Academic literature on the topic 'National Solidarity Program (Afghanistan)'

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Journal articles on the topic "National Solidarity Program (Afghanistan)"

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Pain, Adam. "Village Context and the National Solidarity Program in Afghanistan." Asian Survey 58, no. 6 (November 2018): 1066–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.6.1066.

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This paper explores the relation between the design of Afghanistan’s National Solidarity Program and implementation outcomes. It draws on a study of village contexts to understand the variability in the relations of responsibility and accountability that exist between customary village leadership, village elites, and village households. Findings on diverse processes of “bricolage” between the NSP intervention and customary practices highlight the politics of village life, which the technical assumptions of the NSP do not address.
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Monsutti, Alessandro. "Fuzzy Sovereignty: Rural Reconstruction in Afghanistan, between Democracy Promotion and Power Games." Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, no. 3 (July 2012): 563–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417512000230.

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AbstractThis paper contributes to the study of new forms of transnational power constituted by the action of international and nongovernmental organizations, to which gravitate loose networks of activists variously promoting democracy, human rights, the empowerment of women, and environmental conservation. The paper's focus is impacts that the massive reconstruction effort is having on Afghan society, examined through a case study of The National Solidarity Programme (NSP), the main project of rural rehabilitation underway in the country. Launched in 2003, its objective is to bring development funds directly to rural people and to establish democratically elected local councils that will identify needs, and plan and manage the reconstruction. Although the NSP's political significance faded in the context of the presidential elections of 2009, which were characterized by quickly evolving alliances, the program illustrates how reconstruction funds are an integral part of Afghanistan's social and political landscape. My arguments are four-fold: First, the NSP subtly modifies participants' body gestures and codes of conduct. Second, the program's fundamental assumptions are at odds with the complex social fabric and the overlapping sources of solidarity and conflict that characterize rural Afghanistan. Third, the ways in which political actors use material and symbolic resources channeled through the NSP mirror national struggles for power. Finally, such programs are one element in a much larger conceptual and bureaucratic apparatus that promotes new forms of transnational governmentality that coexist with and sometimes challenge the more familiar, territorialized expressions of state power and sovereignty.
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Piou, Elsa. "L’évaluation des programmes de développement en Afghanistan. étude de cas : une évaluation participative du Programme de Solidarité Nationale." Canadian Journal of Program Evaluation 24, no. 1 (March 2009): 109–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjpe.024.004.

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Abstract: This case study focuses on the evaluation and monitoring process implemented for a development program in Afghanistan, the National Solidarity Program (NSP), and a pilot methodology for participative evaluation at the local level. Given the weaknesses of the current evaluation system, which can produce contradictory results, the proposed participative evaluation methodology is based on gift-giving and exchange anthropology theory and attempts to study program impacts through experience and analysis shared by the partners. This methodology raises many operational issues and issues involving the link between evaluation and program processes. The tool presented may be considered a lever for social change through the evolution in perception among various participants.
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Bhatia, Jasmine, Naseem Jareer, and Ross McIntosh. "Community-Driven Development in Afghanistan." Asian Survey 58, no. 6 (November 2018): 1042–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2018.58.6.1042.

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This article assesses the legacy of the National Solidarity Programme in seven districts of Wardak Province, Afghanistan. We find that the NSP largely achieved its development objectives, but had limited effects on state–society relations. The findings also raise questions about the sustainability of community-driven development in insecure contexts.
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Khurasani, Ekramuddin. "Nation Building Elements in Afghanistan." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 5, no. 3 (March 11, 2023): 46–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2023.5.3.7.

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A nation is a collection of people who have common culture, history and values so that these values can cause cohesion and solidarity among different groups in a country. Transitional factors such as culture and language, common race, common history, religion, etc., play a role in the formation of a nation. These factors are among the things that cause the formation of a nation. A nation-building is a sociological approach that is realized as a result of the fading of ethnic, racial, and gender distinctions. Today, nation-building is used as one of the important tools in different societies for the solidarity and integration of ethnic groups. Various factors play a role in the process of nation-building, and these factors have both strengthening and inhibiting roles. When national-civil nationalism is strengthened in the process of nation-building, the process of nation-building is realized, but with the strengthening of ethnic and religious nationalism, the process of nation-building faces a dead end. Countries that have been able to build a nation have been able to form a single nation by strengthening nationalism. But in countries where there is ethnic and religious nationalism, the process of nation-building faces many challenges. Therefore, the realization of the nation-building process in heterogeneous societies is one of the important tools for the cohesion and solidarity of different ethnic groups, and with the realization of this process, social distinctions disappear, and all citizens enjoy the same privileges and equal rights in a country. In this research, using the descriptive-analytical method, the tools and methods of nation-building in Afghanistan have been examined.
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Beath, Andrew, Fotini Christia, and Ruben Enikolopov. "The National Solidarity Programme: Assessing the Effects of Community-Driven Development in Afghanistan." International Peacekeeping 22, no. 4 (August 6, 2015): 302–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2015.1059287.

