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Journal articles on the topic 'National security – United States – History'
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1
Black, Jan Knippers, and Lars Schoultz. "National Security and United States Policy toward Latin America." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 3 (August 1988): 625. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2516561.
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Black, Jan Knippers. "National Security and United States Policy toward Latin America." Hispanic American Historical Review 68, no. 3 (August 1, 1988): 625–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-68.3.625.
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Klare, Michael T. "The Deadly Nexus: Oil, Terrorism, and America's National Security." Current History 101, no. 659 (December 1, 2002): 414–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2002.101.659.414.
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If the United States wants to reduce its exposure to terrorism and avert further involvement in overseas conflicts, the choice is clear: it must eschew the use of military force to ensure access to foreign petroleum and rely instead on conservation, the market, and alternative sources of energy.
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Tickner, Arlene B. "Colombia and the United States: From Counternarcotics to Counterterrorism." Current History 102, no. 661 (February 1, 2003): 77–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.661.77.
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The worldview that has molded Washington's twin wars on drugs and terrorism constitutes an extremely narrow framework through which to address the complex problems Colombia faces. National security, defined exclusively in military terms, has taken precedence over equally significant political, economic, and social considerations.
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Derian, J. D. "Decoding The National Security Strategy of the United States of America." boundary 2 30, no. 3 (September 1, 2003): 19–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01903659-30-3-19.
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Eisenberg, Carolyn, and Eugene V. Rostow. "Toward Managed Peace: The National Security Interests of the United States, 1759 to the Present." Journal of American History 81, no. 2 (September 1994): 656. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081216.
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Stern, Jessica. "Preparing for a War on Terrorism." Current History 100, no. 649 (November 1, 2001): 355–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.649.355.
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America's goal must be to prevent future strikes by its enemies. The United States cannot afford to allow an emotional desire for quick retribution to override its long-term national security interests. It would not be difficult to make things worse rather than better.
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Figueredo, Darío Salinas. "The United States and Latin America: Beyond Free Trade." Critical Sociology 38, no. 2 (September 9, 2011): 195–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0896920511419905.
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Trade policies have long been configured into the history of Latin America. In virtually all such policies, US interests can be readily discerned. Recent experiences in a neoliberal context have witnessed a rearrangement of interests, forces, and scenarios at the global level. The weakening of the role of the state in allocating resources and in defining national agendas has been notable. Wherever proposals for democratization have appeared and have sought to distance themselves from hegemonic policies, the issues of free trade and commerce begin to reveal important aspects of interrelationship between development, regional integration, cooperation, and security.
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Akaha, Tsuneo. "US-Japan Security Alliance Adrift?" Mongolian Journal of International Affairs 4 (April 28, 2015): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v4i0.415.
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How stable is the US-Japan security alliance in the post-Cold War era? Have the “end of history”, the “end of the Cold War”, the end of a “hegemonic world”, and the “end of geography” (or the beginning of a borderless world economy) so altered the national security needs and priorities of the United States and Japan that they no longer need or desire the security alliance they have maintained since 1952? Will the alliance remain the anchor of Japanese and US policies in the Asia-Pacific region? In the age of multilateralism, will the two countries seek multilateral alternatives that will replace the bilateral alliance? In this brief analysis, I will review the ongoing debate in Japan and in the United States concerning the future of the US-Japan security alliance in the post-Cold War era.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5564/mjia.v4i0.415 Mongolian Journal of International Affairs Vol.4 2007: 3-20
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Aleprete Jr., Michael. "Competing Visions of the International System: Role-identity Incommensurability and U.S.-Russian Relations." Russian History 38, no. 1 (2011): 125–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187633111x549632.
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AbstractU.S. and Russian foreign policy elites view the international system in fundamentally different ways. The predominant view held by American elites is that the United States is a unipolar power with unique leadership responsibilities. Russian elites view the international system to be a multipolar arrangement, one in which a group of great powers, including the Russian Federation, possess roughly equal international responsibilities and prerogatives. This essay reviews the key doctrinal statements produced by the Russian and U.S. governments since 1991 that outline the assumptions underlying each state's foreign policy, and discusses how these doctrines developed from each sides' experiences in the post-Cold War era. Particular attention is given to the United States' National Security Strategy, which is published every four years, and to the Russian Foreign Policy Concept, which has been published at the beginning of each Russian presidency. The essay also addresses the consequences this role-identity incommensurability will likely have on the prospects for future cooperation between the two states.
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Mendelsohn, Jack. "America, Russia, and the Future of Arms Control." Current History 100, no. 648 (October 1, 2001): 323–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2001.100.648.323.
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The Bush administration's national security policies, if fully and unilaterally implemented, will severely stress United States relations with Russia and China. … These policies would also deal a serious blow to the international treaty regimes developed over the past 30 years to control the spread of weapons of mass destruction and that continue to enjoy universal support and approval.
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Veselov, V. A. "A Long Shadow of World War II: Development of the National Security Concept in the United States." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 85–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-85-130.
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In recent years, the history of World War II has transformed into a battlefield in its own right in the ‘war of memory’. Besides the clear fact that the current attempts to revise the results of this war reflect the contemporary international tensions, yet another factor should be noted. The ‘shadow’ of the Second World War appears to be very long. It manifests itself not only in the contemporary system of international relations, but also in the fact that we still view the world around through the prism of concepts that appeared during the state of war and still bear its mark. Particularly, the concept of national security. This paper examines the emergence and development of this concept in the United States. The author notes that although the concept of national security existed throughout the 20th century, before World War II it was identified primarily with the defense of the state. The paper examines how lessons of the Second World War led to a rethinking of this concept, and how approaches to national security evolved during the war and immediately after it. Special attention is given to discussions that preceded the adoption of the National Security Act of 1947, as well as to its initial results. The author demonstrates that the national security concept was based on a fundamental recognition of the existence of a special state between peace and war. For successful functioning within this state, the government needs to rely on a wide range of tools of both economic and military-political and ideological nature. Based on the lessons from the war, national security was viewed as an ‘overarching structure’, aimed not only at integrating various components of the state’s policy, but also at eliminating any contradictions that may arise between them. On the other hand, the author emphasizes that from the very beginning the national security concept had a pronounced proactive, offensive and expansionist character. Being considered as an antipode to the concept of collective security, this concept reflected the will of the US elites not only to get integrated in the existing system of international relations, but to create a new one, which would be based on the American values and would ensure the stable functioning of the US economy. The author concludes that it is precisely the multidimensionality of the national security concept caused by the multidimensional nature of the challenges of World War II that explains its continued relevance for the study of world politics.
