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1
de Cock, Wessel. "‘Wij waren nette mensen, wij gooiden geen stenen’ : De discussie over de solidariteit met gewelddadig verzet tegen apartheid in de eerste Nederlandse anti-apartheidsbeweging: het Comité Zuid-Afrika (1960-1971)." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 132, no. 4 (February 1, 2020): 581–607. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2019.4.004.deco.
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Abstract ‘We were fine people; we did not throw stones.’ Debates in the early Dutch anti-apartheid movement about solidarity with violent resistance to apartheid in South-AfricaIn 1956 the first Dutch anti-apartheid movement, the Comité Zuid-Afrika (CZA), was found. Following the example of the British Anti-Apartheid Movement, the CZA modelled itself as a politically representative moderate movement that was based on solidarity with the oppressed black population in South-Africa. As this article shows, the meaning of this solidarity became fiercely contested within the movement after the African National Congress (ANC) shifted from non-violent action towards armed resistance in the wake of the Sharpeville bloodbath in 1960. Following David Featherstone’s conceptualization of solidarity as a ‘relationship’ that is not a static given, this research shows that solidarity was constantly being contested and redefined in debates between individual members of the CZA. Within the movement many feared that solidarity, once declared, was by definition unconditional. The CZA eventually defined its relationship of solidarity with the ANC as support for non-violent resistance only. Its successor, the Anti-ApartheidsBeweging Nederland (AABN), which like other international anti-apartheid movements in the early 1970s was led by younger and more ideological activists, defined solidarity as unconditional. This different understanding of solidarity made this second generation of anti-apartheid activists participants in the violent resistance against apartheid.
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Giubboni, Stefano. "Free Movement of Persons and European Solidarity Revisited." Perspectives on Federalism 7, no. 3 (December 1, 2015): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pof-2015-0016.
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Abstract This paper analyses the case-law of the European Court of Justice on the scope and limits of cross-border access of economically inactive Union citizens to national systems of social assistance. The author de-constructs and challenges the weak rhetoric of transnational solidarity generously deployed by the Court of Justice at the beginning of the expansive cycle of its case-law on the transnational social protection rights of mobile EU citizens. The most recent case-law shows, in fact, a spectacular retreat from this rhetoric in tune with the neo-nationalistic and social-chauvinistic moods prevailing in Europe.
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Brzechczyn, Krzysztof. "Communitarian Dimensions in the Socio-Political Thought of the Solidarity Movement in 1980–1981." Studia Philosophica Wratislaviensia 14, no. 1 (January 29, 2019): 109–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1895-8001.14.1.8.
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The purpose of this paper is an interpretation of the social and political thought of the Solidarity movement in the light of the political philosophy of communitarianism. In the first part of the paper, the controversies between liberalism and communitarianism are characterized in order to outline the communitarian response toward the authoritarian/totalitarian challenge. In the second part, the programme of a self-governing republic created by Solidarity is interpreted in the spirit of communitarianism. I reconstruct the ideal vision of human being expressed in of ficial trade union’s documents and essays of Solidarity’s advisers e.g., Stefan Kurowski and Jozef Tischner, and the efforts of the movement for telling the truth about history and its vision of Polish history. Also, I interpret the programme of Self-Governing Republic adopted during the First National Convention of Delegates of Solidarity. In these programmatic documents of Solidarity, one may find ideas characteristic both of the communitarian and liberal political philosophy. However, the liberal ones—including, primarily, the guarantee of human and citizens’ rights, and of individual liberties—were subordinated to the postulate of reconstructing the national and social community. In the course of transformation after 1989, these communitarian elements of Solidarity programme, incompatible with liberal ideological agenda, have been erased.
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Reina-Rozo, Juan David, and Luis Fernando Medina-Cardona. "Science, technology and Solidarity." International Journal of Engineering, Social Justice, and Peace 8, no. 1 (March 5, 2021): 92–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ijesjp.v8i1.14279.
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Science and technology are changing. We have seen the emergence of open and citizen-based science practices in the context of facing pandemics, such as COVID-19, xenophobia, or inequality, among others. Open science is a movement that advocates the collective construction of knowledge. This perspective has shown its importance with the emergence of rapid response initiatives to the current situation at national and international levels. This article discusses the relevance of knowledge commons and transparent objects in the era of intellectual property. Solidarity technoscientific initiatives become a vehicle to pose free culture as a pillar of a human future based on mutual support. In that sense, universities, publishers, students, the scientific and engineering community, and even citizens are creating efforts around open science intending to share results, data, designs, specifications, and even resources despite new socio-political limits and precautions. We argue that a technoscientific movement based on solidarity, free and open culture, is key to permeate and transform the various layers of governments, research institutions, and citizens-led initiatives. To address this, several examples are exposed offering a brief critical appraisal in the context of open science, a concept still in the making.
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Smith, Evan. "'A last stubborn outpost of a past epoch': The Communist Party of Great Britain, national liberation in Zimbabwe and anti-imperialist solidarity." Twentieth Century Communism 18, no. 18 (March 30, 2020): 64–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/175864320829334825.
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The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) had been involved in anti-colonial and anti-imperialist campaigns since the 1920s and in the late 1950s, its members were instrumental in the founding of the Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM). In the 1960s and 1970s, this extended to support for the national liberation movement in Rhodesia/Zimbabwe. From the early 1960s to the mid-1970s, the CPGB threw its support behind the Soviet-backed Zimbabwe African People's Union (ZAPU), instead of their rival, the Chinese-backed Zimbabwe African National Union (ZANU). When both groups entered into a short-term military and political alliance in 1976, the Patriotic Front, this posed a possible problem for the Communist Party and the AAM, but publicly these British organisations proclaimed solidarity with newly created PF. However this expression of solidarity and internationalist links quickly untangled after the 1980 elections, which were convincingly won by ZANU-PF and left the CPGB's traditional allies, ZAPU, with a small share of seats in the national parliament. This article explores the contours of the relationship between the CPGB, the broader Anti-Apartheid Movement in Britain and its links with the organisations in Zimbabwe during the war of national liberation, examining the opportunities and limits presented by this campaign of anti-imperial solidarity.
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Mercier, Michèle, and George Reid. "A global Red Cross and Red Crescent identity." International Review of the Red Cross 30, no. 276 (June 1990): 191–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400075537.
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In 1987 the Council of Delegates, recognizing the “solidarity of image” which exists between the various components of the Movement worldwide, invited the ICRC and the League to explore with National Societies “new and more systematic ways of promoting, whenever circumstances allow, public awareness of the Movement as a whole rather than its individual parts”.