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BAYIR, Fikret. "REASONS FOR FAILURE OF AFGHANISTAN NATIONAL SECURITY FORCES." SAVSAD Savunma ve Savaş Araştırmaları Dergisi 32, no. 2 (December 29, 2022): 217–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.54078/savsad.1081896.

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The aim of this study is to investigate the reasons for the inadequacy of the Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF), formed by the multinational military force under the command of NATO. For this purpose, the security situation of Afghanistan in the last twenty years has been examined in three periods. The first period is ISAF operations from 2001-2010. During this period, ISAF took on the task of both ensuring national security and establishing the ANSF. The second period is the “transition” period between 2011 and 2014, in which security responsibility is transferred. The last period is that ANSF assumed the responsibility of country security. In order to understand the security and establishment/operation processes of the ANSF in all three periods, interviews were conducted with 28 officers (currently retired) assigned to the region by the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF). According to the results, ISAF could not stop the increasing attacks of the Taliban in the first period and could not seize the military initiative. The ANSF, which was formed in this period, entered the transition period before it could gain full operational competence due to the lack of training and equipment. Hearing that the United States of America (USA) started negotiations with the Taliban during the transition period was met with suspicion in the ANSF and negatively affected the operations. In the third period when the ANSF assumed security responsibility, the Taliban attacks continued to increase and as a result, international forces withdrew from the country in September 2021, leaving Afghanistan to the Taliban. Other factors affecting the failure of ANSF is the inability to set law and order in the country, the inability to prevent corruption, the lack of unity and solidarity among ethnic groups, and the lack of "national consciousness".
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Fabiszewski, Wojciech. "„Samorządna Rzeczpospolita” – ideowy drogowskaz „Solidarności”." Copernicus Political and Legal Studies 5, no. 1 (2023): 54–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/cpls.2022106.

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In the autumn of 1981, the 1st National Congress of Delegates of the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union “Solidarity” took place, which democratically elected its authorities and adopted a modern program. The program covered all areas of life. Its basis was supposed to be workers’ self-government. The gradual implementation of the program was to lead to the democratization of the system through free elections at the regional and then national level. The introduction of martial law made it impossible to start reforms and delayed the political transformation. During the system change in 1989, during the Round Table talks, some of the provisions contained in the “Solidarity” program were used. We can acknowledge that the 1st National Congress of Solidarity Delegates played a role in the process of political and social transformation in Poland. Further implementation of the postulates was possible in a democratic system.
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Fabiszewski, Wojciech. "„Samorządna Rzeczpospolita” – ideowy drogowskaz „Solidarności”." Copernicus Political and Legal Studies 5, no. 1 (2023): 54–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/cpls.2023106.

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In the autumn of 1981, the 1st National Congress of Delegates of the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union “Solidarity” took place, which democratically elected its authorities and adopted a modern program. The program covered all areas of life. Its basis was supposed to be workers’ self-government. The gradual implementation of the program was to lead to the democratization of the system through free elections at the regional and then national level. The introduction of martial law made it impossible to start reforms and delayed the political transformation. During the system change in 1989, during the Round Table talks, some of the provisions contained in the “Solidarity” program were used. We can acknowledge that the 1st National Congress of Solidarity Delegates played a role in the process of political and social transformation in Poland. Further implementation of the postulates was possible in a democratic system.
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Sirat, Abdul Wali, and Zabihullah Nadry. "Assessing the Elements of National Unity in the Context of Afghanistan's Contemporary History Subject from the Perspective of Students." Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Studies 5, no. 4 (March 31, 2023): 01–07. http://dx.doi.org/10.32996/jhsss.2023.5.4.1.

