic aim of this thesis is to analyse the transformation of Russia's foreign policy from 1991 to 1996, using the Middle East as a case example of the changing perceptions and strategy of Moscow. Chapter one serves as an introduction while the final chapter, nine, is the conclusion. Chapters two and three are concerned with Soviet foreign policy from 1945 to 1991. Their main purpose is to provide a background to the relations between Russia and the Middle Eastern countries chosen for the thesis, but as importantly, to serve as a comparison with the post- Soviet period. Consequent chapters look at relations between Russia and the key countries of the region: ch. 5, Russia and Israel; ch. 6, Russia's relations with Israel's neighbours (excluding Egypt); ch. 7, Russia's relations with Iraq and Saudi Arabia; ch. 8 Russia's relations with Turkey and Iran. Chapter four provides a broad look at the transformation and debates regarding foreign policy under Yeltsin from 1991 to 1996. This chapter highlights the various phases in Russia's foreign policy outlook, which began as ideologically pro-Western in 1991 and settled into a pragmatic, national policy by 1996. I hope to show that this centrist position was not ideologically opposed to the West, but it sought much greater emphasis upon national interest. This, I argue, is a stable and rational policy for a world power to adopt. The Middle East is an area of high priority for Russia in which interests often do not coincide with those of the United States. By looking at the examples of the various countries, I hope to show how Moscow has sought to reconcile the relations established as a result of Gorbachev's New Thinking with upholding its traditional interests and geo-strategic concerns.
21
Baumann, Lars. "The impact of national culture on project management in the Middle East." Thesis, Loughborough University, 2013. https://dspace.lboro.ac.uk/2134/12274.
Full textAbstract:
Most international corporations have to adopt to the requirements of globalisation by working in international joint ventures or international projects outside their well known home markets. The successful management of projects is an essential element aiming to cope with the complex challenges caused by cultural factors and other influences on the management of projects. Especially the Middle East as a cultural region has experienced a dynamic growth during the last decades, as many of the countries rich in oil and gas have heavily invested into their local infrastructure. Besides other factors, the impact of national culture on project management may lead to negative influences like project delays and project failure, or positive influences such as an increased communication. Based on the Hofstede dimensional framework this thesis is designed to investigate which cultural factors and other factors influence the PMBoK (PMI Body of Knowledge) knowledge areas while delivering projects in the Middle East. This empirical study is using a qualitative research approach in a multiple-case study design analysing six projects. The results clearly show that some characteristics of the Middle Eastern cultural context strongly determine the applicability of the PMBoK knowledge areas. Especially the interrelation of individualism (IDV) and power distance (PDI) reveals some new perspectives for project work in this region. The two case studies illustrate a strong increase in power distance if the project manager and the team member do not originate from the same cultural background. Additionally differences in time perception and the characteristics of the dimension long term orientation (LTO) result in fundamental differences for the application of the PMBoK processes. The findings help to develop a theoretical framework highlighting specific influences for PMBoK knowledge areas. The results of this thesis may form a basis for future researchers aiming to develop improved models for project management in the Middle East or other cultural regions. Finally, the theoretical franework developed herein is designed to help project practitioners to gain a better understanding of the specific challenges while working on the Arabian peninsula.
22
Besifki, Nawzat. "The Kurdish National Liberation Movement since 1975 : success or failure." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.242476.
Full text
23
Al-Hajjri, Ibrahim Abdulwahab. "The new Middle East security threat the case of Yemen and the GCC." Thesis, Monterey California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/3480.
Full textAbstract:
Since Yemen has a history of border disputes with Saudi Arabia, this addresses the question of Yemen's role in the security of the Arabian Peninsula. Yemen suffers from a weak economy and a number of security issues of its own. Through the borders shared with its GCC neighbors, Yemen has become plagued by a nexus of terrorism, arms smuggling, and drug trafficking. Yet Yemen is unable to effectively combat these threats because of weak border control and poor cooperation with its regional neighbors, which points to the issues of border control and transnational cooperation within the GCC as an important area of research. The scope of the research will encompass and scrutinize the role of borders and how terrorism flourishes through the Peninsula. That way, we can observe what has been done to solve this security threat, and what could be done. The thesis will examine potential solutions to the problems created by border security and a lack of cooperation, and will argue that a viable solution can be found by Yemen joining the GCC in a united force. This would help insulate the Arabian Peninsula from the internal threats facing it.
24
Wilson, David Eric. "The Advent of a Nuclear Iran and the Future of Middle East Security." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/145114.
Full text
25
Abusidu-Al-Ghoul, Fady Y. "Why has the Arab League failed as a regional security organisation? An analysis of the Arab League¿s conditions of emergence, characteristics and the internal and external challenges that defined and redefined its regional security role." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6333.
