Relevant bibliographies by topics / National Solidarity Movement (Nigeria)

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'National Solidarity Movement (Nigeria)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "National Solidarity Movement (Nigeria)"

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de Cock, Wessel. "‘Wij waren nette mensen, wij gooiden geen stenen’ : De discussie over de solidariteit met gewelddadig verzet tegen apartheid in de eerste Nederlandse anti-apartheidsbeweging: het Comité Zuid-Afrika (1960-1971)." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 132, no. 4 (February 1, 2020): 581–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2019.4.004.deco.

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Abstract ‘We were fine people; we did not throw stones.’ Debates in the early Dutch anti-apartheid movement about solidarity with violent resistance to apartheid in South-AfricaIn 1956 the first Dutch anti-apartheid movement, the Comité Zuid-Afrika (CZA), was found. Following the example of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement, the CZA modelled itself as a politically representative moderate movement that was based on solidarity with the oppressed black population in South-Africa. As this article shows, the meaning of this solidarity became fiercely contested within the movement after the African National Congress (ANC) shifted from non-violent action towards armed resistance in the wake of the Sharpeville bloodbath in 1960. Following David Featherstone’s conceptualization of solidarity as a ‘relationship’ that is not a static given, this research shows that solidarity was constantly being contested and redefined in debates between individual members of the CZA. Within the movement many feared that solidarity, once declared, was by definition unconditional. The CZA eventually defined its relationship of solidarity with the ANC as support for non-violent resistance only. Its successor, the Anti-ApartheidsBeweging Nederland (AABN), which like other international anti-apartheid movements in the early 1970s was led by younger and more ideological activists, defined solidarity as unconditional. This different understanding of solidarity made this second generation of anti-apartheid activists participants in the violent resistance against apartheid.
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Giubboni, Stefano. "Free Movement of Persons and European Solidarity Revisited." Perspectives on Federalism 7, no. 3 (December 1, 2015): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pof-2015-0016.

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Abstract This paper analyses the case-law of the European Court of Justice on the scope and limits of cross-border access of economically inactive Union citizens to national systems of social assistance. The author de-constructs and challenges the weak rhetoric of transnational solidarity generously deployed by the Court of Justice at the beginning of the expansive cycle of its case-law on the transnational social protection rights of mobile EU citizens. The most recent case-law shows, in fact, a spectacular retreat from this rhetoric in tune with the neo-nationalistic and social-chauvinistic moods prevailing in Europe.
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Brzechczyn, Krzysztof. "Communitarian Dimensions in the Socio-Political Thought of the Solidarity Movement in 1980–1981." Studia Philosophica Wratislaviensia 14, no. 1 (January 29, 2019): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1895-8001.14.1.8.

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The purpose of this paper is an interpretation of the social and political thought of the Solidarity movement in the light of the political philosophy of communitarianism. In the first part of the paper, the controversies between liberalism and communitarianism are characterized in order to outline the communitarian response toward the authoritarian/totalitarian challenge. In the second part, the programme of a self-governing republic created by Solidarity is interpreted in the spirit of communitarianism. I reconstruct the ideal vision of human being expressed in of ficial trade union’s documents and essays of Solidarity’s advisers e.g., Stefan Kurowski and Jozef Tischner, and the efforts of the movement for telling the truth about history and its vision of Polish history. Also, I interpret the programme of Self-Governing Republic adopted during the First National Convention of Delegates of Solidarity. In these programmatic documents of Solidarity, one may find ideas characteristic both of the communitarian and liberal political philosophy. However, the liberal ones—including, primarily, the guarantee of human and citizens’ rights, and of individual liberties—were subordinated to the postulate of reconstructing the national and social community. In the course of transformation after 1989, these communitarian elements of Solidarity programme, incompatible with liberal ideological agenda, have been erased.
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Reina-Rozo, Juan David, and Luis Fernando Medina-Cardona. "Science, technology and Solidarity." International Journal of Engineering, Social Justice, and Peace 8, no. 1 (March 5, 2021): 92–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ijesjp.v8i1.14279.