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Smith, Geoffrey S. "National Security and Personal Isolation: Sex, Gender, and Disease in the Cold-War United States." International History Review 14, no. 2 (June 1992): 307–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07075332.1992.9640616.
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Ellington, Thomas C. "Won’t Get Fooled Again: The Paranoid Style in the National Security State." Government and Opposition 38, no. 4 (2003): 436–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1477-7053.t01-1-00023.
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AbstractIn meeting the threat posed by terrorism, the democratic state also faces a paradox: those practices best suited to defending the state are often least suited to democracy. Such is the case with official secrecy, which has received renewed attention. Military and intelligence operations frequently depend on secrecy for their success. At the same time, democracy depends on openness, a fact too often neglected by democratic theory. Official secrecy subverts citizen autonomy and in so doing creates fertile ground for paranoid-style thinking. For the United States, a history of secrets and lies has left a legacy of distrust and paranoia.
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SAMII, A. WILLIAM. "HOOMAN PEIMANI, Regional Security and the Future of Central Asia: The Competition of Iran, Turkey, and Russia (Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 1998). Pp. 165." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 1 (February 2001): 160–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801441067.
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Hooman Peimani, a consultant with United Nations agencies in Geneva and an independent researcher on the Middle East, West Asia, and the Commonwealth of Independent States, has written an ambitious work based on the premise that the Central Asian states (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan) share geographical, societal, political, economic, and military factors, combined with common concerns. These commonalties mean that the individual states are linked so closely that their national-security concerns cannot be considered independently. Thus, one has a “security complex” in which there is interdependence, rivalry, and shared interests.
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Howlett, Charles F. "Neighborly Concern: John Nevin Sayre and the Mission of Peace and Goodwill to Nicaragua, 1927-28." Americas 45, no. 1 (July 1988): 19–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007325.
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For almost two decades prior to 1927 Nicaragua had been governed by Washington “more completely than the American Federal Government rules any state in the Union.” Such governance was justified by the State Department which raised the specter of the Monroe Doctrine not only to bolster America's economic ambitions in the region but also to protect the nation's national security — a fact which took on added importance due to the recent construction of the Panama Canal. From 1912 to 1925, a Legation Guard of United States Marines reminded the country of the overwhelming American dominance. For only a brief period did America's military presence abate. In 1926, however, a civil war broke out that threatened to destroy the political and economic stability the United States had come to rely on. American military assistance was requested and quickly rendered. What events led to U.S. military action in this Central American country?
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Meijer, Hugo. "Balancing Conflicting Security Interests: U.S. Defense Exports to China in the Last Decade of the Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 1 (January 2015): 4–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00529.
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This article discusses the rationale and evolution of U.S. defense exports to the People's Republic of China (PRC) during the final decade of the Cold War. The article is based on a large body of primary sources, including newly declassified documents, congressional hearings, and interviews with key officials. It shows that, contrary to what is often assumed in the literature, U.S. officials’ assessments of the optimal degree of defense cooperation with Beijing did not result solely from the objective of using the “China card” against the Soviet Union. A broader range of national security considerations shaped U.S. military cooperation with the PRC, including a desire not to enhance China's offensive capabilities vis-à-vis the United States and its Asia-Pacific friends and allies, the impact of defense transfers to China on U.S.-Soviet diplomatic relations, and the willingness of China to cooperate on nuclear proliferation. Faced with conflicting national security interests, the United States had to make delicate trade-offs in its military relationship with the PRC.
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Kaufman, Jason. "“Americans and Their Guns”: Civilian Military Organizations and the Destabilization of American National Security." Studies in American Political Development 15, no. 01 (2001): 88–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x01010033.
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“The Second Amendment is there as a balance of power. It is literally a loaded gun in the hands of the people held to the heads of government.” —NRA field representative Fred Romero, 1990 The right to bear arms is one of the most controversial issues in United States history; it has always been so, though not for the reasons usually cited by contemporaries. It has been customary since at least the late nineteenth century to view military organizations as an extension of the legitimate authority of the state (except in case of unsanctioned resistance). The American experience, however, gives lie to the assumption that there is a clean analytical divide between state and civil society when it comes to military matters.
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Quadagno, Jill. "The Social Security Program and the Private Sector Alternative: Lessons from History." International Journal of Aging and Human Development 25, no. 3 (October 1987): 239–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/a0vt-a2u0-xj8v-rkap.
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As the Social Security program in the United States emerged from the crisis of the 1970s with a solid set of reforms intended to guarantee the program's financial solvency into the twenty-first century, a new attack on the system arose in the form of debates centering around the relationship of the Social Security fund to the federal deficit. Conservative economists used concerns about the national economy as fuel for their own arguments that Social Security has negatively affected the economy and that heavier reliance should be placed on private sector benefits. This paper uses historical evidence to analyze how adequately private sector benefits functioned in the past. Among the conclusions reached are that the private sector failed to provide adequate protection for older citizens, and that benefits were inequitably distributed on the basis of gender and social class. Any tendency toward heavier reliance on the private sector for provisions for old age security would only exacerbate existing inequalities.
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Svik, Peter. "The Czechoslovak Factor in Western Alliance Building, 1945–1948." Journal of Cold War Studies 18, no. 1 (January 2016): 133–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00622.
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This article assesses the role of the Czechoslovak coup d’état in February 1948 in the establishment of the Brussels Pact a month later and formation of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in April 1949. The article places these developments in the larger context of post-1945 national security policymaking in several countries, weighing the impact of the Czechoslovak coup on relations among seven countries on national security issues at the outset of the Cold War: Czechoslovakia, France, the United Kingdom, the three Benelux countries, and the United States. The article shows that the only proper way to evaluate the effect of the Communist takeover in Czechoslovakia on the formation of the Western alliance is by looking at the considerations present in each country and seeing how they interacted with one another. The Czechoslovak factor varied in its magnitude from country to country.
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Kamali, Sara. "Informants, Provocateurs, and Entrapment: Examining the Histories of the FBI’s PATCON and the NYPD’s Muslim Surveillance Program." Surveillance & Society 15, no. 1 (February 28, 2017): 68–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v15i1.5254.
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Since September 11, 2001, the U.S. government and police departments across the United States, most notably the New York City Police Department, have been collecting intelligence targeting Muslim American communities. The controversial surveillance practices include the use of confidential informants, undercover operations, and entrapment, and infringing upon civil rights and civil liberties in the name of national security. A decade before 9/11, however, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) conducted the same practices against a completely different demographic – Christian Right militants, through a program called PATCON, short for Patriot Conspiracy. Building upon the concept of surveillance as social sorting (Lyon 2013) and surveillance and terrorism (Monahan 2013), This article will compare the history of surveillance tactics used by the FBI against Christian Right militants and those used by the NYPD against non-militant Muslim Americans, and assess their implications in the context of civil rights, leaving a legacy of mistrust between these respective groups and the federal government that further undermines the national security interests of the United States.