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Beyerlein, Kraig, Peter Ryan, Aliyah Abu-Hazeem, and Amity Pauley. "THE 2017 WOMEN'S MARCH: A NATIONAL STUDY OF SOLIDARITY EVENTS*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 23, no. 4 (December 1, 2018): 425–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-23-4-425.
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On January 21, 2017, over four hundred cities across the United States organized sister marches in solidarity with the Women's March on Washington. In this paper, we first compare the size of these marches to that of several significant protest-event sources to show how extraordinary turnout was that day. Then, analyzing a nationally representative sample of sister marches, we present univariate statistics for both event-level characteristics (such as demographics of participants or types of speakers) and mobilization processes (such as composition of organizing teams or recruitment efforts). We situate the descriptive findings in the broader literature on protest events and the women's movement to identify how they converge or diverge from established patterns. In addition, our study shows that many event-level characteristics of the sister marches were distinct relative to a recent national study of protests. Also discussed are the ways in which our results contribute to understanding the sister marches' success in mobilizing millions of people to take to the streets.
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Stites Mor, Jessica. "Rendering Armed Struggle: OSPAAAL, Cuban Poster Art, and South-South Solidarity at the United Nations." Anuario de Historia de América Latina 56 (December 6, 2019): 42–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15460/jbla.56.132.
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This article considers the role of the Organization of Solidarity with the Peoples of Africa, Asia, and Latin America (OSPAAAL) in championing a Latin American, tricontinentalist vision of Third World solidarity between these regions. It argues that Cuba used visual and media arts to frame and reframe historical evets, utilizing OSPAAAL as a conduit of pro-Cuba revolutionary ideas, as it circulated updates on national liberation struggles and calls to action for internationalist solidarity. OSPAAAL produced visual art in solidarity campaigns that allowed Cuba to promote a particular interpretation of the Cold War as ongoing colonialism to generate transnational support for national liberation struggles in the Middle East and Africa, as well as to promote the Cuban revolution itself. In particular, it examines the way that the visual approach used by the artists working with OSPAAAL intersected with other modes of transnational solidarity activism to promote revolutionary ideals and commonalities between distant participants and specifically in order to influence international cooperation at the United Nations and in advancing Castro’s profile within the Non-Aligned Movement.
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Agustín, Óscar García, and Martin Bak Jørgensen. "Solidarity Cities and Cosmopolitanism from Below: Barcelona as a Refugee City." Social Inclusion 7, no. 2 (June 27, 2019): 198–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/si.v7i2.2063.
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The so-called ‘refugee crisis’ provoked a wave of solidarity movements across Europe. These movements contrasted with attitudes of rejection against refugees from almost all EU member states and a lack of coordinated and satisfactory response from the EU as an institution. The growth of the solidarity movement entails backlash of nationalized identities, while the resistance of the member states to accept refugees represents the failure of the cosmopolitan view attached to the EU. In the article, we argue that the European solidarity movement shapes a new kind of cosmopolitanism: cosmopolitanism from below, which fosters an inclusionary universalism, which is both critical and conflictual. The urban scale thus becomes the place to locally articulate inclusive communities where solidarity bonds and coexistence prevail before national borders and cosmopolitan imaginaries about welcoming, human rights, and the universal political community are enhanced. We use the case of Barcelona to provide a concrete example of intersections between civil society and a municipal government. We relate this discussion to ongoing debates about ‘sanctuary cities’ and solidarity cities and discuss how urban solidarities can have a transformative role at the city level. Furthermore, we discuss how practices on the scale of the city are up-scaled and used to forge trans-local solidarities and city networks.
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Nweke, Kenneth, and Eunice Etido-Inyang. "Issues of National Security and Human Rights in Nigeria: A Case Study of Islamic Movement of Nigeria." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 5, no. 11 (April 30, 2020): 653–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.511.8171.
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This paper examined issues of national security and human rights in Nigeria with emphasis on the conflicts between the federal government and the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IMN). The objectives of the paper included to determine the nature of national security and human rights in Nigeria vis-à-vis the Islamic Movement of Nigeria; identity the contentious issues that triggered the conflicts and undermined national security and human rights between the federal government and the Islamic Movement of Nigeria; determine the implications of continued crackdown of IMN members and detention of their leader, El-Zakzaky and his wife on national security and human rights violations in Nigeria, and make necessary recommendations on how these issues can be amicably resolved without compromising national security and human rights of Nigerians, especially IMN members. This research has become imperative in view of the continued detention of Sheikh Ibrahim El-Zakzaky by the security operatives in Nigeria since 2015 in spite of court orders without concluding the trials. This has caused great concern to Nigerians with daily debates on the implications of this prolonged incarceration of the duo on national security and human rights in a democratic system of government. This paper was anchored on the “Family Theory in Clinical Practice”. The ‘Family Theory’ stressed the need to understand and consider the emotional functioning of a family or group as the basis for religious or political indoctrination, radicalisation, extremism and deviant behaviour that may be antagonistic to acceptable societal norms and values. This paper adopted descriptive research design. Data used for the study were gathered from secondary sources as content analysis was used in the interpretation of data. The paper found that the Islamic Movement of Nigeria (IMN) members were justified in their protest against military crackdown, detention and proscription. The paper observed that the over five year’s detention of Sheikh El-Zakzaky by the Nigerian government without trial amounts to the violation of his constitutionally guaranteed and legally protected human rights. This paper recommends the immediate and unconditional release of the Shiites leader from detention, speedy trial and respect for judicial pronouncements by the Nigerian government without compromising national security and human rights.
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Abduljader, Hassan. "Kuwaiti Cooperative Societies as the Principal Retailers in the National Economy." Journal of Interdisciplinary Economics 3, no. 2 (January 1990): 145–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/02601079x9000300206.
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In comparison with the progress of the cooperative movement elsewhere in the Arab world and internationally, the Kuwaiti Cooperative Societies have achieved considerable success in a short period as the principal retailers in the Kuwaiti national economy, providing consumers with about 70 per cent of all services and commodities in the local market. Over the past 25 years, the Kuwaiti cooperative movement has succeeded in maintaining stability in the prices of essential commodities and services, in preventing artificial increases and in winning the confidence of consumers. The goals of the cooperative movement in Kuwait are both economic and social. The economic goal is to co-ordinate individual efforts and public interests within the framework of the cooperative society, while the social goal is to protect low income groups from exploitation, to spread democratic concepts and to consolidate social links, thereby promoting social harmony and solidarity among the various sections of society. The current aims of the cooperative movement in Kuwait are to overcome obstacles to progress and to enhance the efficiency of its operations.