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The contemporary History of Afghanistan is included in the curriculum of all fields of studies in university as an inclusive university subject throughout the country to familiarize students with the nation's contemporary history and foster national cohesion and unity among all ethnicities living in Afghanistan. Therefore, the present study assesses the Elements of national unity in the context of Afghanistan's contemporary history subject. However, this subject plays a pale role in cohesion and solidarity. The research used both qualitative and quantitative methods. The data for this study was collected through an appropriate questionnaire. The population of this study included all Samangan university students of education faculty and agriculture faculty. From 2150 students in education and agriculture faculties, 345 were selected and studied using multistage cluster random sampling. The research measurement tools included a researcher-made questionnaire with 21 questions Likert scale, and Cronbach's alpha was 0.825. In addition, the researcher-made questionnaire was based on the results of the data analysis. The findings show that the contents of contemporary Afghan history subject are written with a political and military approach and have no effect on enhancing the students' national unity. The results show that the elements of national unity, such as the place of Islam, common land, common history, and common culture are present in the context of the contemporary history of Afghanistan.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "National Solidarity Program (Afghanistan)"

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Hosai, Qasmi. "Building Solidarity and Social Cohesion through Participatory Communication in Afghanistan: A Case of the National Solidarity Program." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26130.

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Although different studies have been conducted on various aspects of the National Solidarity Program (NSP) in Afghanistan, research on strengthening solidarity and social cohesion through its participatory approach has received little attention. This research used development communication as a theoretical framework to understand the role of participatory communication in strengthening solidarity and social cohesion in Afghanistan. The study employed a qualitative case study. To this end, the study used semi-structured interviews via email and telephone with 10 participants. Thematic analysis was used to code and categorize the data. The study findings show that the NSP appears to promote participation and increase collectiveness among the Afghan people, which, in turn, seem to strengthen solidarity and social cohesion. Finally, future research areas are discussed in the light of these findings.
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Fuentes, Tomislav Lendo. "The political implications of the National Solidarity Program of the Mexican Government (1989-1994)." Thesis, University of Essex, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.364509.

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Piou, Elsa. "Impact et appropriation d'un programme de développement dans des districts ruraux afghans : l'articulation entre projets de développement et sociétés locales." Paris, EHESS, 2009. http://www.theses.fr/2009EHES0024.

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La dimension politique de la relation d'aide: quelle réappropriation possible ? L'arrivée d'un projet sur un territoire modifie les relations de domination et de pouvoir existantes, donnant lieu à des tentatives de réciprocité et d'appropriation. Cette thèse porte sur les interactions et l'articulation entre sociétés locales et programmes de développement. Si ces programmes sont facteurs de changement social et de recomposition identitaire, ils suscitent également des réactions, des adaptations et des phénomènes d'appropriation, voire de rejet. L'étude de cas porte sur le Programme de Solidarité Nationale (NSP) dans plusieurs districts ruraux d'Afghanistan entre 2004 et 2008. Les programmes de développement promeuvent de nouveaux paradigmes: participation des femmes, démocratie, bonne gouvernance, accountability, etc. Une politique volontariste d'aide au développement, visant à démocratiser la société afghane, peut aboutir à des résultats contradictoires Les représentations, valeurs, stratégies, dimensions symboliques, relations humaines, qui se jouent autour d'un projet démontrent la nécessité de renouveler les politiques de « développement» mises en œuvre en Afghanistan et d'y intégrer une approche centrée sur le jeu social, autorisant l'expression de paradigmes locaux et leur discussion. Les théories du don mettent en évidence les enjeux de pouvoir existants dans toute relation humaine, l'importance de la circulation des dettes symboliques, constructrices du lien social. Les individus et les groupes se positionnent constamment en tant que donneurs et receveurs. La dignité dépend notamment de l'espace laissé pour rendre possible le contre don
The political dimension of the relation of assistance: which possible reappropriation? The implementation of a project on a territory modifies the existing relations of domination and power, giving place to attempts of reciprocity and appropriation. This thesis deals with interactions and articulation between local societies and development programs. If these programs are factors of social change and identity recombining, they also cause reactions, adaptations and phenomena of appropriation, even of rejection. The case study relates to the Programme of National solidarity (NSP) in several rural districts of Afghanistan between 2004 and 2008. Development policies promote new paradigms such as women participation, democracy, good governance, accountability, etc. A voluntarist development policy, aiming at democratizing the Afghan society, can lead to contradictory outcomes. The complex set of representations, perceptions, strategies, symbolic dimensions and human relations taking place in this kind of project, clearly underlines the need to reassess current "development" policies implemented in Afghanistan and to take account of the social stakes into these policies. Gift theories highlight the power stakes existing in any human relation, the importance of symbolic debts circulation, which contributes to the construction of social relations. Individuals and groups get continually the positions of donors and receivers. Dignity depends partIy on space left to make reciprocity possible
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Palm, Erik. "Vilka incitament kan förklara Sveriges engagemang i Afghanistan? : En undersökning ur ett liberalistiskt, ett realistiskt och ett konstruktivistiskt perspektiv." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-31448.