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Alekseeva, T., V. Nazarov, and D. Afinogenov. "ENHANCING SCIENTIFIC SUPPORT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY POLICY MAKING: INTERNATIONAL EXPERIENCE." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 18, no. 1 (January 26, 2021): 6–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2020.18.1.60.1.
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The article examines evolution of scholarly approaches towards the phenomenon of the “national security.” By the early 21st century this notion found its way in the official strategic documents of a wide range of states. The authors examine the Russian and international record of analysis in the field of national security, and assess the adequacy of existing views on this subject taking in the account emerging threats, risks and challenges, as well as the tasks of sustainable development of a country in the social, economic, political, information, spiritual and other areas. They start by presenting the early conceptualizations of this term in the debates of American experts in the 1950s and the 1960s. An important innovation of that period was disentanglement of the national security from purely territorial and military threat, by preparing for other types of contingencies. The article additionally examines the struggle between two alternative approaches towards protecting the national security in the United States: the one founded on unilateral domination and the other prioritizing collective actions. It demonstrates that the one important result of the Western debates was the emergence of a new field of study defined by policy relevant studies, which produce useful, original, and verifiable inferences, which are then injected in decision-making process. In order to promote a similar institutionalized expertise, the article suggests seceding the study of the national security in a separate discipline. This step will enable to further promote the training of specialists not only in the field of national security and strategic planning, but also political scientists and future specialists for the public service. The need for this is obviously related to the tasks of improving the quality of policy making and strategic planning in the Russian Federation, the implementation of national projects in an extremely complex international environment.
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Coyle, Jennifer Logan. "The Arc of Justice: The Ethical Implications of Framing the HIV/AIDS Pandemic as a National Security Threat: An Annotated Bibliography." International Quarterly of Community Health Education 23, no. 1 (April 2003): 39–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/mu1x-mp31-cf6u-6t4e.
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This annotated bibliography explores the ethical implications of the U.S. Government's reframing of HIV/AIDS in Africa from a public health to a national security threat in the late 1990s. It emphasizes the advantages and disadvantages from a utilitarian viewpoint of likely increased national agenda and funding priority in the United States and the offsetting potential distrust of developing countries about the long history of U.S. exploitation and colonialism. The annotated selections are drawn primarily from U.S. Government documents and news reports during 1999–2000 when this transition was occurring.
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Bologna, Matthew Joseph. "The United States and Sputnik: A Reassessment of Dwight D. Eisenhower's Presidential Legacy." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 3 (December 18, 2018): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/gbuujh.v3i0.1722.
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Dwight D. Eisenhower's legacy as President of the United States from 1953 to 1961 has experienced a dramatic reversal in scholarly assessment. Previously denounced as a "do-nothing" president whose ignorance and complacency tarnished the prestige of the executive office, the declassification of National Security Archives, the publication of Eisenhower's memoirs, and the memoirs of those closest to the president has contributed to a shift in Eisenhower's reputation from animosity to admiration. Scholars now praise Eisenhower for his modesty, wisdom, and resourcefulness. This paper contributes to the ongoing historiographical revaluation of Eisenhower's presidential legacy by examining his handling of an overlooked episode of American history - the Sputnik Crisis of 1957. Upon receiving word of the successful launch of the Soviet satellite in October 1957, Eisenhower surrounded himself with scientists, academics, and engineers to formulate the most appropriate policy responses to Sputnik, and to refute Congressional calls for increased military spending. As such, Eisenhower accelerated the American satellite program, established the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), reorganized the Department of Defense to eliminate inter-service rivalry, and provided for moderate infusions of federal funding into post-secondary education via the National Defense Education Act. Indeed, Eisenhower's strategic handling of the Sputnik Crisis cements Eisenhower's reputation as an effective, proactive, and overall effective president.
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Roy, Franççois Le. "Mirages over the Andes: Peru, France, the United States, and Military Jet Procurement in the 1960s." Pacific Historical Review 71, no. 2 (May 1, 2002): 269–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2002.71.2.269.
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On May 5, 1967, U.S. National Security Adviser Walter W. Rostow briefed President Lyndon B. Johnson that Peru had contracted to buy twelve Mirage 5 supersonic fighter jets from France, "despite our repeated warnings of the consequences." The first planes were delivered a year later, prompting the United States to withhold development loans from Peru as directed by the Conte-Long Amendment to the 1968 Foreign Assistance Appropriations Bill. Peru was the first Latin American country (with the exception of Cuba) to equip its air force with supersonic combat aircraft, and its decision spurred a dramatic qualitative and financial escalation in regional arms procurement, thereby defeating Washington's effort to control the latter. The CIA qualified the "Mirage affair" as the "most serious issue" in U.S.-Peruvian relations at the time. The event demonstrated the growing desire of Peru and other Latin American countries to loosen the ties that bound them to Washington and exemplified France's drive to depolarize world politics during the Cold War. Demanded by the Peruvian military establishment, the Mirage deal also announced the golpe of October 1968 that ended the presidency of Fernando Belaúúnde Terry and ushered in the reformist military dictatorship of Juan Velasco Alvarado. In addition, it complicated relations between the White House, Congress, and the press in the antagonistic context of the Vietnam War. Finally, it further illustrated the diplomatic and economic stakes of military aircraft sales, as well as the appeal of the airplane as a symbol of national sovereignty and modernity.
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Alarqan, Abdullah. "UNITED STATES POSITION TOWARDS IRAN AFTER THE NUCLEAR DEAL (2015-2019)." Humanities & Social Sciences Reviews 8, no. 1 (January 21, 2020): 210–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.18510/hssr.2020.8130.
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Purpose of the study: This study examines the history of US-Iranian relations after the nuclear deal 2015 and it seeks to achieve some objectives.
Methodology: The study uses a combination of the historical approach and the international order approach of the one hand, and the decision-making approach and the national interest approach on the other.
Main Findings: The USA tried to dissuade Iran from pursuing its nuclear program. This was not for interests or economic motives of the USA; rather it was for satisfying Israel and maintaining its security, stability, and existence. It should be noted that the nuclear deal between Iran and the P5 + 1 was ratified by the UN Security Council, where the USA under Trump proved that it does not preserve or respect deals or conventions.