Full textAbstract:
This study presents a detailed examination of the Arab League¿s history, development, structure and roles in an effort to understand the cause of its failure as a regional security organisation. The research¿s point of departure is a questioning of the nature and scope of this failure in terms of the interplay between the conditions under which it was formed and the many actors and dynamics that had a long term-impact on the prospects for the League. To this end, the study looks at the League¿s conditions of emergence and Arab-Arab relations with the focus on Arab national security as the main concept determining its security role. The research synthesises methods of analysis from the existing literature and schools of thought so as to identify where and why failure and success occurred in relation to international relations theories, the security and international organisations literature, and comparable international models. The development and conditions affecting the League as discussed in the research demonstrate that none of the existing broad theories or approaches can fully explain the League¿s failure; however, the constructivist approach, although never before applied in this context, is shown to offer the most relevant approach for explaining this organisation and its unique parameters. The research also examines the role played by the Arab League in regional peacekeeping and conflict prevention in the context of Arab national security, with Palestine as a case study.
26
Beauchard, Jean-Baptiste. "L'action du Conseil de sécurité des Nations Unies au Proche-Orient (2004-2014) : la souveraineté libanaise à l'épreuve de la paix et de la sécurité internationales." Thesis, Clermont-Ferrand 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015CLF10460.
Full textAbstract:
Depuis 2004 et la résolution 1559 appelant au retrait syrien, le Liban est l’objet d’une action internationale extrêmement intense. En effet, le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies (CSNU), face à la nouvelle configuration libanaise et levantine, a déployé des mécanismes issus de la sécurité collective afin de renforcer les attributs régaliens de l’État libanais. Le maintien de la paix, à travers le renforcement de la Force intérimaire des Nations unies au Liban (Finul), et la justice internationale, à travers la création du Tribunal spécial pour le Liban (TSL), sont les deux principaux outils visant à maintenir la paix et la sécurité internationales par le prisme libanais. Dans les deux cas, la France, que ce soit militairement ou diplomatiquement, a été singulièrement active.Partant de ce constat, notre thèse vise, dans un premier temps, à déconstruire les mécanismes onusiens mis en oeuvre dans le cas libanais. Il s’agira, plus précisément,d’appréhender les différentes logiques qui sont constitutives de l’action du CSNU au Liban.Que ce soit en matière de maintien de la paix ou de justice internationale, les résolutions onusiennes et les organes qui en découlent font face à la souveraineté nationale et reflètent ainsi l’éternelle opposition entre les chapitres VI et VII de la Charte des Nations unies. Or,nous verrons que dans le cas libanais, le CSNU met en oeuvre une action hybride oscillant entre une logique coercitive et une logique consensuelle.Dans un second temps, notre thèse analysera la tension permanente de l’État libanais,qualifié de quasi-État, entre des dynamiques supra-étatiques traduites par les résolutions onusiennes et des dynamiques infra-étatiques incarnées par des acteurs communautaires et confessionnels, parfois transfrontaliers, et propres au système consociatif libanais. Nous tenterons alors de mesurer le degré de consolidation de deux des attributs régaliens du quasi-État libanais : la défense et la justice. Plus largement, il s’agira de s’interroger sur la possibilité pour l’action internationale, héritière du système westphalien, de remplir ses objectifs dans un environnement national et régional qui questionne plus que jamais la possibilité de maintenir et de conforter des États-nations.À l’aune de la régionalisation des conflits depuis 2004, et particulièrement depuis2011 au Levant, nous conclurons à la difficulté pour le CSNU de faire face à des États déliquescents ainsi qu’à des conflictualités d’interface qui non seulement sont en plein essor,mais qui sont par ailleurs de plus en plus liées les unes aux autres<br>Since 2004 and Resolution 1559 demanding Syrian withdrawal, Lebanon has been subjected to an exceptionally intense international action. Facing a new configuration both in Lebanon and the Levant, the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) has indeed implemented mechanisms of collective security aimed at strengthening national sovereignty.Peace-keeping through United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (Unifil) enhancement and international justice through the creation of the Special tribunal for Lebanon (STL) are the main tools for maintaining international peace and security in a Lebanese perspective. In both cases, France has been particularly active, be it militarily or diplomatically. Setting out from this premise, our thesis, to begin with, will aim at deconstructing the UN mechanisms implemented in the Lebanese case. More precisely, we shall try to apprehend the constitutive logics of the Security Council’s action in Lebanon. Whether in peace-keeping or in international justice, UN resolutions and the bodies created by them are faced with national sovereignty and, therefore, reflect the eternal opposition between chapters VI andVII of the United Nations Charter. Nevertheless, it will be shown that, in the Lebanese case,the UNSC has developed a hybrid action, fluctuating between coercion and consensus.Then, our thesis will show how the Lebanese State, which we will describe as a “quasi-State”, has to face an ongoing tension between supra-State dynamics expressed by UN resolutions and sub-State dynamics embodied by communitarian and religious representatives, sometimes cross-border, which are specific to the Lebanese consociationalist system. We shall later determine the extent to which two of the Lebanese quasi-State’s attributes, defense and security, have been consolidated by international action. More broadly, we will wonder whether international action, as an heir to the Westphalian system,can achieve its goal in a national and regional environment that challenges, today more than ever, the possibility to maintain and support nation-States. In a context of regionalization of conflicts since 2004, and especially since 2011 in the Levant, we shall come to the conclusion that the Security Council still has problems indealing with deliquescent States and with what we will call “interface conflicts”, which not only are booming, but also are more and more inextricably connected to one another
27
Mirarab, Mehrdad Hadji. "The role of the United States in the new system of power relations in the Persian Gulf region, with particular reference to the security and stability." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/938.