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Lenaerts, Koen, and Tinne Heremans. "Contours of a European Social Union in the Case-Law of the European Court of Justice." European Constitutional Law Review 2, no. 1 (February 2006): 101–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019606001015.
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Tensions between national welfare systems and the social rights of the citizens of the Union — Fundamental principle of free movement and the degree of financial solidarity with nationals from other Member States — Introduction of internal market principles in health care — The balancing role of the Court of Justice of the European Communities.
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The Review. "Development of National Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies and co-operation." International Review of the Red Cross 28, no. 264 (June 1988): 203–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400073800.
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This year marks the 125th anniversary of the founding of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement. The theme for World Red Cross and Red Crescent Day on 8 May was “125 years at work…and still developing”. This theme was chosen to underline the universalization of the Movement and the continuous growth in its activities on behalf of the victims of armed conflict and natural disaster. But development is also an expression of the solidarity between the Movement's components as soon as it is necessary to bring immediate assistance to the victims of man-made or natural catastrophy and to put forward medium or long-term plans aimed, in accordance with the Movement's Fundamental Principles, at preventing these calamities and ensuring the welfare of communities.
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Bae, Aaron Byungjoo. "“The Struggle for Freedom, Justice, and Equality Transcends Racial and National Boundaries”." Pacific Historical Review 86, no. 4 (November 1, 2017): 691–722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2017.86.4.691.
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This article examines the 1967–1971 political prisoner solidarity movement for Black Panther Party co-founder Huey P. Newton as a case study of multiracial radical alliances in the San Francisco Bay Area. In contrast to the predominant trope of “unlikely allies,” I argue that the activists examined in this article who formed alliances with Newton and the Panthers were predisposed to collaborative activism through their common anti-imperialist orientation, expressed as anti-racism, anti-capitalism, and anti–U.S. military interventionism. In addition, I show that earlier alliances laid the foundation for alliances with later movements and organizations, creating what I term “genealogies of alliance” within the Free Huey Movement that demonstrate a persistent desire for collaborative activism throughout this era. This article prompts a reconsideration of Sixties radicalism; in contrast to scholarly and popular interpretations that focus on activists’ sectarianism and divisiveness, the Free Huey Movement illuminates how activists theorized and endeavored to work toward the collective liberation of all people.
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Ramme, Jennifer. "Framing Solidarity. Feminist Patriots Opposing the Far Right in Contemporary Poland." Open Cultural Studies 3, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 469–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/culture-2019-0040.
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Abstract Due to the attempts to restrict the abortion law in Poland in 2016, we could observe a new broad-based feminist movement emerge. This successful movement became known worldwide through the Black Protests and the massive Polish Women’s Strike that took place in October 2016. While this new movement is impressive in its scope and can be described as one of the most successful opposition movements to the ethno-nationalist right wing and fundamentalist Catholicism, it also deploys a patriotic rhetoric and makes use of national symbols and categories of belonging. Feminism and nationalism in Poland are usually described as in opposition, although that relationship is much more complex and changing. Over decades, a general shift towards right-wing nationalism in Poland has occurred, which, in various ways, has also affected feminist actors and (counter)discourses. It seems that patriotism is used to combat nationalism, which has proved to be a successful strategy. Taking the example of feminist mobilizations and movements in Poland, this paper discusses the (im)possible link between patriotism, nationalism and feminism in order to ask what it means for feminist politics and female solidarity when belonging is framed in different ways.
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Miles, William F. S., and David A. Rochefort. "Nationalism Versus Ethnic Identity in Sub-Saharan Africa." American Political Science Review 85, no. 2 (June 1991): 393–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963166.
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Part and parcel of the conventional wisdom about rural publics in Africa is that populations on the periphery will accord ethnic solidarity greater significance than national consciousness. A survey of neighboring Hausa villages on different sides of the Niger-Nigeria boundary counters this myth. Probing issues of self-identity and ethnic affinity, we found that most Hausa villagers on the frontier did not place their Hausan ethnic identity above their national one as citizens of Nigeria or Niger and expressed greater affinity for non-Hausa cocitizens than for foreign Hausas. However, expressed attachments to ethnic, national, and other social identifications (such as religion) varied according to village: citizenship does make a difference in the political consciousness of villagers on the geographic margins of the state. More survey research in other transborder regions should shed further light on processes of state penetration and national integration in developing countries.
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Verschueren, Herwig. "Social devolution and the impact of European Union Law: A critical analysis." European Journal of Social Security 21, no. 2 (May 31, 2019): 192–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1388262719847871.
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This article examines the extent to which EU law impacts on the relationship between the sub-national entities of a Member State where these sub-national entities have regulatory powers in the field of social protection. More specifically, it explores whether the criteria relied on in EU law for determining the scope of the circles of solidarity in the relationship between the Member States can also be applied in the context of the relations between the sub-national entities of regionalised Member States. It appears that EU law on the free movement of persons influences these matters, more specifically the European social security coordination system that determines to which national circle of solidarity a person migrating between Member States belongs. Indeed, in its judgment in the Flemish care insurance case, the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) also applied these rules to some categories of persons in a cross-border situation between different regions of a single Member State. This article critically analyses this case law specifically in terms of respect for the regionalised identity of socially devolved Member States. It concludes that this kind of respect requires that in the context of the relations between sub-national entities of a regionalised Member State, the domestic constitutional rules determining the boundaries of circles of solidarity between these entities should, in all circumstances, have preference over the EU rules applicable between Member States.
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VAN LEEUWEN, Barend. "The Patient in Free Movement Law: Medical History, Diagnosis, and Prognosis." Cambridge Yearbook of European Legal Studies 21 (July 16, 2019): 162–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cel.2019.5.
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AbstractFree movement of patients has been criticised from the moment that the first patient cases reached the Court of Justice of the European Union (‘CJEU’). The moving patient supposedly increases consumerism, reduces national solidarity, and has a negative impact on the quality of healthcare provided in some Member States. This article challenges the empirical foundations of such criticisms. An empirical analysis of all patient cases before the CJEU shows that a significant number of patients required urgent treatment, that their medical condition was life-threatening, and that they were supported by their treating doctor in seeking treatment in another Member State. Moreover, free movement of patient cases regularly lead to positive changes to national healthcare systems. Therefore, the negative attitude towards free movement of patients should be reconsidered. Patients, doctors, and lawyers must think more strategically about how free movement can be used to improve the quality of healthcare in the EU.
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Taylor, Verta, and Leila Rupp. "Loving Internationalism: The Emotion Culture of Transnational Women's Organizations, 1888-1945." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 7, no. 2 (June 1, 2002): 141–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.7.2.fw3t5032xkq5l62h.