Applications of this study: This research can be used for academic purposes for universities, lecturers of political science, researchers and undergraduate and postgraduate students. Also, it can be used for policy purposes for the decision-makers and politicians.
Novelty/Originality of this study: The phenomenon that existed in nuclear deal 2015 and referring from various previous research results, the study regarding the US-Iranian relationship after the nuclear deal 2015 was conducted and presented comprehensively and completely. It is necessary to take into account this topic that can explore the US-Iranian relationship and determine the extent to which topic can contribute to political science researches.
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Gavin, Francis J. "Strategies of Inhibition: U.S. Grand Strategy, the Nuclear Revolution, and Nonproliferation." International Security 40, no. 1 (July 2015): 9–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00205.
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The United States has gone to extraordinary lengths since the beginning of the nuclear age to inhibit—that is, to slow, halt, and reverse—the spread of nuclear weapons and, when unsuccessful, to mitigate the consequences. To accomplish this end, the United States has developed and implemented a wide range of tools, applied in a variety of combinations. These “strategies of inhibition” employ different policies rarely seen as connected to one another, from treaties and norms to alliances and security guarantees, to sanctions and preventive military action. The United States has applied these measures to friend and foe alike, often regardless of political orientation, economic system, or alliance status, to secure protection from nuclear attack and maintain freedom of action. Collectively, these linked strategies of inhibition have been an independent and driving feature of U.S. national security policy for more than seven decades, to an extent rarely documented or fully understood. The strategies of inhibition make sense of puzzles that neither containment nor openness strategies can explain, while providing critical insights into post–World War II history, theory, the causes of nuclear proliferation, and debates over the past, present, and future trajectory of U.S. grand strategy.
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Kostenko, Yurii. "Radiological Weapons (Excerpts from the History of Ban Talks)." Diplomatic Ukraine, no. XXI (2020): 184–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.37837/2707-7683-2020-9.
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Abstract. The article highlights the history of radiological weapons ban negotiations. In 1948, the United Nations Commission on Conventional Armaments identified radiological weapons as WMD. Since as early as the 1960s, some states have put forward proposals to ban radiological weapons at the international level as potentially threatening human lives and the environment. In 1977 to 1979, a treaty banning radiological weapons was approved on the basis of a draft developed at bilateral Soviet-American negotiations in Geneva, which could have become an important impetus for further actions in limiting the arms race. The careful preparation of the text of the future treaty by the USSR and US delegations raised expectations that its finalisation by the Disarmament Commission would not take much time. The reality, however, was far different. In December 1979, the Afghan war broke out. In response to the Soviet aggression against Afghanistan, the United States took a whole set of measures, including the refusal to continue bilateral talks on the prohibition of radiological weapons. The author notes that control over radioactive materials was strengthened at the national level, without waiting for an international legal definition of radiological weapons. Political ambitions of a number of countries have prevented the Conference on Disarmament from achieving positive results. The author emphasises that today nuclear terrorism is regarded by world leaders as an urgent global-scale security threat, as confirmed by the international Nuclear Security Summit in Washington, D.C. in 2016, attended by delegations from over 50 countries. The author states that the issue of the radiological weapons prohibition remains pending. Keywords: radiological weapons, Conference on Disarmament, Ukrainian diplomatic history, USA, Geneva, USSR.
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Kennedy, Ross A. "STRATEGIC CALCULATIONS IN WOODROW WILSON'S NEUTRALITY POLICY, 1914–1917." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 17, no. 4 (September 26, 2018): 608–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000269.
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This article analyzes Woodrow Wilson's view of the First World War's implications for U.S. national security and the way in which he related the balance of power between the belligerents at different points in time to his diplomatic objectives. It approaches this topic, which is a subject of much debate among historians, by comparing Wilson's view of the war from late 1914 to early 1915 with that of his secretary of state, William Jennings Bryan, and by examining how those perceptions shaped the response of the two leaders to the sinking of theLusitania. Bryan and Wilson both wanted the United States to stay out of the war, both wanted the United States to mediate an end to it, and both of them saw mediation as a doorway to reforming international politics. Unlike Bryan, however, Wilson saw Germany as a potential threat to the United States and paid close attention to the balance of power between the Allies and Central Powers; he specifically believed that the Allies were likely to win the war. These views led Wilson to reject Bryan's advice to de-escalate theLusitaniacrisis and to adopt a much more confrontational policy toward Germany, one of the most consequential decisions Wilson made in the neutrality period.
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Tønnessen, Alf Tomas. "Goldwater, Bush, Ryan and the Failed Attempts by Conservative Republicans to Reform Federal Entitlement Programs." American Studies in Scandinavia 47, no. 2 (September 1, 2015): 47–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v47i2.5349.
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Social Security and Medicare are federal entitlement programs that represent the current of modern liberalism in the United States. The countercurrent of conservatism has been represented by some Republican politicians who have tried to reform these programs. 1964 presidential candidate Barry Goldwater suggested making Social Security voluntary. In 2005 President George W. Bush made partial privatization of Social Security a key component of his second-term domestic agenda. From 2010 to 2012 Congressman Paul Ryan advocated a reform of Medicare in which the federal government would give seniors vouchers to buy private insurance. Each of these proposals backfired. When conservative Republicans propose detailed alterations to the pillars of some of the Democratic Party’s main legislative accomplishments in the 20th century, they disaffect moderates and independent voters, and they fuel the liberal base of the Democratic Party. The proposals are a liability for Republicans in national elections because Americans fear that entitlement reform will jeopardize the benefits they receive.
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Nolan, Cathal J. "La liberté est-elle divisible? Comment rapprocher les concepts de mission et de sécurité dans une politique étrangère américaine." Études internationales 22, no. 3 (April 12, 2005): 509–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702877ar.
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This article seeks to outline the complex pattern of liberty and national security in international relations through a survey of the historical relationship between those concerns in the foreign policy of what is still the world's most important democratic country, the United States. This study is not a history per se of American diplomacy concerning this cluster of issues, although it is historical in approach. Nor is it directly concerned with an on-going theoretical debate over whether or not democracies are inherently more peaceful than other types of states, despite drawing upon elements of that debate and having implications for it. Instead, what is presented here is an interpretive survey of the importance in U.S. foreign policy of a set of key ideas about international order — specifically, the attempt to resolve ideas of "American mission " with the requirements of security, through increasingly active linkage of U.S. national security to the internal character of foreign regimes. It then explores how that tension became manifest in two policy settings : the United Nations, one of America's major multilateral relationship s, and the Soviet Union, its principal bilateral relationship. In short, this study is concerned with governing ideas in American diplomacy; with how such ideas arise and are sustained or challenged; with how they have been disseminated among allies (and even adversaries) ; and the implications of the reality that the United States have succeeded in imbedding these notions in the structures of the international System. The essay concludes with what should prove a controversial, qualified approval of the new 'liberal realism' evident in American foreign policy in the early 1990s.