Full textAbstract:
The last decade has witnessed a dramatic resurgence in the United States capabilities of deploying her military forces around the world, particularly, in the Persian Gulf region. The region's security and stability, due to its extensive oil reserves, is crucial for the well being of the global economy. This thesis is a study of the interaction between the United States' policies and Persian Gulf regional developments in the new system of power relations in the region. No bilateral interaction can be understood properly without a reference to the multilateral context in which it occurs. Therefore, in this study the Persian Gulf region is used as the unit of analysis and the interaction is studied in the context of regional security and stability as methods of assessing the effects of the two interacting factors. The study traces both regional developments and US policies towards the region in a period of approximately three decades since the British withdrawal in the early 70s and it attempts to construct an analytical framework for the study of the effect of regional developments upon US policies in the region. The most salient features of the present work and its original contribution to the literature of the Persian Gulf studies are as follows: 1. Using a systemic approach, it defines the Persian Gulf as a geopolitical region and rejects the concept that it has sub-systemic relations to the Middle East. 2. It shows instead that the region is a subsystem of the international system. The interaction between US policies and regional developments is directly assessed without reference to intermediate levels. 3. Three systems of power relation have been proposed as the main framework for the study of the United States' role in the region from the time of the British withdrawal from the region. 4. A distinction has been made between "security of the Persian Gulf region" and "security of the foreign power interests in this region" in order to assess the interaction between US policies and the regional developments. 5. It presents for the first time the idea of "dual functional effects of regional developments" and shows that the role of the United States in this region is a function of two complementary variables of "threats" and "opportunities". This study applies different methods in dealing with its different procedures of analysis namely: "analysing historical background"; "conceptual clarifications"; "explaining the problematic"; "hypothetical illustrations"; "reasoning" and "theory building and prescription. " However, it mostly uses a normative analysis of rational (not actual) choices.
28
Hameed, Maysoun Ayad. "From Drought to Food-Energy-Water-Security Nexus: an Assessment of Food Insecurity in the Middle East." PDXScholar, 2019. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4682.
Full textAbstract:
Drought is an extreme climate phenomenon that happens slowly and periodically threatens the environmental and socio-economic sectors. Developing countries have experienced crucial conditions in meeting the needs for food, energy, and water security. Natural disasters contribute as risky sources of food insecurity and vulnerability in the Middle East. This dissertation presents a country-level review and quantitative assessment of the current issues associated with the Food-Energy-Water-Security (FEWS) Nexus in the Middle East. In this study, sixteen countries in the Middle East are chosen, namely, Arabian Peninsula, Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Israel, Palestine, Egypt, and Turkey. The most recent datasets are used to study and analyze the factors that have increased the demand to understand and manage the linkage of FEW systems in the region. Water scarcity, extreme events, population growth, urbanization, economic growth, poverty, and political stability are found to be the key drivers of the current challenges in the Middle East. The results suggest that these factors have created a subsequent stress on FEW resources specifically on the water sector in the region. Therefore, more attention is required to sustain the FEW resources and cope with the socio-economic development.
Moreover, this study presented a comprehensive assessment of drought and food-water-energy-security nexus across the Middle East using rigorous frameworks. Meteorological, agricultural, and hydrological droughts are analyzed using different drought indices at multiple timescales over the region for seven decades for the period of 1948-2017. The study further analyzes food insecurity in the Middle East through the exploration of drought (as a water stress factor), energy, and other socio-economic factors in the region. A Bayesian approach is conducted to link all the factors that best predict food insecurity in Middle East pooled from 16 countries in the region. Results reveal that the intensity of agricultural drought are the most aggravated over the region in all cases. Moreover, the results demonstrated the significant impacts of drought (as a water stress factor), agricultural land availability, population growth, livestock, and cereal production on food insecurity in the Middle East.
29
Toghramadjian, Hagop. "The Case for Wataniyya: Democracy and National Identity in the Arab Middle East." Thesis, Boston College, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:107611.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis advisor: Peter Krause<br>What explains the lack of democracy in the Arab Middle East, when so many other, less wealthy regions of the world have democratized over the past five decades? This thesis engages with each of the major explanations for the "Arab democracy deficit"--Islam, the "oil curse," authoritarian statecraft, and external intervention--but argues that there is a more fundamental culprit for the region's woes: the weakness of state-based nationalism. At a time when nationalism is increasingly seen as synonymous with exclusion and discrimination, such a finding may strike many observers as counterintuitive. However, this thesis theoretically and empirically demonstrates how healthy, state-based nationalism can provide the societal cohesion needed to establish liberal governance. It then offers in-depth analyses of the development of national identity and democracy in eleven separate Arab countries, arguing that the rise of regional Arab nationalism in the 1950s severely undermined the development of state-based nationalism (wataniyya), and laid the groundwork for decades of instability, civil strife, and oppression. Fortunately, the examples of Tunisia and Lebanon--and to some extent Jordan and Morocco--demonstrate that wataniyya can lead to much more democratic outcomes when properly nurtured<br>Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2017<br>Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences<br>Discipline: Scholar of the College<br>Discipline: Political Science
30
Abusidu-Al-Ghoul, Fady Y. "Why has the Arab League failed as a regional security organisation? : an analysis of the Arab League's conditions of emergence, characteristics and the internal and external challenges that defined and redefined its regional security role." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6333.