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Research on the collective identities of social movement participants points to the strong convictions that underlie activism. A great deal of mobilization work involves channeling, transforming, legitimating, and managing emotions. In this article we use the concept of emotion culture, drawn from social constructionist approaches to emotions, to understand how women in the three major transnational women's organizations from the late nineteenth century through the Second World War built solidarity across national boundaries in order to work for women's rights and peace. The analysis focuses on how the gendered emotion culture of the international women's movement promoted a loving community that transcended national rivalries. We identify three socialization processes: (1) staging expressive public rituals of reconciliation between women who stood on opposite sides of national conflicts; (2) forming intense affective ties across national boundaries; and (3) drawing on the emotional template of mother love.
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Nepstad, Sharon. "Creating Transnational Solidarity: The Use of Narrative in the U.S.-Central America Peace Movement." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 6, no. 1 (March 1, 2001): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.6.1.8606h50k7135180h.
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As social problems become increasingly global, activists are working across state boundaries and forming transnational social movements. However, there is little information that illuminates how groups are able to overcome ethnic, class, ideological and cultural differences that could be obstacles to collaboration. Through an analysis of the story of Salvadoran martyr Archbishop Romero, I demonstrate how this narrative fostered solidarity between the progressive Central American church and U.S. Christians. By symbolically mirroring the social ontology of Christianity and melodramatically presenting the Salvadoran conflict with moral clarity, Romero's life story facilitated the construction of a transnational collective identity and provided a model of action. The moral credibility of the narrators, and the context in which Romero's story was told, influenced many Christians' decision to prioritize this religious identity over their national allegiance.
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Bode, Ingo. "Wege zur Solidarität." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 26, no. 102 (March 1, 1996): 131–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v26i102.937.
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The recent strike movement in France has been seen either as a combat of public sector employees willing to save their material privileges or - in contrast - as a generalized political protest in defense of national institutions and against economic globalization. There was also !arge discord in the weakened French left about whether or not to support the movement. In this mticle it is argued that behind this discord we can see different conceptions of what should be leftist solidarity, each of them being restricted to one of its basic dimensions: the ethical and the utilitaristic one. lt will be shown that along these lines we find a deep cleavage between the academic and the syndicalistic part of the French left in which trade unions figure as social movcment organisations and therefore account for the political character of the strike movemcnt. Despite their structural capacity to enrich pattcms of group interest with ethical reasoning, these organisations fail in what has bccn offercd by thc course of the movement and scems tobe the only way out of crisis: that is confronting the two dimensions of solidarity in a deliberative setting of Ieftist politics.
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Olakunle, Osunyikanmi Pius. "Good Governance and National Development: Nigeria in Perspective." World Journal of Social Science Research 6, no. 1 (January 18, 2019): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/wjssr.v6n1p34.
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<em>Issues relating to good governance and development have been pushed to the forefront of world affairs, largely because of the wave of the democracy movement now blowing soothingly across the whole length and breadth of the international community. Good governance and development are dividends of democracy that are of great interest to the democratic family. The paper attempts to critically examine the intimate relationship between good governance and development with particular reference to Nigeria as a case study. Abundant literature on the subject matter reveals that democracy and good governance provide an enabling environment for development to take place, and that the role of political leadership in realizing all of this is critical. It is recommended, among other things, that (1) the intellectual class should be involved in the country’s development plan; (2) there is the urgent need to create a virile but flexible work force that can initiate and execute development plans; and (3) efforts must be made to embark on capacity building of all the institutions of governance so that they can perform their roles optimally for the benefit of the country.</em>
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Brown, M. Leann. "Nigeria and the Ecowas Protocol on Free Movement and Residence." Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 2 (June 1989): 251–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00000471.
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During the past 25 years, there have been several efforts by developing countries to establish regional economic institutions to address their poverty, underdevelopment, and external dependency. Although the economic imperatives and rationales for their creation intuitively seemed sufficient to ensure that the national political leaderships would choose to engage in whatever give-and-take was necessary to achieve their stated goals, the historical record reveals that these regional organisations have experienced uneven results at best. Several are now defunct. Why is this the case?
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Panahova, Shovket Eyvaz kyzy. "ISSUES OF PUBLIC POLITICAL LIFE OF AZERBAIJAN İN 1905-1907. Journals operating in 1905-1907." Globus 7, no. 5(62) (August 4, 2021): 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.52013/2658-5197-62-5-2.
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The article reflects the process of formation of the socio-political thought of Azerbaijan and its rise to the level of national self-awareness. «Hayat», «Irshad», «Fuyuzat», «Molla Nasreddin», «Dirilik», «Achyk soz», «Istiglal» — functioned as progressive, democratic media in Northern Azerbaijan. The article emphasizes the importance of the media in the life of the Azerbaijani Turks. The subject of the research is the media leading to the ideals of the republic while maintaining the solidarity and national identity of the Turkic-Muslim population. The research is based on data from journal publications from 1905-1907, the main driving force of the national liberation movement in Azerbaijan.
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Kühschelm, Oliver. "Buy national campaigns: Patriotic shopping and the capitalist nation state." Journal of Modern European History 18, no. 1 (January 21, 2020): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1611894419894503.
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Since the eighteenth century, but with increased dynamism in the twentieth century, calls on consumers to buy national products have proliferated all around the world. This article discusses which historical constellations have given rise to the demand for patriotic shopping. Each case raises the question whether the demand was voiced within the framework of a broad national movement with political, cultural, and economic goals or was rather a case of business interest groups attempting to increase sales. These are not mutually exclusive alternatives: calls to buy national have often entailed an element of both. However, some have more the character of a movement beyond the immediate control of business groups, while others are just a promotional campaign. All in all, the demand for nationally minded consumption has mostly sought to establish business as deserving the solidarity of citizens. It has also displayed a patriarchal and authoritarian bent. But have such exhortations produced the desired effect? It is doubtful that any buy national campaign or movement has fundamentally changed the shopping patterns of consumers, at least if we discount physical violence and short-term success. Yet the call for patriotic consumption has often prepared the discursive ground for protectionist measures. As an effort to promote consent, they have tied into the hegemonic project of the capitalist nation state.
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Andrews, Nathaniel. "Repression, solidarity, and a legacy of violence: Spanish anarcho-syndicalism and the years of 'pistolerismo', 1919‐231." International Journal of Iberian Studies 32, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 173–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/ijis_00004_1.