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Lebovic, Sam. "No Right to Leave the Nation: The Politics of Passport Denial and the Rise of the National Security State." Studies in American Political Development 34, no. 1 (February 20, 2020): 170–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x20000048.
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This article provides an institutional and legal history of passport denial in the United States from World War I to the early Cold War. Identifying the Passport Division as a central institution of the national security state, the article shows that the state was deeply invested in regulating the international movement of people and in monopolizing international connections in a globalizing age. It also analyzes the rise of the Passport Division as an authoritative and autonomous bureaucracy to provide new insight into the institutional development of the national security state. It emphasizes particularly the ways that the executive branch, the Congress, and the Passport Division mutually constituted travel policy as a field of state action in a decades-long process stretching from World War I to the Cold War. It explores the centrality of the reputation of the Passport Division, as personified by its head, Ruth Shipley, in facilitating its rise as an authoritative institution in the field of travel policy. And by analyzing the ways that the Passport Division was able to survive civil libertarian challenges in the 1950s, it explores the surprising longevity of national security bureaucracies.
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Klass, Gary M. "Explaining America and the Welfare State: An Alternative Theory." British Journal of Political Science 15, no. 4 (October 1985): 427–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400004324.
Full textAbstract:
Although research on the welfare state is fundamentally comparative and cross-national, empirical observation of the peculiarities of the American case has structured much of the thinking on the subject. Explaining variations in welfare state policy usually begins with the identification of cross-national variations in the initiation, scope or size of national social service programs such as social security, workman's compensation, unemployment insurance, national medical care and public housing. The coverage of the programs that have been established, the number of programs and the size of the benefits distributed are typically found to be smaller in the United States than in other industrialized democracies. The relative lateness of the United States' adoption of major social welfare programs, along with the low percentage of either Gross National Product or government revenue expended in social service programs, constitutes clear evidence that the welfare state is a function of more than the level of national economic development. To the extent that welfare state research devotes itself to explaining the extreme variations represented by American policy performance, its theory often derives from interpretations made of corresponding peculiarities of American popular ideology, social structure, political institutions and history. As a consequence, explaining the welfare state often depends on how one explains America.
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Hughes, Theodore. "Korean Literature across Colonial Modernity and Cold War." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 126, no. 3 (May 2011): 672–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2011.126.3.672.
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“East Asia” was one of the regions produced by cold war regimes of knowledge and incorporated into the post-1945 formation of multidisciplinary area studies in the United States. While the study of China and Japan has a much longer, pre-1945 history in the United States and Europe, other than an occasional book (often by a missionary or professional traveler), Korea was largely elided from the imaginings that were patched together to form the nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century discourse on what used to be called the Orient. This lack of a scholarly tradition may explain, in part, why the study of Korean literature (and history) was marginalized in academic departments through the early 1990s, even though the peninsula served as site of the Cold War turned hot during the Korean War (1950–53) and in many ways remains the linchpin organizing the East Asian geopolitical order and the United States military deployments that stretch from CONUS (the contiguous United States) across the Pacific to the DMZ. If Korean literature is belatedly becoming a discipline considered worthy of scholarly inquiry in United States universities, where East Asia until recently meant China and Japan, it is something of an irony that the recognition is taking place at a time when discipline-bound work has begun to reveal its limitations and the area of area studies finds itself in crisis, being interrogated as part of the post-1945 formation of the national security state and confronted by the turn to the transnational.
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Bouk, Dan. "The National Data Center and the Rise of the Data Double." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 48, no. 5 (November 1, 2018): 627–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2018.48.5.627.
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A mid-1960s proposal to create a National Data Center has long been recognized as a turning point in the history of privacy and surveillance. This article shows that the story of the center also demonstrates how bureaucrats and researchers interested in managing the American economy came to value personal data stored as “data doubles,” especially the cards and files generated to represent individuals within the Social Security bureaucracy. The article argues that the United States welfare state, modeled after corporate life insurance, created vast databanks of data doubles that later became attractive to economic researchers and government planners. This story can be understood as helping to usher in our present age of personal data, one in which data doubles have become not only commodities, but the basis for a new capitalism. This essay is part of a special issue entitled Histories of Data and the Database edited by Soraya de Chadarevian and Theodore M. Porter.
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Fuller, Graham E. "Freedom and Security." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.466.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
GEF: Who is a moderate Muslim? That depends on whom you ask and what that person’s (or government’s) agenda is. Moderate is also a quite relative term, understood differently by different people. For our purposes here, let’s examine two basically different approaches to this question: an American view and a Middle Eastern view of what characterizes a moderate Muslim. Most non-Muslims would probably define a moderate Muslim as anyone who believes in democracy, tolerance, a non-violent approach to politics, and equitable treatment of women at the legal and social levels. Today, the American government functionally adds several more criteria: Amoderate Muslim is one who does not oppose the country’s strategic and geopolitical ambitions in the world, who accepts American interests and preferences within the world order, who believes that Islam has no role in politics, and who avoids any confrontation – even political – with Israel. There are deep internal contradictions and warring priorities within the American approach to the Muslim world. While democratization and “freedom” is the Bush administration’s self-proclaimed global ideological goal, the reality is that American demands for security and the war against terror take priority over the democratization agenda every time. Democratization becomes a punishment visited upon American enemies rather than a gift bestowed upon friends. Friendly tyrants take priority over those less cooperative moderate and democratic Muslims who do not acquiesce to the American agenda in the Muslim world. Within the United States itself, the immense domestic power of hardline pro-Likud lobbies and the Israel-firsters set the agenda on virtually all discourse concerning the Muslim world and Israel. This group has generally succeeded in excluding from the public dialogue most Muslim (or even non-Muslim) voices that are at all critical of Israel’s policies. This de facto litmus test raises dramatically the threshold for those who might represent an acceptable moderate Muslim interlocutor. The reality is that there is hardly a single prominent figure in the Muslim world who has not at some point voiced anger at Israeli policies against the Palestinians and who has not expressed ambivalence toward armed resistance against the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands. Thus, few Muslim leaders enjoying public legitimacy in the Muslim world can meet this criterion these days in order to gain entry to the United States to participate in policy discussions. In short, moderate Muslimis subject to an unrealistic litmus test regarding views on Israel that functionally excludes the great majority of serious voices representative of genuine Muslim thinkers in the Middle East who are potential interlocutors. There is no reason to believe that this political framework will change in the United States anytime soon. In my view, a moderate Muslim is one who is open to the idea of evolutionary change through history in the understanding and practice of Islam, one who shuns literalism and selectivism in the understanding of sacred texts. Amoderate would reject the idea that any one group or individual has a monopoly on defining Islam and would seek to emphasize common ground with other faiths, rather than accentuate the differences. Amoderate would try to seek within Islam the roots of those political and social values that are broadly consonant with most of the general values of the rest of the contemporary world. A moderate Muslim would not reject the validity of other faiths. Against the realities of the contemporary Middle East, a moderate Muslim would broadly eschew violence as a means of settling political issues, but still might not condemn all aspects of political violence against state authorities who occupy Muslim lands by force – such as Russia in Chechnya, the Israeli state in the Palestine, or even American occupation forces in Iraq. Yet even here, in principle, a moderate must reject attacks against civilians, women, and children in any struggle for national liberation. Moderates would be open to cooperation with the West and the United States, but not at the expense of their own independence and sovereignty.