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Science and technology are changing. We have seen the emergence of open and citizen-based science practices in the context of facing pandemics, such as COVID-19, xenophobia, or inequality, among others. Open science is a movement that advocates the collective construction of knowledge. This perspective has shown its importance with the emergence of rapid response initiatives to the current situation at national and international levels. This article discusses the relevance of knowledge commons and transparent objects in the era of intellectual property. Solidarity technoscientific initiatives become a vehicle to pose free culture as a pillar of a human future based on mutual support. In that sense, universities, publishers, students, the scientific and engineering community, and even citizens are creating efforts around open science intending to share results, data, designs, specifications, and even resources despite new socio-political limits and precautions. We argue that a technoscientific movement based on solidarity, free and open culture, is key to permeate and transform the various layers of governments, research institutions, and citizens-led initiatives. To address this, several examples are exposed offering a brief critical appraisal in the context of open science, a concept still in the making.
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Smith, Evan. "'A last stubborn outpost of a past epoch': The Communist Party of Great Britain, national liberation in Zimbabwe and anti-imperialist solidarity." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (March 30, 2020): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334825.

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The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had been involved in anti-colonial and anti-imperialist campaigns since the 1920s and in the late 1950s, its members were instrumental in the founding of the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM). In the 1960s and 1970s, this extended to support for the national liberation movement in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. From the early 1960s to the mid-1970s, the CPGB threw its support behind the Soviet-backed Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), instead of their rival, the Chinese-backed Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). When both groups entered into a short-term military and political alliance in 1976, the Patriotic Front, this posed a possible problem for the Communist Party and the AAM, but publicly these British organisations proclaimed solidarity with newly created PF. However this expression of solidarity and internationalist links quickly untangled after the 1980 elections, which were convincingly won by ZANU-PF and left the CPGB's traditional allies, ZAPU, with a small share of seats in the national parliament. This article explores the contours of the relationship between the CPGB, the broader Anti-Apartheid Movement in Britain and its links with the organisations in Zimbabwe during the war of national liberation, examining the opportunities and limits presented by this campaign of anti-imperial solidarity.
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Mercier, Michèle, and George Reid. "A global Red Cross and Red Crescent identity." International Review of the Red Cross 30, no. 276 (June 1990): 191–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400075537.

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In 1987 the Council of Delegates, recognizing the “solidarity of image” which exists between the various components of the Movement worldwide, invited the ICRC and the League to explore with National Societies “new and more systematic ways of promoting, whenever circumstances allow, public awareness of the Movement as a whole rather than its individual parts”.
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Beyerlein, Kraig, Peter Ryan, Aliyah Abu-Hazeem, and Amity Pauley. "THE 2017 WOMEN'S MARCH: A NATIONAL STUDY OF SOLIDARITY EVENTS*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 23, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 425–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-23-4-425.

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On January 21, 2017, over four hundred cities across the United States organized sister marches in solidarity with the Women's March on Washington. In this paper, we first compare the size of these marches to that of several significant protest-event sources to show how extraordinary turnout was that day. Then, analyzing a nationally representative sample of sister marches, we present univariate statistics for both event-level characteristics (such as demographics of participants or types of speakers) and mobilization processes (such as composition of organizing teams or recruitment efforts). We situate the descriptive findings in the broader literature on protest events and the women's movement to identify how they converge or diverge from established patterns. In addition, our study shows that many event-level characteristics of the sister marches were distinct relative to a recent national study of protests. Also discussed are the ways in which our results contribute to understanding the sister marches' success in mobilizing millions of people to take to the streets.
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Stites Mor, Jessica. "Rendering Armed Struggle: OSPAAAL, Cuban Poster Art, and South-South Solidarity at the United Nations." Anuario de Historia de América Latina 56 (December 6, 2019): 42–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/jbla.56.132.