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Abstract During the First World War, the Spanish Labour Movement gained steadily in strength, and by 1919 the CNT (National Confederation of Labour) had over 700,000 affiliates. However, the ascendance of the anarcho-syndicalist movement met with severe government repression, especially in Catalonia. In November 1920, the authorities unleashed an all-out offensive against the CNT, arresting members and ordering raids of union offices. Shootings between anarchists and the hired guns of the employer class occurred with increasing regularity, and anarchists were frequently arrested and tortured by the authorities. Whilst acknowledging the difficulties that militants faced during these years, and the damage that the violence did to the movement in the long term, this article assesses the ways in which militants resisted the repression, and the symbolic importance that the anarchist action groups assumed for militants in later struggles.
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Chowers, Eyal. "The End of Building: Zionism and the Politics of the Concrete." Review of Politics 64, no. 4 (2002): 599–626. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500035890.
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The article reflects on the place of building (both as an activity and as an object) in modern, organic nationalism. In particular, it studies the role of building in the movement that epitomizes the Promethean aspect of modernity—Zionism. In this Jewish national movement metaphors ofbuilding are used very often to connote belonging on three different levels: in the material world produced by human beings, in a historically meaningful and humanized space, and in a community of constructors that willfully reshapes both space and matter. But by conceptualizing their collective project as a building, and by envisioning themselves as builders, many Zionists espoused a problematic understanding of democratic politics: the practical skills required by builders do not foster the critical thought, independence, and moral judgment required of the citizen, and the nonverbal solidarity among builders is essentially different from the solidarity required by a plurality of citizens. In other words, the ethos of builders that was essential for establishing a commonwealth from scratch is fundamentally at odds with the ethos required from an ongoing, democratic polity.
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Lewis, Simon. "“Tear Down These Prison Walls!” Verses of Defiance in the Belarusian Revolution." Slavic Review 80, no. 1 (2021): 15–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2021.24.
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This contribution examines the creative energy behind the ongoing protests in Belarus, with a focus on poetry and music. Belarus is traditionally a “versocentric” society, where poetry and music have historically played important roles in consolidating national culture. In the 2020 protest movement, fast and widespread distribution through social media has made poetry and music a crucial instrument for cementing a sense of collective identity among protestors, establishing transnational solidarity, and affecting the emotional regime of Belarusian society.
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Brookes, Michael, Timothy Hinks, Geoffrey Wood, Pauline Dibben, and Ian Roper. "“Pulled Apart, Pushed Together”." Articles 59, no. 4 (September 19, 2005): 769–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/011338ar.
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This is a study of horizontal and vertical solidarity within a national labour movement, based on a nationwide survey of members of affiliated unions of the Congress of South African Trade Unions. On the one hand, the survey reveals relatively high levels of vertical and horizontal solidarity, despite the persistence of some cleavages on gender and racial lines. On the other hand, the maintenance and deepening of existing horizontal and vertical linkages in a rapidly changing socio-economic context, represents one of many challenges facing organized labour in an industrializing economy. COSATU’s strength is contingent not only on an effective organizational capacity, and a supportive network linking key actors and interest groupings, but also on the ability to meet the concerns of existing constituencies and those assigned to highly marginalized categories of labour.
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Damier, Vadim. "Anarchists of the Netherlands and the Anti-Colonial Movement in Indonesia." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016179-4.
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The desire to weaken the colonial state prompted anti-colonial movements to seek an alliance with opposition forces in the metropolitan countries, including with left-wing social and political movements. The anarchists of the Netherlands since 1904 have opposed colonial rule in the Netherlands India (modern Indonesia). Without creating their own organizations in the colony, they strove to establish close contacts with representatives of the Indonesian national movement, first of all, with Indonesian students who studied in the metropolis. In 1927, the anarchists managed to establish cooperation with the leaders of the organization “Perhimpoenan Indonesia”, which brought together students from Indonesia in the Netherlands. The interaction took place in the form of solidarity campaigns, the struggle against repression and the sending of troops to the colony, as well as in the process of cooperation within the League against imperialism. However, true to their anti-authoritarian, anti-militaristic and pacifist doctrines, the Dutch anarchists refused to support the idea of creating an independent Indonesian state. This, along with pragmatic considerations (the desire to gain support from more politically influential forces) prompted the Indonesians to focus more on cooperation with the Dutch communists and socialists. After members of the Indonesian Communist Party came to the leadership of “Perhimpoenan Indonesia” in 1931, regular co-operation with the anarchists was gradually phased out. However, Dutch anarchists continued to express solidarity with the struggle against colonial rule and protested against the repression of the Indonesian national movement. After the proclamation of Indonesia's independence in 1945 and the beginning of the Dutch military intervention against the former colony, the anarchists of the Netherlands, together with other radical left-wing organizations and groups, tried to organize protests against the sending of armed forces by the Netherlands state to Indonesia. The Dutch anarchists failed to gain significant influence among Indonesians, although the leaders of the New Republic, despite their political differences, maintained contacts with some of their old anarchist acquaintances.
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Clement, Andrew Anzur. "News from the East: Perceptions of the Free Movement of Persons in the Polish Popular Press." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 31, no. 4 (July 18, 2017): 799–817. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325417716511.
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The free movement of persons in the EU has been thought of as reflecting an ideal of supranational solidarity within the single market. However, over the past decade, it has become a source of political contention among European peoples. Much attention has been paid to Western European, anti-EU sentiment regarding Central Eastern European migration. Yet euroskeptic populism has recently risen within the eastern EU as well. Despite this phenomenon, less attention has been given to discursive views of the free movement of persons in the eastern expansion countries. This contribution takes issue with transactionalist and utilitarian approaches to identity formation. It argues that resilient national identity shapes the perception of national interests regarding the market-based citizenship promoted by the EU institutions. Through qualitative analysis of the high-circulation popular Polish press, this study finds that when viewed through national identity–based interest perceptions, the free movement of persons is not framed in terms of “actual” economic benefits or opportunities. Instead, it is framed as a dubious benefit of EU integration, in relation to many obligations of EU membership. In contrast, the press discourse examined here frames intra-Union migration as the continuing unfortunate necessity of emigration. Thus, national identity conceptions may influence the eastern EU press narrative, causing it to frame the free movement of persons negatively, in terms of perceived interests.
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Ludlam, Steve, Matthew Bodah, and David Coates. "Trajectories of Solidarity: Changing Union-Party Linkages in the UK and the USA." British Journal of Politics and International Relations 4, no. 2 (June 2002): 222–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-856x.t01-1-00003.