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The purpose of this study was to examine the incentives behind Sweden’s decision to engage in the Afghanistan conflict. The method used to fulfil the purpose of the study is content analysis. The material that has been used in the study is various books and articles concerning Sweden in Afghanistan, Swedish foreign policy and perspectives in political science. The study is multi-theoretical and thus the analysis explains the incentives from a liberal, a realist and a constructivist point of view. The conclusion of the study is that identity has a great part in explaining the incentives for Sweden to engage in Afghanistan, especially because of the transformation in strategy and foreign policy that has taken place since the end of the cold war. Other factors, such as peace building and national interests also are incentives supported by the material used in the study. Yet, perhaps they are first and foremost connected by the constructivist idea of identity.
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Novotny, Ryan J. "The "road" to success : importance of construction on reconstruction in conflict-affected states." Thesis, Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/14845.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
The United States has spent over $2 billion during the last six years to reconstruct and stabilize Afghanistan through the Commander's Emergency Response Program (CERP). This effort is only one of several simultaneous programs attempting to stabilize Afghanistan using approaches including providing humanitarian aid, education, government and security reform, and construction. Construction often involves simple infrastructure development with tangible benefits including increased access, growing commerce and better security. Construction projects can also employ the local population and, if done correctly, develop a sense of community and social capital. What causes construction projects to miss the mark failing to result in creating a stable community? This research compares four different construction programs including CERP, National Solidarity Program (NSP), United States Agency for International Development (USAID), and Provincial Reconstruction Teams (PRT) to determine their potential impact on Afghan stability. It uses a combination of statistical regression, correlation, geospatial and temporal analysis to compare completed construction with recorded SIGACTs (Significant Acts) reported by U.S. forces and NGOs. The results imply that the identified stabilization programs are not using construction effectively to create social capital and stability.
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Books on the topic "National Solidarity Program (Afghanistan)"

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United States. Office of the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction. Afghanistan's National Solidarity Program has reached thousands of Afghan communities, but faces challenges that could limit outcomes. Arlington, Va.]: Office of the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction, 2011.

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Guillermo, Trejo, ed. Regionalism, regime transformation and PRONASOL: The politics of the National Solidarity Program in four Mexican states. New York, N.Y.]: Columbia University, The Institute of Latin American and Iberian Studies, 1996.

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Office, General Accounting. Tax administration: IRS is implementing the National Research Program as planned : report to the Committee on Finance, U.S. Senate. [Washington, D.C.]: GAO, 2003.

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Impacts of Participatory Development in Afghanistan : A Call to Reframe Expectations: The National Solidarity Programme in the Community of Shah Raheem. Klaus-Schwarz-Verlag GmbH, 2013.

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Wilson, Mary Beth. Impacts of Participatory Development in Afghanistan : a Call to Reframe Expectations: The National Solidarity Programme in the Community of Shah Raheem. de Gruyter GmbH, Walter, 2020.

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Mendiratta, Vibhuti, Amr Moubarak, Gabriel Lara Ibarra, John van Dyck, and Marco Santacroce. Expansion of Djibouti’s National Family Solidarity Program. World Bank, Washington, DC, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1596/34447.

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Poszytek, Paweł, Dariusz Brakoniecki, Rostyslav Romaniuk, Roman Kordonski, and Aleksandra Kordonska. Contemporary Challenges in Education. Foundation for the Development of the Education System, Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47050/66515741.