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This article considers the role of the Organization of Solidarity with the Peoples of Africa, Asia, and Latin America (OSPAAAL) in championing a Latin American, tricontinentalist vision of Third World solidarity between these regions. It argues that Cuba used visual and media arts to frame and reframe historical evets, utilizing OSPAAAL as a conduit of pro-Cuba revolutionary ideas, as it circulated updates on national liberation struggles and calls to action for internationalist solidarity. OSPAAAL produced visual art in solidarity campaigns that allowed Cuba to promote a particular interpretation of the Cold War as ongoing colonialism to generate transnational support for national liberation struggles in the Middle East and Africa, as well as to promote the Cuban revolution itself. In particular, it examines the way that the visual approach used by the artists working with OSPAAAL intersected with other modes of transnational solidarity activism to promote revolutionary ideals and commonalities between distant participants and specifically in order to influence international cooperation at the United Nations and in advancing Castro’s profile within the Non-Aligned Movement.
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Agustín, Óscar García, and Martin Bak Jørgensen. "Solidarity Cities and Cosmopolitanism from Below: Barcelona as a Refugee City." Social Inclusion 7, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i2.2063.

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The so-called ‘refugee crisis’ provoked a wave of solidarity movements across Europe. These movements contrasted with attitudes of rejection against refugees from almost all EU member states and a lack of coordinated and satisfactory response from the EU as an institution. The growth of the solidarity movement entails backlash of nationalized identities, while the resistance of the member states to accept refugees represents the failure of the cosmopolitan view attached to the EU. In the article, we argue that the European solidarity movement shapes a new kind of cosmopolitanism: cosmopolitanism from below, which fosters an inclusionary universalism, which is both critical and conflictual. The urban scale thus becomes the place to locally articulate inclusive communities where solidarity bonds and coexistence prevail before national borders and cosmopolitan imaginaries about welcoming, human rights, and the universal political community are enhanced. We use the case of Barcelona to provide a concrete example of intersections between civil society and a municipal government. We relate this discussion to ongoing debates about ‘sanctuary cities’ and solidarity cities and discuss how urban solidarities can have a transformative role at the city level. Furthermore, we discuss how practices on the scale of the city are up-scaled and used to forge trans-local solidarities and city networks.
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Nweke, Kenneth, and Eunice Etido-Inyang. "Issues of National Security and Human Rights in Nigeria: A Case Study of Islamic Movement of Nigeria." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 5, no. 11 (April 30, 2020): 653–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.511.8171.

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This paper examined issues of national security and human rights in Nigeria with emphasis on the conflicts between the federal government and the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IMN). The objectives of the paper included to determine the nature of national security and human rights in Nigeria vis-à-vis the Islamic Movement of Nigeria; identity the contentious issues that triggered the conflicts and undermined national security and human rights between the federal government and the Islamic Movement of Nigeria; determine the implications of continued crackdown of IMN members and detention of their leader, El-Zakzaky and his wife on national security and human rights violations in Nigeria, and make necessary recommendations on how these issues can be amicably resolved without compromising national security and human rights of Nigerians, especially IMN members. This research has become imperative in view of the continued detention of Sheikh Ibrahim El-Zakzaky by the security operatives in Nigeria since 2015 in spite of court orders without concluding the trials. This has caused great concern to Nigerians with daily debates on the implications of this prolonged incarceration of the duo on national security and human rights in a democratic system of government. This paper was anchored on the “Family Theory in Clinical Practice”. The ‘Family Theory’ stressed the need to understand and consider the emotional functioning of a family or group as the basis for religious or political indoctrination, radicalisation, extremism and deviant behaviour that may be antagonistic to acceptable societal norms and values. This paper adopted descriptive research design. Data used for the study were gathered from secondary sources as content analysis was used in the interpretation of data. The paper found that the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IMN) members were justified in their protest against military crackdown, detention and proscription. The paper observed that the over five year’s detention of Sheikh El-Zakzaky by the Nigerian government without trial amounts to the violation of his constitutionally guaranteed and legally protected human rights. This paper recommends the immediate and unconditional release of the Shiites leader from detention, speedy trial and respect for judicial pronouncements by the Nigerian government without compromising national security and human rights.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "National Solidarity Movement (Nigeria)"

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Alvar, Blomgren. "”By the iron hand of oppression" : The performance of the parliamentary election contest in Nottingham and Middlesex 1802-1803." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Historiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-143964.