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This article analyses the linkage between trade unions and the US Democratic Party and the UK Labour Party in the twentieth century. A typology suited to longitudinal analysis of labour movement union-party linkages is proposed to help characterise and explain historical development of these two national movements through earlier types of linkage, into ‘New Labour’ and ‘New Democratic’ forms. The paper suggests that, from similar starting points, differences through time in the range of types of linkage in the two movements can be explained by a combination of factors of political economy and electoral strategy, a combination that today points towards weaker relationships.
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Caringal, Sharon Advincula. "Shifting Paradigms: Solidarity Groups and the Muslim Secessionist Problem in the Philippines." Comparative Islamic Studies 7, no. 1-2 (September 20, 2012): 209–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.v7i1-2.209.
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This article gives a summation of the Filipino experience in handling the secessionist movement in Muslim Mindanao and the key role played by the international, regional and national solidarity organizations in facilitating a peaceful resolution to this long standing Muslim problem. It discusses the nature of the Muslims’ struggle, their aspirations and their real condition with the end in view of identifying the lessons that can be drawn from it. I factor in the differences between the two groups (the majority- the colonized and the minority- the Muslims in southern Philippines) and use the perspective of a social science practitioner not only in my analysis and interpretation but also in coming up with a “Model for Third Party Intervention” (please refer to the Framework). In view of this model, this article proceeds with an evaluation of the effectiveness of cross border solutions to a national problem. In the end, a clearer picture of how the countries in the Middle East and Asia interact with each other and with the other countries of the world in responding to the Muslim problem in Mindanao should have been provided.
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Horn, Gerd-Rainier, and John J. Kulczycki. "The Polish Coal Miners' Union and the German Labor Movement in the Ruhr, 1902-1934: National and Social Solidarity." Labour / Le Travail 43 (1999): 259. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25148960.
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Abuznaid, Ahmad, Phillip Agnew, Maytha Alhassen, Kristian Davis Bailey, and Nadya Tannous. "Roundtable." Journal of Palestine Studies 48, no. 4 (2019): 92–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2019.48.4.92.
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Delegations of Black revolutionary leaders to the Middle East were a prominent feature of Black-Palestinian transnational solidarity at the height of the worldwide revolt against imperial domination in the decades following World War II. Though they never ceased, delegations have become a critical feature of solidarity practices once more. Unlike their historical predecessors, today's delegations are no longer organized in collaboration with the official organizations of the Palestinian national movement but between individuals and/or social justice organizations. In addition, the delegations are no longer unidirectional, as they now encompass visits by activists from Palestine and other “Palestinian geographies” in the Middle East to the United States. Finally, recent delegations have included one by indigenous youth to Palestine as well as several from the African continent to the Middle East. This roundtable, featuring leading organizers of recent delegations, aims to reveal the ruptures and continuities of a historical legacy. We intend for this roundtable to serve as an archive and a site of knowledge production.
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Lidz, Victor. "Afterword: A Functional Analysis of the Crisis in American Society, 2020." American Sociologist 52, no. 1 (March 2021): 214–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12108-021-09480-6.
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AbstractIn 2020, American society experienced a number of crises. They involved raced relations precipitated by the Black Lives Matter movement, the Covid 19 pandemic with its huge loss of life and rates of illness, the economic recession that accompanied the pandemic and efforts to control it, and the tensions of the national political campaign, followed by the refusal of President Trump to acknowledge his defeat. Each of these crises led to cleavages in the relationships of solidarity in the societal community subsystem of American society. The cleavages may prove to be the most enduring of the crises.
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Lal, Vinay. "Gandhi, ‘The Coloured Races’, and the Future of Satyagraha: The View from the African American Press." Social Change 51, no. 1 (March 2021): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085721991573.
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W. E. B. Du Bois, the editor of the Crisis, a journal of the ‘darker races’ that was the organ of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, was among the earliest African American intellectuals to take a strong interest in Gandhi. However, the African American press, represented by newspapers such as the Pittsburgh Courier and the Chicago Defender, was as a whole prolific in its representation of the Indian Independence movement. This article, after a detailed consideration of Du Bois’s advocacy of Gandhi’s ideas, analyses the worldview of the African American press and its outlook towards the movement in India. It is argued that a more ecumenical conception of the ‘Global South’ ought to be sensitive to African American history, and I suggest that African American newspapers played a critical role in shaping notions of the solidarity of coloured peoples, pivoting their arguments around the Indian Independence movement and particularly the satyagraha campaigns of Gandhi.
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Garcia, Jonathan, and Richard Parker. "From global discourse to local action: the makings of a sexual rights movement?" Horizontes Antropológicos 12, no. 26 (December 2006): 13–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0104-71832006000200002.
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This paper focuses on the development of discourses around sexual rights, linking tendencies in official global dialogues with national and local realities. Recognizing some of the factors that have facilitated or impeded discourses and action to promote sexual rights around the world, we explore the principles and processes of framing sexual rights and sexual citizenship. We consider political opportunity and the mobilization of resources as important as cultural and emotional interpretations of sexual rights in conceptualizing a "sexual rights movement". Throughout the paper we question whether a movement based on solidarity can be forged between different social movements (i.e., feminist movements, HIV/AIDS movements, LGBT movements, etc.) that are advocating for distinct sexual rights. While theoretically sexual rights range from protection from sexual violation to the celebration of sexual pleasure, in reality the agendas of sexual rights movements are still largely fragmented, heteronormative, and focused on negative rights.
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Gould, Jeffrey. "The cost of solidarity: the salvadoran labor movement in Puerto el Triunfo and Greater San Salvador in 1979 and 1980." Diálogos Revista Electrónica 16 (November 24, 2015): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15517/dre.v0i0.22000.
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This essay analysis the labor movement in Puerto Triunfo and Greater San Salvador in 1979 and 1980. The common ideological bond linking both the port labor movement and the San Salvador movement was a rudimentary syndicalism that had no formal expression either locally or nationally. The evidence presented in this essay suggests that the local and national movements in late 1970s Salvador reflected some of the attitude, technique, and strategy but not necessarily the hope of classic syndicalism. Yet, those ideological forms remained as inchoate expressions. Moreover, the syndicalists of El Salvador labored under authoritarian and increasingly terroristic conditions unimaginable to the founders of the tradition. The arrests, tortures, and assassinations not only provoked militant responses but also imposed the necessity for semi clandestine action that made the full implementation of rank and file democracy —a sine qua non for syndicalism— extremely difficult to achieve. The disjunctions between the syndicalist ethos and formal ideological expressions in the port and in the capital had several consequences. First they led to misunderstandings and alienation between the different groups. But at the same time, these various dialectical interplays between formal and informal discourse, between rank and file and leadership, and between the port and the metropole all played significant roles inthe militant rise and expansion of the labor movement. The essay will trace this broader transformation while presenting a detailed examination of the political and social changes in Puerto El Triunfo, a quite distinct history that nevertheless reflected, influenced and paralleled the labor movement as a whole. I will make use of the concept of “desencuentro”.