Full textAbstract:
This study presents a detailed examination of the Arab League's history, development, structure and roles in an effort to understand the cause of its failure as a regional security organisation. The research's point of departure is a questioning of the nature and scope of this failure in terms of the interplay between the conditions under which it was formed and the many actors and dynamics that had a long term-impact on the prospects for the League. To this end, the study looks at the League's conditions of emergence and Arab-Arab relations with the focus on Arab national security as the main concept determining its security role. The research synthesises methods of analysis from the existing literature and schools of thought so as to identify where and why failure and success occurred in relation to international relations theories, the security and international organisations literature, and comparable international models. The development and conditions affecting the League as discussed in the research demonstrate that none of the existing broad theories or approaches can fully explain the League's failure; however, the constructivist approach, although never before applied in this context, is shown to offer the most relevant approach for explaining this organisation and its unique parameters. The research also examines the role played by the Arab League in regional peacekeeping and conflict prevention in the context of Arab national security, with Palestine as a case study.
31
Plummer, Tim. "Green Tiger: Hedging and the Changing Regional Dynamics of the Middle East." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1665.
Full textAbstract:
China has become an increasingly important economic, and more recently, political force in the Middle East. Coupled with the perceived reduction in American power, this has caused Middle East states closely tied to the US to hedge in response to increased strategic ambiguity. Their strategies are characterized by simultaneous attempts to capture the economic and political gains of cooperation with China, while minimizing the risk of a continued dependence for their security on a US perceived to be disengaging from the region. This has resulted in a self-reinforcing regional dynamic of ambiguity that has incentivized these states to draw closer to China and thereby increase Chinese influence in the region. To test this theory, this paper examines the case of Saudi Arabia before discussing the effects of this strategy on the region’s dynamics. Hedging can create a self- fulfilling prophecy that reduces the power of the established hegemon, increases the power of a rising state, and increases the probability of a new systemic structure emerging.
32
Al, Miah Emmanuel. "La prise en compte des conflits asymétriques au Moyen-Orient par le Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies au 21e siècle. Le cas de l'Irak, de la Syrie et de la Libye." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019GREAD005.
Full textAbstract:
Dans un contexte conflictuel marqué par une évolution de la pratique guerrière, le Conseil de Sécurité des Nations Unies peine à imposer la paix en Irak, Syrie et Libye. Le Moyen-Orient semble alors retracer les incompatibilités et inadaptations auxquelles le droit international fait face.Depuis près de deux décennies, l’instabilité chronique s’est graduellement emparée de nos trois cas d’analyse pour accoucher d’un terrorisme transnational difficilement saisissable. Son indéfinition relève de la complexité à englober les aspirations de chaque couche de la société, mais plus encore, de l’intrusion d’États tiers dans la pratique interne.Observer la déliquescence de l’Irak, de la Syrie et de la Libye revient à adopter un angle de vue large pour reconnaître la transition de ces États autrefois voyous vers l’avènement de leurs faillites. L’interventionnisme occidental y est consubstantiel, nous pouvons faire référence à l’intervention illégale de 2003 en Irak, mais d’autres facteurs protéiformes viennent accroître l’échec sécuritaire des États mentionnés.En effet, le recensement de la conflictualité en Irak, Syrie et Libye démontre une pratique asymétrique opposant naïvement le faible au fort. Cependant, l’asymétrie observée se noie dans les méandres d’une pratique régionale interventionniste et belliciste. En d’autres termes, la lutte par procuration des différents blocs régionaux et internationaux prend la forme d’une opposition asymétrique sans pour autant en reconnaître le fond. La conflictualité asymétrique en Irak, Syrie et Libye n’est que l’éloge de la Realpolitik moderne, où l’acteur non-étatique devient l’instrument d’une puissance régalienne.Dans ce monde où la dérive est coutume, où le système onusien semble fragmenté, il émerge une grille d’analyse névralgique à la pleine saisie des enjeux contemporains au Moyen-Orient : la nécessité de s’armer d’une approche politico-juridique<br>In a confrontational climate marked by an unprecedented warlike evolution, the UN Security Council is struggling to impose peace in Iraq, Syria and Libya. The Middle East traces the incompatibilities and inadequacies that international law faces.For nearly two decades, the chronic instability has gradually taken hold of our three-case analysis to deliver an elusive transnational terrorism. Its indefiniteness is complex to encompass the aspirations of every layer of society, but even more so the intrusion of third states into internal practice.Observe the decline of Iraq, Syria and Libya is to adopt a wide angle of view to recognize the transition of these formerly rogue states to the advent of their bankruptcies. Western interventionism is consubstantial, we can refer to the illegal 2003 intervention in Iraq, but other factors come protean increase the security failure of the mentioned states.Indeed, the census of conflicts in Iraq, Syria and Libya demonstrates an asymmetrical practice naively opposing the weak to the strong. However, the observed asymmetry is drowning in the meanders of a regional interventionist and warmongering practice. In other words, the proxy struggle of the various regional and international blocs takes the form of an asymmetrical opposition without recognizing the substance.In addition, the asymmetrical conflictuality in Iraq, Syria and Libya is only the praise of contemporary Realpolitik, where the non-state actor becomes the instrument of a regal power.In this world where the drift is customary, where the UN system seems fragmented, it emerges a grid of neuralgic analysis to the full capture of the contemporary stakes in the Middle East: the politico-legal approach
33