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Fuller, Graham E. "Freedom and Security." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.466.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
GEF: Who is a moderate Muslim? That depends on whom you ask and what that person’s (or government’s) agenda is. Moderate is also a quite relative term, understood differently by different people. For our purposes here, let’s examine two basically different approaches to this question: an American view and a Middle Eastern view of what characterizes a moderate Muslim. Most non-Muslims would probably define a moderate Muslim as anyone who believes in democracy, tolerance, a non-violent approach to politics, and equitable treatment of women at the legal and social levels. Today, the American government functionally adds several more criteria: Amoderate Muslim is one who does not oppose the country’s strategic and geopolitical ambitions in the world, who accepts American interests and preferences within the world order, who believes that Islam has no role in politics, and who avoids any confrontation – even political – with Israel. There are deep internal contradictions and warring priorities within the American approach to the Muslim world. While democratization and “freedom” is the Bush administration’s self-proclaimed global ideological goal, the reality is that American demands for security and the war against terror take priority over the democratization agenda every time. Democratization becomes a punishment visited upon American enemies rather than a gift bestowed upon friends. Friendly tyrants take priority over those less cooperative moderate and democratic Muslims who do not acquiesce to the American agenda in the Muslim world. Within the United States itself, the immense domestic power of hardline pro-Likud lobbies and the Israel-firsters set the agenda on virtually all discourse concerning the Muslim world and Israel. This group has generally succeeded in excluding from the public dialogue most Muslim (or even non-Muslim) voices that are at all critical of Israel’s policies. This de facto litmus test raises dramatically the threshold for those who might represent an acceptable moderate Muslim interlocutor. The reality is that there is hardly a single prominent figure in the Muslim world who has not at some point voiced anger at Israeli policies against the Palestinians and who has not expressed ambivalence toward armed resistance against the Israeli occupation of Palestinian lands. Thus, few Muslim leaders enjoying public legitimacy in the Muslim world can meet this criterion these days in order to gain entry to the United States to participate in policy discussions. In short, moderate Muslimis subject to an unrealistic litmus test regarding views on Israel that functionally excludes the great majority of serious voices representative of genuine Muslim thinkers in the Middle East who are potential interlocutors. There is no reason to believe that this political framework will change in the United States anytime soon. In my view, a moderate Muslim is one who is open to the idea of evolutionary change through history in the understanding and practice of Islam, one who shuns literalism and selectivism in the understanding of sacred texts. Amoderate would reject the idea that any one group or individual has a monopoly on defining Islam and would seek to emphasize common ground with other faiths, rather than accentuate the differences. Amoderate would try to seek within Islam the roots of those political and social values that are broadly consonant with most of the general values of the rest of the contemporary world. A moderate Muslim would not reject the validity of other faiths. Against the realities of the contemporary Middle East, a moderate Muslim would broadly eschew violence as a means of settling political issues, but still might not condemn all aspects of political violence against state authorities who occupy Muslim lands by force – such as Russia in Chechnya, the Israeli state in the Palestine, or even American occupation forces in Iraq. Yet even here, in principle, a moderate must reject attacks against civilians, women, and children in any struggle for national liberation. Moderates would be open to cooperation with the West and the United States, but not at the expense of their own independence and sovereignty.
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AARONSON, SUSAN. "Why Trade Agreements are not Setting Information Free: The Lost History and Reinvigorated Debate over Cross-Border Data Flows, Human Rights, and National Security." World Trade Review 14, no. 04 (April 13, 2015): 671–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1474745615000014.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractHerein, we examine how the United States and the European Union use trade agreements to advance the free flow of information and to promote digital rights online. In the 1980s and 1990s, after US policymakers tried to include language governing the free flow of information in trade agreements, other nations feared a threat to their sovereignty and their ability to restrict cross-border data flows in the interest of privacy or national security.In the twenty-first century, again many states have not responded positively to US and EU efforts to facilitate the free flow of information. They worry that the US dominates both the Internet economy and Internet governance in ways that benefit its interests. After the Snowden allegations, many states adopted strategies that restricted rather than enhanced the free flow of information. Without deliberate intent, efforts to set information free through trade liberalization may be making the Internet less free.Finally, the two trade giants are not fully in agreement on Internet freedom, but neither has linked policies to promote the free flow of information with policies to advance digital rights. Moreover, they do not agree as to when restrictions on information are necessary and when they are protectionist.
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Mettler, Meghan Warner. "Gimcracks, Dollar Blouses, and Transistors: American Reactions to Imported Japanese Products, 1945-1964." Pacific Historical Review 79, no. 2 (May 1, 2010): 202–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2010.79.2.202.
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This article examines the changing extent of the Cold War's influence on popular American perceptions of goods made in Japan. Although the National Security Council recommended in 1948 that the United States rebuild Japan's devastated economy to strengthen an anti-communist ally in East Asia (and America's position there), U.S. merchants, consumers, manufacturers, and journalists did not consistently go along with this official economic policy. The American press initially depicted the Japanese economy as needing assistance and producing only cheap, inconsequential products, but as Japan's economy began to recover in the mid-1950s and Japanese manufacturers produced better quality goods, concerns over competition revived racialized wartime rhetoric. Japan's emergence as a successful exporter of high-end merchandise by the 1960s seemed to prove the strength of American-style free market capitalism.
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Lyons, Gene M. "The Study of International Relations in Great Britain: Further Connections." World Politics 38, no. 4 (July 1986): 626–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010170.