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Missingham, Bruce. "Forging solidarity and identity in the assembly of the poor: from local struggles to a national social movement in Thailand." Asian Studies Review 27, no. 3 (September 2003): 317–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357820308713381.
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Okafor, Obiora Chinedu. "Remarkable returns: the influence of a labour-led socio-economic rights movement on legislative reasoning, process and action in Nigeria, 1999–2007." Journal of Modern African Studies 47, no. 2 (May 12, 2009): 241–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x09003826.
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ABSTRACTDuring 1999–2007, a labour-led but broad-based socio-economic rights movement, which focused on a pro-poor (and therefore highly popular) anti-fuel price hike message, persuaded and/or pressured Nigeria's federal legislature, the National Assembly, to: mediate between it and the Executive Branch of Government; take it seriously enough to lobby it repeatedly; re-orient its legislative processes; explicitly oppose virtually all of the Executive Branch's fuel price hikes; and reject key anti-labour provisions in a government bill. Yet the movement did not always succeed in its efforts to influence the National Assembly. This article maps, discusses, contextualises and analyses these generally remarkable developments. It also argues that while many factors combined to facilitate or militate against the movement's impact on legislative reasoning, process and action during the relevant period, this movement's ‘mass social movement’ character was the pivotal factor that afforded it the necessary leverage to exert considerable, if limited, influence on the National Assembly.
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Kia, Bariledum, and Ebele Angela Udeoji. "Nigeria’s Foreign Policy, Reciprocity and Africa Centeredness: The Need for a Reconstruction in the 21st Century." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 7, no. 8 (September 6, 2020): 610–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.78.8963.
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Nigeria foreign policy in the 21st century has attracted a great deal of attention, as the dynamics on the world stage and domestic realities continue to impose challenges for the citizens. While many countries have appreciated the new realities of world politics and have however adjusted to the new global situations, Nigeria is yet to adjust her foreign policy with domestic realities. Thus, the study explores Nigeria’s Africa centeredness’ policy with the view to ascertain its relevance or otherwise in the 21st century. Descriptive research method with explanatory variant are used. Findings show that, for as long as the objective of Nigeria’s foreign policy is to ensure protection of black and African interest, Nigeria cannot but find it necessary to offer solidarity with African states. However, because very little has happened to show that she has made so much sacrifice in African affairs, the study recommends amongst others that the scope of Nigeria’s reciprocity should be restricted to issues that are more apparently in consonance with her national interest.
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Gambetti, Zeynep. "Politics of place/space: The spatial dynamics of the Kurdish and Zapatista movements." New Perspectives on Turkey 41 (2009): 43–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600005379.
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AbstractThis paper explores two examples of collective action, the Zapatista movement in Chiapas, Mexico, and the Kurdish movement in Turkey, by focusing on how these movements constructed two particular places, Diyarbakir and Chiapas, after the armed conflict subsided. My first aim is to show how this place-making has affected the discourses and practices of these movements. I argue that place-making is not only about locality or physical setting, but also about constructing a movement and a form of struggle in its own right. My second aim is to discuss the broad outlines of what may be called the “appropriation of space.” This refers not only to the spaces of visibility and solidarity opened up by a movement, but also to its chances of acquiring significance within local, national or global spaces of power. I look at how the Kurdish movement has had an impact on democracy in Turkey and compare it with the Zapatista movements local and transnational effects. I do so by relating physical and metaphorical notions of space to several concepts generated by social movement literature. As such, this study intends to contribute to spatial understandings of collective action. It is also likely to indicate various pitfalls and obstacles for emancipatory social movements in the present neoliberal era.
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Diugwu, Ikechukwu A., Obioma R. Nwaogbe, Victor Omoke, Solomon T. Johnson, and Ashem E. Egila. "Assessment of operational performance of public sector funded infrastructure in Nigeria: the airports perspective." Independent Journal of Management & Production 10, no. 1 (February 1, 2019): 133. http://dx.doi.org/10.14807/ijmp.v10i1.828.
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The study assessed the performance of public sector funded infrastructure in Nigeria, with a special focus on airports. It utilized secondary data obtained from the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN), the Nigerian Civil Aviation Authority (NCAA), and the National Bureau of Statistics (NBS) covering the period 2004 to 2016. A simple regression analyses of the data were carried out using total number of employees as the predictor variable and the total aircraft movement, total passenger movement, and total cargo movement as the dependent variables. The results of the analyses show that the p values calculated were < 0.05 alpha value, implying existence of a statistical relationship among the dependent variables (aircraft movement, passenger throughput, and cargo throughput) and independent variable (number of employees). Furthermore, the time series graphs show fluctuations in growth of the outputs (passenger throughput, aircraft movement and cargo throughput) for the Nigerian air transport system at various periods. This study has shown that there is a need for the government and stakeholders to take immediate actions in tackling factors responsible for the decline and fluctuations in the air transport industry.
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Lindqvist, Mats. "Northern European space making in the era of neoliberal Europeanization and the emerging solidarity among Baltic Sea workers." Focaal 2014, no. 70 (December 1, 2014): 81–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2014.700107.
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This article will explore the prospects of and obstacles to the development of a transnational workers' solidarity movement in the Baltic Sea region in order to meet the challenges posed by transnational capital. The question is examined through a situational analysis of events taking place during a few hours at the Hotel Hafen in Hamburg on 10 November 2010. The subject of the analysis, which is based on personal observation and sound recordings, is the tripartite Steering Committee meeting of the Baltic Sea Labour Network (BSLN). The meeting's primary task was to formulate a statement about transnational strategies and tactics on which the parties—politicians, representatives of the employers and workers' delegations—could agree. The analysis explores the different parties' power resources in the negotiation process, and especially the workers' delegates' ability to pursue a course based on class solidarity. At each stage, we can observe how statements are formulated in an area of tension characterized by unequal power relationships and conflicting discourses in the form of neocolonial, national, transnational (class/region), and the EU's neoliberal and consensus-governed partnership discourses.
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Filippov, Sergey. "The “Flight” of Soviet Elites to Opposition in the Late 1980s – Early 1990s: Macro-Sociological Analysis." Ideas and Ideals 13, no. 2-1 (June 15, 2021): 92–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.17212/2075-0862-2021-13.2.1-92-109.