Spencer, David K. "Enhancing the European Union's development strategy in Afghanistan." Thesis, Monterey, California : Naval Postgraduate School, 2010. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2010/Jun/10Jun%5FSpencer.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe and Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2010.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Spencer, David K.; Siegel, Scott N. "June 2010." Description based on title screen as viewed on July 14, 2010. Author(s) subject terms: European Union, Afghanistan, regional development strategy, sustainable economic growth, development coordination, private sector, European Commission, European Council, EU member states, value chain, ANDS, Afghanistan National Development Strategy, UNAMA, JCMB, Nangarhar Inc, Provincial Development Plan, PDP, Lisbon Treaty, NGO, super envoy, donors, mineral, natural resources. Includes bibliographical references (p. 143-158). Also available in print.
34
Kettle, Louise. "Learning from history in British overseas security : case studies from intervention in the Middle East." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2015. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/30575/.
Full textAbstract:
Recent problematic military interventions, as part of the Global War on Terror, have led to widespread criticism that British policy-makers have failed to learn lessons from history. At the same time as the accusations of not learning, the British government has repeatedly claimed that lessons have been learned, particularly from the disastrous war in Iraq. This thesis investigates these contradicting claims by analysing learning from the past in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, Ministry of Defence and the Intelligence Community across four case studies of British military intervention in the Middle East; 1958 in Jordan, 1961 in Kuwait, the 1990-1991 Gulf War and 2003-2009 Iraq War. It provides a fresh analysis of these highly significant events, using previously undisclosed documents, offers an assessment of learning processes and concludes by recommending practical suggestions for the improvement of learning from history in the future.
35
Hasuo, Miho. "Japan's National Security: Establishing "Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere," through official Development Assistance." W&M ScholarWorks, 1992. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625756.
Full text
36
Kaniaru, Wanjiku. "The impact of water as a security issue on the Middle East peace process: 1991-1996." Thesis, Rhodes University, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1002995.
Full textAbstract:
In recent years, there has been increasing realisation that resource based conflicts constitute one of the most salient threats to the survival of mankind, namely, water. In particular, the fundamental link between water and security can no longer be ignored given the indispensable role of water in the sustenance of human life as well as crucial sectors of agriculture and industry. Since the flow of water does not respect political boundaries, co-operation in the utilisation of dwindling supplies remains the most sustainable option for the future in an era of ecological interdependence. This thesis endeavours to investigate the impact of water as a security issue on the Middle East peace process. This is done within the theoretical framework that is provided by the schools of complex interdependence and new security studies. With the demise of the cold war, and the emergence of an expanded security agenda, water is an important non-military threat especially in the Middle East region. However, even with an expanded security agenda, the case of the Middle East suggests that it remains difficult to discard the hierarchy of security issues advocated by the Realists. The ongoing debate between the schools of complex interdependence and Realism is instructive in determining whether co-operation over water issues, considered "low" politics, is attainable in the absence of resolving "high" politics concerns of territory and security. Given its profound security implications for the Middle East region, water has been accorded a central role in both the bilateral and multilateral peace negotiations. In the context of water scarcity, and rising demographic patterns, the role of water as a facilitator of regional co-operation remains critical. However, for multilateral co-operation over water resources to become a tangible reality, it is the contention of this thesis that both "low" politics issues of water and "high" polities concerns of territory as well as security must be addressed simultaneously.
37
Antonelli, Marta. "Water resources, food security and virtual water 'trade' in the Middle East and North African region." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2015. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/water-resources-food-security-and-virtual-water-trade-in-the-middle-east-and-north-african-region(faf0ee78-56aa-46cf-9ab9-4e4c77f21fd4).html.
Full textAbstract:
The main purpose of this study is to analyse the relationship between water, food security and trade in the MENA region. Water and food security are inextricably linked because of the poor water endowments of the region and the high volumes of water needed to produce food commodities, which account for 90% of the water needed by societies. The concepts of virtual water and water footprints are deployed critically in the study. Estimates of water requirements to produce a targeted diet are related to total water resources locally available for food production. The purpose is to assess the capacity of MENA economies to meet their food needs. This element of the study is original in that it accounts not only for blue (surface and ground) but also green (soil) water resources. The MENA is not rich in green water resources but they do provide a substantial proportion of the water used in food production. The study also investigates the extent to which the region's economies have relied on virtual water 'imports' to meet their food needs over the past two and a half decades. It shows that the region’s economies have all become net virtual water 'importers’ and are dependent on global natural resources. Food, especially crops, account for the largest share (95%) of virtual water ‘imports’. The study shows that virtual water ‘imports’ mainly originate from outside the region, whereas 'exports' are regionalised. The study shows that the largest share of ‘imports’ is green and originates from Brazil, the USA and Russia. Finally, the study argues that water security is less dependent on water endowments than it is on the socioeconomic strength and diversification of the MENA economies. These capacities determine the level and effectiveness of water use of water and, most importantly, the capacity to ‘import’ virtual water.