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The aim of this thesis is to investigate how politics was done at the level of the parliamentary constituencies at the time of the treaty of Amiens 1802-1803. This is achieved through two case studies of the elections in Middlesex and Nottingham, which are investigated as social practices. This thesis argues that understandings of masculinity and national identity, as well as questions about the nature of the constitution and citizen rights were central to participants in the extraparliamentary political process. Collective emotions were also highly important in the process of mobilising political support, and this thesis emphasises that participation in these elections was a collective effort; men and women from all levels of society were significant political actors. Moreover, this thesis demonstrates the importance of competences such as knowledge about the organisation of crowds and political violence in the performance of the election.
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Abdulra'uf, Muttaqa Yusha'u. "Solidarity and fragmentation between trade unions and civil societies during fuel subsidy mass-protest in Nigeria : a study of social movement unionism." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/13188.

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This study examines solidarity and fragmentations between trade unions and civil society organisations under the Labour and Civil Society Coalition LASCO, during the fuel subsidy mass-protest in Nigeria. To understand the basis of LASCO’s mobilisation during the strike/ mass-protest and the tension that follows the suspension of the strike within the alliance, the study utilises the literature on Social Movement Unionism especially in South Africa, with emphasise on trade unions community and political alliances. The classical SMU literature especially applied in South Africa and Brazil revealed that authoritarian industrialisation and repressive Apartheid work-place regime prompted unions to use innovative strategies of using their bargaining power to challenge the state, by rendering themselves ungovernable both in the work-place and in the society through linkages with communities. This study, relying on a case study method and participant observation of the strike and mass-protest in Kano, revealed that SMU mobilisation in Nigeria was triggered by predatory and weak state, whose rent seeking permeates the administration of subsidy in the oil industry. Secondly, the study argued that the tensions and divisions within LASCO alliance following the suspension of the perceived unilateral suspension of the strike by the Trade Unions explains the political and class orientation of both trade unions and civil society organisations. The study argues that Trade Unions behaviour in the context of the strike lean towards Hyman pessimist view of trade unions or what Beiler et’al called accommodatory strategy, a view that see unions as negotiators of order both in the work-place and in the larger society. On the other hand the civil society organisations typified multi-level organisations with different orientations that always seek for transformation of the social order or what Beiler et’al called transformatory strategy.
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Books on the topic "National Solidarity Movement (Nigeria)"

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Nwankwo, Uchenna. Overcoming our poverty: The economic mission of the National Solidarity Movement. Lagos: Centrist Productions, 1995.

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(Malawi), National Solidarity Movement. The manifesto & constitution of National Solidarity Movement: A political party in Malawi. Limbe [Malawi]: National Solidarity Movement, 1999.

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Abiala, E. Olu. Trade union movement and national development in Nigeria: Memoirs of labour struggle. Ibadan: St. Paul's Pub. House, 2012.

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Solidarity and contention: The politics of security and sustainability in the NAFTA conflict. New York: Garland Pub., 2000.

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Solidarity and treason: Resistance and exile, 1933-1940. Evanston, Ill: Northwestern University Press, 1993.

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Farm workers and the churches: The movement in California and Texas. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2010.

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Kulczycki, John. The Polish Coal Miners' Union and the German Labor Movement in the Ruhr, 1902-1934: National and Social Solidarity. Berg Publishers, 1997.

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J, Kulczycki John, ed. The Polish coal miners' union and the German labor movement in the Ruhr, 1902-1934: National and social solidarity. Oxford, UK: Berg, 1997.

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Lunch at the Muqata'a. 2014.

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Fittko, Lisa. Solidarity and Treason: Resistance and Exile, 1933-40 (Jewish Lives). Northwestern University Press, 1995.