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The article deals with investigation into the conditions of the defection of the national Soviet party-state functionaries to opposition in the USSR (late 1980s – early 1980s) that is an important indicator of the loyalty of the national elites towards the central government. The analysis is based on comparing two contrastive cases – the Soviet elites of Latvia and those of Kazakhstan in their interactions with the central government as well as local population. Despite seemingly obvious cultural and historical differences, both cases are similar regarding some important aspects such as socio-demographic, economic as well as cultural dynamics in the late Soviet period. In both republics, the proportion of migrants in the whole population as well as in the elites was relatively high. The intensive migration in the post-war period was a result of the rapid industrialization and the Virgin Land campaign in the case of Kazakhstan. The Soviet elites both of Latvia and of Kazakhstan were loyal to the Union center, Russian-speaking and more international than national oriented. Besides, the national movements in both republics were practically nonexistent at the beginning of the perestroika. Nevertheless, many Latvian national ruling cadres joined the opposition in the late 1980s – early 1991s whereas Kazakh national elites remained mostly loyal to the Union center up to the dissolution of the USSR (Kazakhstan declared its independence only on 16 December 1991, as the last republic to leave the USSR) – although Kazakh national party-state functionaries did not have less reasons to get rid of the tough control from Moscow than national elites of Soviet Latvia. As the theoretical basis the author applies the R. Collins` state-centered theory of ethnos elaborated in the framework of the Weberian paradigm. The analysis showed that decreasing loyalty of the Latvian national elites in the late 1980s – early 1991s was due to the success of the protest movement in this republic including the violent confrontation with its rivals in January 1991 (“The Barricades”). A broad support of the protest movement striving for the reestablishment of the independence from the Soviet Union was based on anti-immigration ideological alternative to official Soviet internationalism attracting different social and ethnic groups of Latvian population. A relatively high level of the loyalty of the Kazakh national elites to the central government was caused by the effective suppression of the Kazakh youth riots in December 1986 that triggered the purge of the national ruling cadres in Kazakhstan initiated by Moscow. A relatively low social support of the protest movement in the republic was due to the lack of a broad ideological basis that could create solidarity between different social and ethnic groups that made up the population of Kazakhstan. Besides, the protest of 1986 with Kazakh students as the main participants was perceived by local population in the logic of ethno-territorial conflicts very common in the late Soviet Kazakhstan and evoked therefore not solidarity but fear and anger.
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Jurčišinová, Nadežda. "The Role and Importance of Book Culture in the Activities of the Czech Slovakophile Movement in the 19th Century." Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae – Historia litterarum 63, no. 3-4 (2019): 25–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/amnpsc-2018-0004.
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An important role in the activities of the Slovakophile movement, which was born in Bohemia and Moravia at the end of the 1870s, was played by book culture. Especially by means of books and articles in magazines, Czech Slovakophiles acquainted the wider Czech public with the position of Slovaks in Hungary and aroused interest in the development of Czech-Slovak solidarity. A significant role in this activity was played by the national-defence and Slovakophile association Czechoslovak Unity in Prague (1896–1914), which would send the Slovaks books and magazines, and even the entire libraries. Cooperation in this area was supported even by T. G. Masaryk, but especially by such Slovakophiles as Rudolf Pokorný, Josef Holeček, Adolf Heyduk, Karel Kálal, Jaroslav Vlček, František Pastrnek and František Bílý.
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Maira, Sunaina. "Freedom to Move, Freedom to Stay, Freedom to Return." Radical History Review 2019, no. 135 (October 1, 2019): 138–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-7607884.
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Abstract This article focuses on the sanctuary movement in the United States and Europe, putting into conversation with one another migrant solidarity activists from different national contexts. This transnational roundtable draws on interviews with activists in the San Francisco Bay Area as well as in the United Kingdom and Switzerland, and on a workshop on sanctuary activism that involved forty activists from the Bay Area, Europe, and Australia. The article explores the meaning of sanctuary in these different locations and the strategies used by activists to create various forms of sanctuary while grappling with its contradictions. It addresses three key themes: (1) the meaning of sanctuary in campaigns that enact the right to freedom of movement across borders; (2) the binary of “good”/deserving versus “bad”/unworthy migrants; and (3) an abolitionist sanctuary model that links border violence to carcerality, neoliberal capitalism, white supremacy, settler colonialism, and fascism.
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Knight, John M. "The “Modern Girl” Is a Communist." positions: asia critique 28, no. 3 (August 1, 2020): 517–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8315114.
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Woman was a category in flux during China’s revolutionary 1920s. Alongside commercial magazines that celebrated the arrival of the modern girl (xiandai nüzi) were political currents that prioritized class and nation as sites for women’s liberation. Scholarship has criticized Marxism and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) for negating women’s gendered interests in favor of a class focus. Yet, it was the proletarian women’s movement of the United Front that attracted the largest amount of women activists during China’s National Revolution (1925–27). What was the allure of a Communist-influenced movement for modern girls whose subjectivities were awakened by Western humanist concerns? This article engages select articles from Chinü zazhi (Red Women Magazine) to argue that China’s proletarian women’s movement reconciled Marxist, nationalist, and feminist demands. It was able to do so largely because it took place at a time when there was no unified Chinese nation to speak of, and the CCP still framed its Marxist rhetoric in a May Fourth lens. An examination into the proletarian women’s movement therefore problematizes Cold War narratives about the antithetical relationship between Marxism and feminism and asks us to reconsider approaches toward fostering interclass and international solidarity.
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Mendes, José Ernandi, Elenice Rabelo Costa, Spyros Themelis, and Sandra M. Gadelha de Carvalho. "From Alienation to Solidarity: Educational Perspectives and Possibilities in Brazil and the UK." Beijing International Review of Education 2, no. 4 (December 29, 2020): 571–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25902539-02040010.
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Abstract In this paper, we examine how alienation plays out in conditions of advanced neoliberalisation in education. We discuss two examples which exemplify the depth and extent of alienation. First the attacks on critical thinking in education that have been spearheaded by the ‘School without [political] parties’ [‘Escola sem Partido’] project in Brazil. Second, the mental health crisis that is rampant among staff and students in the UK higher education. Drawing on Freire, we explore how ‘the organization of alienation’ can fuel acts of resistance and praxis which can help us reclaim education and society from the forces of the market. The examples we draw on in relation to Brazil and the UK have not yet become mainstream strategies, especially internationally, that can sustain a resistance movement in education, but they form successful local, in some cases national even, strategies that seem to be able to open new possibilities which can eventually help us find creative and effective ways to make the organisation of alienation the project for Being More that Freire envisaged.