38
Abdul-Hadi, Ahmad Omar Bahjat. "Nationalism in the Middle East : the development of Jordanian national identity since the disengagement of 1988." Thesis, Durham University, 2016. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/11770/.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis attempts to explain the development of national identity in Jordan in the post-disengagement period since 1988. National identity in Jordan has come full circle with the announcement of the ‘Jordan First’ policy. The Jordan First policy was enunciated to put the interest of the country first over other influences that were perceived to be inimical to the development of a strong national identity. After the Second World War, Jordan was still unsure of its national identity and its place in the Middle East state system. The rise of nationalism as one of the chief ideological instruments in many cases in the region soon found traction in Jordan as well, and led the country’s authorities to apply nationalism to the development of the national identity. Nationalism has become one of the primary dynamics for the development of national identity in Jordan. Within the context provided, this thesis, thus, explains the evolution of nationalism in Jordan and its impact on identity politics in the post-disengagement period since 1988.
39
Kobayashi, Masaki. "The Islamist movement in Sudan : the impact of Dr Hassal al-Turabi's personality on the movement." Thesis, Durham University, 1996. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1042/.
Full text
40
Rice, Darren E. "Missile defense for Taiwan : implications for U.S. security interests in East Asia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03sep%5FRice.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2003.<br>Thesis advisor(s): H. Lyman Miller, Gaye Christoffersen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 91-96). Also available online.
41
DeLozier, Elana. "Threats to Religious Legitimacy and State Security: The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia's Quest for Stable Continuity." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/35150.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines how Saudi Arabia responds to threats posed to its dynastic survival with specific emphasis on the current threat posed by Islamism. Saudi Arabia needs both religious legitimacy and state security in order to ensure the stability and continuity of the Kingdom. These needs produce a recurrent tension within the Saudi foreign policy framework because they pull in opposing directions. These tensions become particularly acute when the Kingdom is faced with a grave threat to either its religious legitimacy or its state security. Two cases studies are used to illustrate the Saudi Arabian response to threat. The Pan-Arab movement of the 1950s and 1960s threatened Saudi Arabia's religious legitimacy, and the 1991 Kuwait War threatened Saudi Arabia's state security. The Kingdom was able to endure these threats by balancing the resulting tensions. Historically, Saudi Arabia has only had to manage one type of threat at a time; however, Islamism represents an unprecedented threat because it simultaneously endangers Saudi Arabia's state security and religious legitimacy and to a greater degree than past threats. Islamism is qualitatively more intense because it combines dimensions that had previously been separate and manageable by the Kingdom. This thesis argues that since Islamism is confining the space for political maneuverability, Saudi Arabia faces its most serious threat to stable continuity--a danger which might undermine the Kingdom if a change to threat response is not made.<br>Master of Arts
42
Cakir, Muhammet Faruk. "Turkey's role in the Eisenhower administration's security policy in Western Europe and the Middle East, 1953-60." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/30706.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis discusses how the Eisenhower administration (1953-60) saw Turkey's position in relation to the defence of Western Europe and the Middle East. It argues that the administration's cold war strategy, which envisaged that the US should prevail over the Soviet bloc in the long-term while avoiding a war with the Soviet Union, affected US-Turkish collaboration in security and defence matters in two ways. On the one hand it constituted the basis of US-Turkish co-operation against the perceived Soviet threat. In this context, Washington granted a security guarantee to Turkey, helped it to improve its economic and military posture, preferred that the country's regime remained pro-Western, tried to organise a defence system among the 'northern tier' countries of the Middle East in which Turkey played a leading role, and utilised Turkey's territory, military power and diplomatic service for the attainment of American objectives in the cold war. On the other hand, the American cold water strategy led the US to pay a particular attention to the Soviet security concerns. In American thinking, if US-Turkish collaboration in military and political fields upset the regional status quo, this might provoke a strong Soviet reaction in Europe or in the Middle East. Considering this, the US exercised restraint in its security collaboration with Turkey. Utilising principally declassified American governmental documents, this study reaches the conclusion that the single most important factor that shaped US-Turkish security relations was the American strategic interests in the cold war.
43
Howk, Jason Criss. "Lions in the path of stability and security Oman's response to pressing issues in the Middle East." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Naval Postgraduate School, 2008. http://edocs.nps.edu/npspubs/scholarly/theses/2008/Dec/08Dec%5FHowk.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs (Middle East, South Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa))--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2008.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Russell, James A. ; Kadhim, Abbas. "December 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on January 29, 2009. Includes bibliographical references (p. 69-72). Also available in print.