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Book chapters on the topic "National Solidarity Movement (Nigeria)"

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Nagar, Richa, Sangtin Kisan Mazdoor Sangathan, and Parakh Theatre. "Movement as Theater." In Hungry Translations, 47–104. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042577.003.0003.

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Part Two revolves around protests and campaigns that have formed Sangtin Kisan Mazdoor Sangathan's battles with the Indian state, its development apparatus, and the intimate and violent hierarchies of caste, class, religion, and gender within and against which SKMS saathis live and fight every day. It describes SKMS's struggles to bring water to a dry irrigation channel and to win unemployment compensation under the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MNREGA). Significantly, these stories are simultaneously about articulating a vision of solidarity through the continuous work of evolving complex relationships and political analyses among SKMS saathis, including a Savarna writer, such as the author herself, who is not a kisan or mazdoor and who earns her living as a university professor in the USA.
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"3. Solidarity for One Country: The Third International, Nationalism, and Nation Building The Nationalization of Socialism: Stalin Hegemony and National Unity: Gramsci National Liberation Marxism." In Nationalism and the International Labor Movement, 115–66. Penn State University Press, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780271072500-005.

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Struthers, David M. "Solidarity and the Legacy of Exclusion." In The World in a City, 65–80. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042478.003.0004.

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This chapter begins with an overview of the Anti-Asian premise of the labor movement in California during its foundation in the 1880s and carried forward into the twentieth century in trade-union organizing in the state. The chapter then examines two important departures from racist exclusionary organizing in Southern California in 1903. In Los Angeles Mexican laborers formed the Unión Federal Mexicana. In Oxnard, Japanese and Mexican agricultural workers formed the Japanese Mexican Labor Association (JMLA). Anglo socialist members of Los Angeles’s Council of Labor pushed Los Angeles’s trade union body to support both unions with financial and organizing resources. Laborers in Los Angeles and Oxnard also shared resources, but the national American Federation of Labor (AFL) ultimately rejected Japanese membership.
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Mayo, Marjorie. "Stories of migration, displacement, community resistance and solidarity." In Changing Communities. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447329312.003.0001.

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This chapter introduces the book’s themes of migration, displacement, community resistance and the development of community solidarities – drawing upon the author’s experiences as well as her previous research. In the context of neo-liberal globalisation there are common underlying causes for the movement of peoples, whether these are movements within countries or movements across national borders. There are similarities as well as differences between people’s displacements, including people’s displacement as a result of social cleansing, here in Britain. The chapter concludes by introducing the chapters that follow.
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Smith, Evan. "For Socialist Revolution or National Liberation?" In Workers of the Empire, Unite, 249–72. Liverpool University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781800859685.003.0010.

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In the post-war period, several world events, such as the installation of the so-called People’s Democracies in Eastern Europe, the victory of the Chinese Communist Party and the beginnings of decolonisation across Africa, Asia and the Middle East, led the international communist movement to foresee a period of socialist advance, frustrated by the outbreak of the Cold War. As the Party at the centre of the largest empire at the time, the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had become a conduit between anti-colonialists across the empire and Moscow. While a number of scholars have focused on the role of communists in national liberation movements in the colonies, this chapter focuses on how links with these movements and broader anti-colonial rhetoric was developed by the Communist Parties in the settler colonies, particularly South Africa and Australia. These Communist Parties acted as local representatives of the international communist movement within their spheres of influence, assisting in the anti-colonial struggle in surrounding areas. From the late 1940s until the 1960s, the CPGB, alongside the CPSA and the CPA, were greatly involved in building solidarity with anti-colonial movements across the British Empire. This chapter seeks to uncover the transnational links created by these parties in the era of decolonisation and the ways in which the Communist Parties in the Dominions worked with fraternal organisations in the colonial sphere.
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Umejei, Emeka. "Framing Xenophobia on Social Media: An Analysis of Xenophobic Attacks on Nigerians Living in South Africa." In Fake News Is Bad News - Hoaxes, Half-truths and the Nature of Today's Journalism [Working Title]. IntechOpen, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.94117.