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Aside from language, students of international relations in the United States and Great Britain have several things in common: parallel developments in the emergence of international relations as a field of study after World War I, and more recent efforts to broaden the field by drawing security issues and changes in the international political economy under the broad umbrella of “international studies.” But a review of four recent books edited by British scholars demonstrates that there is also a “distance” between British and American scholarship. Compared with dominant trends in the United States, the former, though hardly monolithic and producing a rich and varied literature, is still very much attached to historical analysis and the concept of an “international society” that derives from the period in modern history in which Britain played a more prominent role in international politics. Because trends in scholarship do, in fact, reflect national political experience, the need continues for transnational cooperation among scholars in the quest for strong theories in international relations.
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Dawes, Daniel E. "The Future of Health Equity in America: Addressing the Legal and Political Determinants of Health." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 46, no. 4 (2018): 838–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1073110518821976.
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There is much discourse and focus on the social determinants of health, but undergirding these multiple intersecting and interacting determinants are legal and political determinants that have operated at every level and impact the entire life continuum. The United States has long grappled with advancing health equity via public law and policy. Seventy years after the country was founded, lawmakers finally succeeded in passing the first comprehensive and inclusive law aimed at tackling the social determinants of health, but that effort was short-lived. Today the United States is faced with another fork in the road relative to the advancement of health equity. This article draws on lessons from history and law to argue that researchers, providers, payers, lawmakers and the legal community have a moral, economic and national security imperative to address not only the negative outcomes of health disparities, but also the imbalance of inputs resulting from laws and policies which fail to employ an equity lens.
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Jensen, Laura S. "The Early American Origins of Entitlements." Studies in American Political Development 10, no. 2 (1996): 360–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00001528.
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There is perhaps no topic that has generated more sustained interest and controversy in the United States during the past three decades than the public policies called “entitlements.” From the Great Society innovations of the 1960s to the guaranteed income plan of the 1970s to the “health security” proposal of the early 1990s, debate over the issue of which U.S. citizens should be entitled to what kind of national-level benefits has been a constant in American political life. Though consensus has occasionally been reached, moments of accord have been fragile and fleeting. Late 1995 and early 1996 found both President William Clinton and a large, bipartisan majority of Congress targeting poor Americans and their benefits, advocating an “end to welfare as we know it.” Yet interbranch disagreement over the way that “welfare” reform should be implemented reached such heights that the annual U.S. budget development process broke down, resulting in repeated shutdowns of government agencies and the threat that, for the first time in the history of the American nation, the United States would default on its obligations to its creditors.
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Bodden, Michael H. "Making Circles of Steel and Castles of Vanity Possible: The Cold War in theLongue Duréeof “Modernity”." Journal of Asian Studies 75, no. 4 (November 2016): 1019–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911816001595.
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Alfred McCoy's paper offers a masterful analysis of the way in which the Philippines, and more generally Southeast Asia, were used as base and laboratory for extending US dominance—its hegemony—in the twentieth century, and in particular the Cold War era and its aftermath. He offers a succinct summary of the way in which US organs of global domination—the National Security Council, the CIA, the Defense Department—worked throughout the developing world and in Europe to ensure compliant, anti-communist regimes during the Cold War period, which also meant that more than once the United States was thwarting democracy in a number of locales and thus casting its own ideology of democratic progress and prosperity into doubt.
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Mankoff, J. "The United States in a World of Great Power Competition." Journal of International Analytics 11, no. 3 (December 31, 2020): 78–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2020-11-3-78-94.
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The adoption of the 2017 U.S. National Security Strategy (NSS) marked Washington’s official pivot to “great power competition” as the conceptual framework for U.S. foreign policy. The shift to great power competition as the foundation for U.S. foreign policy represents an acknowledgment that the “forever wars” in the Middle East had become an expensive, strategically dubious distraction from the more pressing challenge posed by a revanchist Russia and a rising China. The template for much of the “new” thinking about great power competition is the Cold War – the last time the U.S. faced a peer competitor – whose shadow hangs over much thinking about U.S. policy toward Beijing and Moscow. In many ways, though, the Cold War was an outlier in the history of U.S. foreign policy, a product of very specific circumstances that are unlikely to be replicated in the 21st century. A danger exists in seeing the Cold War as a typical example of great power competition, or in using it as a template for U.S. foreign policy in the 21st century. Great power competition is usually a chronic condition, which is to say, more or less incurable. In order for a country like the United States to enter a new era of great power competition with China and Russia, it will need to convince the American public that the stakes are high and the dangers are great enough to justify the costs. Without the ideological or existential stakes of the Cold War, public support for an assertive strategy of containing Chinese and Russian influence will likely be hard to maintain. Rather, the U.S. is likely to continue the reversion toward its pre-Cold War pattern of seeking to insulate itself from the dangers of the world, and increasingly pass the burden of resisting the expansion of Chinese and Russian influence to others.
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Dotzler, Matthew. "Conflict in the Middle East: The US and the Turkish-Kurdish Conflict." Policy Perspectives 25 (May 11, 2018): 11–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4079/pp.v25i0.18351.
Full textAbstract:
The conflict between Turkey and the Kurds is once again reaching a boiling point. Following the defeat of ISIL in northern Iraq and Syria, Turkey is now concerned that the returning Kurdish militias pose a threat to its national security. The United States, as an ally to both parties, finds itself in a unique position to push for diplomatic solutions and to mediate the conflict before it grows out of control once again. This paper will examine the history of the Turkish-Kurdish conflict, the actors involved, and how US foreign policy can be used to try and deter yet another war in the region.
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Hartmann, Betsy. "Population Control I: Birth of an Ideology." International Journal of Health Services 27, no. 3 (July 1997): 523–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/bl3n-xajx-0yqb-vqbx.
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Population control, as a major international development strategy, is a relatively recent phenomenon. However, its origins reach back to social currents in the 19th and early 20th centuries, culminating in an organized birth control movement in Europe and the United States. The conflicts and contradictions in that movement's history presage many of today's debates over population policy and women's rights. Eugenics had a deep influence on the U.S. birth control movement in the first half of the 20th century. After World War II private agencies and foundations played an important role in legitimizing population control as a way to secure Western control over Third World resources and stem political instability. In the late 1960s the U.S. government became a major funder of population control programs overseas and built multilateral support through establishment of the U.N. Fund for Population Activities. At the 1974 World Population Conference, Third World governments challenged the primacy of population control. While their critique led population agencies to change their strategies, population control remained a central component of international development and national security policies in the United States.