44
Saeed, Seevan. "The Kurdish national movement in Turkey : from the PKK to the KCK." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/16936.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis examines the transformation of the Kurdish national struggle in Turkey from a political movement to a social movement. The Thesis will argue that the Kurdish national struggle during the Twentieth Century in Turkey was largely a failure, and that the emergence of the Unions of Communities in Kurdistan (KCK) has been a direct and concrete response to this failure. The thesis will track how the KCK has transformed a one-dimensional political nationalist struggle into a multi-dimensional one, including politics, culture and society for the Kurds living in Turkey. The focus here will be on the period from March 2005, when the KCK was established, until July 2011 when the KCK announced its Democratic Autonomy project. In order to explain how and why the KCK has emerged, the Thesis takes an approach based on social movement theories to analyse the KCK as a social and cultural nationalist movement that deploys various approaches and techniques. The KCK is shown to take this new and more popular and successful tact through a comparison of the discourse surrounding the Kurdish national struggle before and after the establishment of the KCK. The ‘new discourse’ of multi-dimensional struggle is, in particular, compared with the old unadulterated discourse of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), which was a straight reaction to the Turkish state policy towards the Kurds and their struggle. The analysis of this process is accomplished through an examination of numerous contemporary resources such as the PKK and the KCK policies and literatures, government intelligence reports, books, journals, and through conducting tens of qualitative interviews alongside comprehensive observation during my fieldwork for this thesis. Ultimately, the Thesis will argue that the transformation of discourse for the KCK from the PKK is evident in its “Democratic Autonomy model”. The KCK proposes this model as an alternative to the nation state model in Turkey.
45
Tibon, Shira. "Personality traits and national dilemma : psychological perspectives of attitudes toward the peace process in the Middle East." Thesis, Goldsmiths College (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287932.
Full textAbstract:
The general hypothesis that there are common dispositional personality traits that relate to individuals' attitudinal systems concerning a national dilemma was examined in a sample of 197 Israeli students. The specific research question was why do some people support the Peace Process in the Middle East while others do not. Since there is as yet relatively little published research examining personality traits as related to peace attitudes and membership in political movements, such a focus is considered to contribute to the field of personality psychology as well as to that of peace research, conflict resolution and international relationships. The basic assumption ofvarious statements that relate mental disorders to membership in political movements is that personality traits are drawn upon, transformed and used by the movements to guide their activities, and to articulate their aims and values. Such statements form the stimulus field ofthe present research, examining the challenging puzzle ofwhich configuration ofpersonality traits, characterizes the "Pro-Peace Personality". A multi-methodological approach, integrating self-rating scales (the four factors of the General Survey, GS, and the Big Five Inventory, BFI) and the Rorschach (examined on a sub-sample of26 subjects) has been suggested for the empirical examination of personality traits. The Pro-Peace Attitudes Index, PPAI, has been developed for investigating the attitudinal system. The results point to the existence of a "Pro-Peace Personality" that tends to be non-religious, less authoritarian conformist, more agreeable and unconventional, high on integrative complexity in psychological 3 functioning, high in awareness to drives and impulses, less intensively reacting to affective stimuli, and high in open-mindedness and creativity. A question is raised as to whether the results can be replicated on other groups ofthe Jewish Israeli population, on the Israeli Arab population, on the Arab countries' population and the Palestinians, as well as on other nations involved in political conflicts, such as within Northern Ireland. Generally, the research might be considered as bridging the gap between the micro and macro levels ofanalysis in social sciences by examining a problem in the field of international relations with concepts and tools of clinical psychology.
46
Araj, Victoria D. "The Turkish Model, the Double-Security Dilemma, and the Political Reproduction of State Polities in the Middle East." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/16907.
Full textAbstract:
Conceptually the aims of this thesis are to show the salient features of the
political reproduction of states as a necessity for their survival as they
continually face a double-security dilemma in the neoliberal era. Empirically
this thesis examines Turkey’s ruling party from 2002 to 2015. The Justice
and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) maintained
authority by mitigating the polities and actors that posed vertical and
horizontal competition to their power (the double-security dilemma of
domestic and international threats faced by state rulers).
To outcompete and absorb its rivals, the AKP maintained a post-Islamist
alliance-building model of political reproduction through a globalized Islamic
neoliberal authority pattern until 2011. This became popularized as the
‘Turkish Model’, a model of political reproduction framed as suitable for other
Muslim-majority states. The findings from data analysis show that to maintain
the constitutive sovereignty of the Turkish state, the AKP built a post-Islamist
hegemony.
Furthermore, this thesis explores how the AKP horizontally built a pluralist
vision of neo-ottomanism enabling their navigation of the international
political system. Their ‘zero-problems’ foreign policy was the cornerstone of
building regional liberal peace. This policy was the basis of the AKP’s
maintenance of functional sovereignty until the ‘Arab Spring’. Yet, the new
double-security dilemma that emerged through the ‘Arab Spring’ not only
threatened the existence of post-Islamism within Turkey, but the existence of
the ‘Turkish Model’ itself. The AKP then moved towards a fortifying pattern of
authority to shield both themselves and the Republic from emergent threats<br>Marie Curie European Commission Sustainable Peacebuilding Project through Sabancı University
and the Allan and Nesta Ferguson Charitable Trust.