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This study examines mis-and disinformation concerning xenophobic attacks on Nigerians living in South Africa in 2017 and 2019. The study uses narrative theories and netnograhpy involving thematic content analysis and focus group discussions with undergraduate university students, youths and adults across the three dominant regions of Nigeria. The study answers the question: what motivates Nigerians to share mis-and disinformation concerning xenophobic attacks against Nigerians living in South Africa on social media? The findings of this study suggest that national solidarity is an overriding motivation for sharing mis-and disinformation about xenophobic attacks on Nigerians living in South Africa on social media.
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Bohlman, Andrea F. "Introduction." In Musical Solidarities, 1–22. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190938284.003.0001.

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The introduction defines “political action” and “solidarity” theoretically, as frameworks for organizing and dispersing the relationship between music and protest. It also introduces the Polish opposition to state socialism, giving an overview of the political agents (activists, critics, citizens, priests, bureaucrats, Party members, journalists) who are the main protagonists of this history and who guide the musics and scenes upon which the book focuses. One cabaret anthem, Jan Pietrzak’s “So That Poland Will Be Poland,” serves as an orientation point. The song’s text, key performances in Warsaw, and use by the US Information Agency for propaganda give insight into national and international perspectives on the Solidarity movement and its historiography from the 1980s into the present.
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Brown, Gavin. "Anti-apartheid solidarity in the perspectives and practices of the British far left in the 1970s and 1980s." In Waiting for the Revolution. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526113658.003.0005.

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Communists and members of the New Left were involved in the Anti-Apartheid Movement [AAM] from its origins in the Boycott Committee in the late 1950s. In its early days, the AAM welcomed support from individual communists, but was reluctant to be seen to be too close to the Communist Party. Nevertheless, members of the Communist Party of Great Britain [CPGB] played a significant role at all levels of the movement throughout its history. Fundamental to this was the relationship between the CPGB and the South African Communist Party [SACP] whose cadre played a central role in the exiled structures of the African National Congress [ANC]. In contrast to the CPGB, other left tendencies had more complicated relationships with the AAM’s leadership. This chapter examines the relationship of different far Left tendencies to the anti-apartheid struggle during the 1970s and 1980s.
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Escudero, Kevin. "Undocuqueer Activism." In Organizing While Undocumented, 77–104. NYU Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479803194.003.0004.

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This chapter examines the experiences of those who identify as both undocumented and queer: undocuqueer activists. As the narratives in the chapter demonstrate, undocuqueer activist experiences point to the potential promise of an intersectional movement identity in bringing together immigrants, queer communities, and undocuqueer individuals. Undocuqueer activists begin by drawing parallels between the “coming-out” processes that undocumented immigrants and queer individuals have undergone, noting the similarities and differences in the experience for members of each group. Emphasizing the effect of undocuqueer organizers taking a critical role in the national immigrant rights movement, the chapter examines how these activists, especially the youth, have leveraged their intersectional identities to increase the visibility and interconnectedness of queer and immigrant struggles for liberation. Finally, the chapter provides an account of allyship by queer individuals and immigrant rights activists working to enact a politics of solidarity with undocuqueer community members.
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Hobson, Emily K. "Money for AIDS, Not War." In Lavender and Red. University of California Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520279056.003.0007.

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Although AIDS direct action is generally described as beginning with ACT UP, it first developed as activists drew tactics and ideas from Central American solidarity and the anti-nuclear movement. Anti-militarism catalyzed AIDS direct action in the Bay Area; its influences appeared in 1984, took on force in 1986, and by 1987 shaped national networks of AIDS activism. The groups Citizens for Medical Justice and the AIDS Action Pledge paved the way for the formation of ACT UP/San Francisco and Stop AIDS Now Or Else. AIDS direct action stood as the culmination of the gay and lesbian left even as it marked the start of a new queer politics. However, these radical genealogies were obscured with the deaths of many activists.
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