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Sragow, Howard Michael, Eileen Bidell, Douglas Mager, and Shaun Grannis. "Universal Patient Identifier and Interoperability for Detection of Serious Drug Interactions: Retrospective Study." JMIR Medical Informatics 8, no. 11 (November 20, 2020): e23353. http://dx.doi.org/10.2196/23353.
Full textAbstract:
Background The United States, unlike other high-income countries, currently has no national unique patient identifier to facilitate health information exchange. Because of security and privacy concerns, Congress, in 1998, prevented the government from promulgating a unique patient identifier. The Health and Human Services funding bill that was enacted in 2019 requires that Health and Human Services report their recommendations on patient identification to Congress. While there are anecdotes of incomplete health care data due to patient misidentification, to date there have been insufficient large-scale analyses measuring improvements to patient care that a unique patient identifier might provide. This lack of measurement has made it difficult for policymakers to balance security and privacy concerns against the value of potential improvements. Objective We sought to determine the frequency of serious drug-drug interaction alerts discovered because a pharmacy benefits manager uses a universal patient identifier and estimate undiscovered serious drug-drug interactions because pharmacy benefit managers do not yet fully share patient records. Methods We conducted a retrospective study of serious drug-drug interaction alerts provided from September 1, 2016 to August 31, 2019 to retail pharmacies by a national pharmacy benefit manager that uses a unique patient identifier. We compared each alert to the contributing prescription and determined whether the unique patient identifier was necessary in order to identify the crossover alert. We classified each alert’s disposition as override, abandonment, or replacement. Using the crossover alert rate and sample population size, we inferred a rate of missing serious drug-drug interaction alerts for the United States. We performed logistic regression in order to identify factors correlated with crossover and alert outcomes. Results Among a population of 49.7 million patients, 242,646 serious drug-drug interaction alerts occurred in 3 years. Of these, 2388 (1.0%) crossed insurance and were discovered because the pharmacy benefit manager used a unique patient identifier. We estimate that up to 10% of serious drug-drug alerts in the United States go undetected by pharmacy benefit managers because of unexchanged information or pharmacy benefit managers that do not use a unique patient identifier. These information gaps may contribute, annually, to up to 6000 patients in the United States receiving a contraindicated medication. Conclusions Comprehensive patient identification across disparate data sources can help protect patients from serious drug-drug interactions. To better safeguard patients, providers should (1) adopt a comprehensive patient identification strategy and (2) share patient prescription history to improve clinical decision support.
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Vetoshkina, E. D. "Holocaust Denial: Social Conditionality and Comparative Analysis of Criminal Law Prohibition." Lex Russica, no. 11 (November 15, 2020): 129–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17803/1729-5920.2020.168.11.129-138.
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From the second half of the 20th century the revisionist movement has spread among scientists, public and political figures. Publicists and scientists are known for criticizing the testimonies of concentration camp prisoners and their executioners, as well as denying the possibility of mass extermination of prisoners in terms of the technical capabilities of gas chambers.Attempts to reinterpret historical events often border on extremism and pose a threat to national security, leading to a significant deterioration in international relations. At the international level, a number of acts have been adopted indicating that the Holocaust is a fact established by the verdict of the Nuremberg Tribunal, and calling on states to reject any denial of the Holocaust. International organizations that oppose attempts to rewrite history include the Council of Europe, the United Nations, and UNESCO.At the national level, responsibility for denying and justifying the Holocaust has been established in a number of states. The first group includes states that are responsible for denying and approving the Holocaust and other crimes committed by the Nazis (Germany, France, Austria, Israel). The second group includes states that equated Nazi crimes in their legislation with crimes of communism (Hungary, Czech Republic, Lithuania). The third group consists of states that prohibit the denial and justification of any genocide (Switzerland, Luxembourg). Some states (for example, the United States) refused to introduce such bans, citing freedom of speech and belief.In 2014, the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation introduced article 354.1 "Rehabilitation of Nazism", which sets forth responsibility for denying the facts established by the Nuremberg Tribunal verdict. At the same time, the legislator should not selectively approach the protection of historical events. It would be fair to criminalize the denial of genocide and other international crimes recognized by the international community, regardless of any criteria relating to the perpetrators.
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TACHAU, FRANK. "YASEMIN ÇELIK, Contemporary Turkish Foreign Policy (Westport, Conn.: Praeger Publications, 1999). Pp. 203." International Journal of Middle East Studies 33, no. 2 (May 2001): 328–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743801402066.
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This book purports to be a study of Turkish foreign policy and decision-making in the post–World War II era. The author declares that her book “explores the contention that Turkish foreign policy has been greatly affected by the end of the cold war” (p. xi). She also “examines the argument that the . . . removal of the Soviet threat diminished Turkey's strategic importance for the United States and Western Europe” and led “Turkish policymakers . . . to search for new foreign policy partners” (p. xxii). Finally, Çelik suggests that the changed environment of the post–Cold War era entailed a shift from reliance on military power for the maintenance of national security to an emphasis on economic resources and relations.
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Menger, Richard P., Christopher M. Storey, Bharat Guthikonda, Symeon Missios, Anil Nanda, and John M. Cooper. "Woodrow Wilson’s hidden stroke of 1919: the impact of patient-physician confidentiality on United States foreign policy." Neurosurgical Focus 39, no. 1 (July 2015): E6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2015.4.focus1587.
Full textAbstract:
World War I catapulted the United States from traditional isolationism to international involvement in a major European conflict. Woodrow Wilson envisaged a permanent American imprint on democracy in world affairs through participation in the League of Nations. Amid these defining events, Wilson suffered a major ischemic stroke on October 2, 1919, which left him incapacitated. What was probably his fourth and most devastating stroke was diagnosed and treated by his friend and personal physician, Admiral Cary Grayson. Grayson, who had tremendous personal and professional loyalty to Wilson, kept the severity of the stroke hidden from Congress, the American people, and even the president himself. During a cabinet briefing, Grayson formally refused to sign a document of disability and was reluctant to address the subject of presidential succession. Wilson was essentially incapacitated and hemiplegic, yet he remained an active president and all messages were relayed directly through his wife, Edith. Patient-physician confidentiality superseded national security amid the backdrop of friendship and political power on the eve of a pivotal juncture in the history of American foreign policy. It was in part because of the absence of Woodrow Wilson’s vocal and unwavering support that the United States did not join the League of Nations and distanced itself from the international stage. The League of Nations would later prove powerless without American support and was unable to thwart the rise and advance of Adolf Hitler. Only after World War II did the United States assume its global leadership role and realize Wilson’s visionary, yet contentious, groundwork for a Pax Americana. The authors describe Woodrow Wilson’s stroke, the historical implications of his health decline, and its impact on United States foreign policy.