47
Bolden, Natascha. "MAKING A CASE FOR CITIZEN VALUE: DO FLUID INTELLIGENCE AND ADAPTIVE GOVERNANCE PROMOTE STABILITY IN THE MIDDLE EAST?" CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/762.
Full textAbstract:
Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) are changing the way people learn, do business, build relationships, and manage their lives. ICT allow easy and continuous access to open source intelligence (OSINT) that acts as force multipliers, enabling civilians to find new and more effective ways to participate in civil society and address disempowering strategies implemented by governments around the world to maintain stability. ICT and OSINT cultivate fluid intelligence and adaptive governance and can act as a catalyst to cultivate these capacities to transform conflict. The research question sought to determine whether fluid intelligence (cognitive ability to adapt and innovate) and adaptive governance (leadership and systems that work together with the governed to create favorable outcomes) are correlated with stability in gulf monarchies in the Middle East. This thesis examined the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, the State of Qatar, the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the Kingdom of Bahrain, the State of Kuwait, and the Sultanate of Oman using a complex adaptive systems analytic framework that drew upon the theories of adaptive governance and fluid and crystallized intelligence. Group grievance often indicates levels of stability in civilian populations. This study revealed a strong correlation between adaptive regimes with fluid populations and stability. Populations high in fluid intelligence in adaptive monarchical regimes had lower group grievance, but populations high in fluid intelligence in non-adaptive monarchical regimes had higher group grievance.
48
Pataudi, Ibrahim. "Al-Qaeda in Syria: implications for Middle Eastern Security and U.S Foreign Policy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/977.
Full textAbstract:
This paper attempts to provide a comprehensive description and analysis of Al-Qaeda affiliates fighting in Syria. The implications for Middle Eastern Security, US foreign policy and Islamic extremism in the future are projected.
49
Vural, Ebru. "The Middle East As A Regional Security Complex: Continuities And Changes In Turkish Foreign Policy Under The Jdp Rule." Master's thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12613208/index.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This thesis aims to contribute to the debates on the Justice and Development Party (JDP) era Turkish foreign policy by putting Turkey into the regional security complex theory and examines changes and continuities of Turkey&rsquo<br>s traditional cautious, relatively &ldquo<br>passive&rdquo<br>role and &ldquo<br>relative indifference&rdquo<br>stance towards the Middle East security complex. Hence, the framework of analysis is the regional security complex theory, attributed roles and role changes of Turkey within regional security complexes. This study, with a historical perspective and within the framework of the regional security complex theory, questions continuities and changes in the JDP period Turkish foreign policy, and comes to the conclusion that in the JDP era, Turkey&rsquo<br>s role is going beyond the insulator state function to the &ldquo<br>interface logic&rdquo<br>which adopts a loose form of geographical boundaries.
50
Soltan, Zadeh Maryam. "History Education and the Construction of National Identity in Iran." FIU Digital Commons, 2012. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/601.
Full textAbstract:
This study examined the representation of national and religious dimensions of Iranian history and identity in Iranian middle school history textbooks. Furthermore, through a qualitative case study in a school in the capital city of Tehran, teachers’ use of textbooks in classrooms, students’ response, their perceptions of the country’s past, and their definitions of national identity is studied. The study follows a critical discourse analysis framework by focusing on the subjectivity of the text and examining how specific concepts, in this case collective identities, are constructed through historical narratives and how social actors, in this case students, interact with , and make sense of, the process. My definition of national identity is based on the ethnosymbolism paradigm (Smith, 2003) that accommodates both pre-modern cultural roots of a nation and the development and trajectory of modern political institutions.
Two qualitative approaches of discourse analysis and case study were employed. The textbooks selected were those published by the Ministry of Education; universally used in all middle schools across the country in 2009. The case study was conducted in a girls’ school in Tehran. The students who participated in the study were ninth grade students who were in their first year of high school and had just finished a complete course of Iranian history in middle school. Observations were done in history classes in all three grades of the middle school.
The study findings show that textbooks present a generally negative discourse of Iran’s long history as being dominated by foreign invasions and incompetent kings. At the same time, the role of Islam and Muslim clergy gradually elevates in salvaging the country from its despair throughout history, becomes prominent in modern times, and finally culminates in the Islamic Revolution as the ultimate point of victory for the Iranian people. Throughout this representation, Islam becomes increasingly dominant in the textbooks’ narrative of Iranian identity and by the time of the Islamic Revolution morphs into its single most prominent element. On the other hand, the students have created their own image of Iran’s history and Iranian identity that diverges from that of the textbooks especially in their recollection of modern times. They have internalized the generally negative narrative of textbooks, but have not accepted the positive role of Islam and Muslim clergy. Their notion of Iranian identity is dominated by feelings of defeat and failure, anecdotal elements of pride in the very ancient history, and a sense of passivity and helplessness.