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The publication contains the authors‘ vision on contemporary challenges in education. It was compiled according to the results of International Education Forum held in Lviv (Ukraine) on 16–17 September, 2021. The event was organized by the National Agency of the Erasmus+ and the European Solidarity Corps of the Foundation for the Development of the Education System (FRSE) and the Faculty of International Relations of the Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, which celebrates its 360th anniversary this year. The Forum focused on challenges in the development of educa-tion system in the face of the Fourth Industrial Revolution and COVID-19 pandemic. It also addressed the issue of quality in formal and informal education, which has a direct impact on the competen-cies of young people under the challenges of the 21st century. The Forum also covered the Erasmus+ program within the new financial perspective of the European Union 2021–2027. Internation-al educational mobility is an important instrument for the develop-ment of young people, which should be supported by governmental and non-governmental institutions, educational institutions and business. The Forum provided a platform for discussion and exchange of experience between representatives of different sectors.
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Book chapters on the topic "National Solidarity Program (Afghanistan)"

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Kaplan, Danny. "Toward a Research Program for Studying National Solidarity." In The Nation and the Promise of Friendship, 207–20. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78402-1_10.

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Lim, Jie-Hyun, and Eve Rosenhaft. "Introduction: Mnemonic Solidarity—Global Interventions." In Entangled Memories in the Global South, 1–14. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-57669-1_1.

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AbstractLim and Rosenhaft introduce “mnemonic solidarity” as a scholarly and political program, situating it in the context of the wider project and publication series “Entangled Memories in the Global South.” Their programmatic approach arises from the observation that a global memory formation has emerged since the late twentieth century, involving interchanges of various kinds between national memory cultures and structured by the terms of Holocaust memory. This development and its political implications have been addressed in various ways by scholars under the rubrics of “cosmopolitan,” “multidirectional,” “traveling,” “prosthetic,” “transnational,” and “agonistic” memory, but the new field of memory studies remains Eurocentric and relatively insensitive to the double-edged character of globalized memory—the interplay between de-territorialization and re-territorialization. This volume aims to reset the agenda.
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Tiwari, Varun, Faisal Mueen Qamer, Mir A. Matin, Walter Lee Ellenburg, Waheedullah Yousafi, and Mustafa Kamal. "In-Season Crop-Area Mapping for Wheat and Rice in Afghanistan and Bangladesh." In Earth Observation Science and Applications for Risk Reduction and Enhanced Resilience in Hindu Kush Himalaya Region, 79–101. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73569-2_5.

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AbstractCereal grains are the most commonly grown crops in the world. Wheat and rice are important commodities which contribute to 50% of the world’s food-calorie intake (McKevith Nutr Bull 29(2): 111–142, 2004). These two cereals are critical to food security in the developing regions. In this context, crop-mapping services can be used for detailed monitoring of the cultivated areas; it can also provide the area statistics of specific crops and the data on their intensity across the landscape. This mapping process is also valuable for government agencies since it provides them with critical information that can be used to manage their stocks (for imports and exports). This chapter dwells on a crop-mapping service developed under the SERVIR-HKH program. In this regard, the needs assessment was carried out with the assistance of the governments of Bangladesh and Afghanistan through a consultation workshop. Wheat mapping in Afghanistan and rice mapping in Bangladesh were the top priorities for the respective governments. Here, we discuss two particular mapping exercises that were undertaken in these two countries: wheat mapping in Afghanistan at a national level and the mapping of Boro rice in selected districts of Bangladesh.
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Beath, Andrew, Fotini Christia, and Ruben Enikolopov. "The National Solidarity Programme: Assessing the Effects of Community-Driven Development in Afghanistan." In Development Assistance for Peacebuilding, 20–38. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315113289-2.

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"6 The Implementation of the National Solidarity Programme in Shah Raheem: Introducing the Independent Variable." In Impacts of Participatory Development in Afghanistan: A Call to Reframe Expectations, 325–72. De Gruyter, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783112209059-010.

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Blechman, Barry M. "Covert Operations." In The Politics Of National Security, 137–66. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195077056.003.0005.

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Abstract The withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan in 1989 concluded one of the largest and most successful covert operations ever mounted by the United States. Costing more than $2 billion over eight years, the program to arm and train Afghani Mujaheddin achieved an objective that Congressman Charles Wilson (D.-Tex.) characterized as being “completely beyond the realm of anyone’s imagination” at its outset. The successful Afghan operation is a demonstration of cooperation between the executive and the legislature at their best. Not only was the Congress able to review and discuss the operation over a protracted period of time without any breach of security, but it was the Congress that took the initiative to expand the program’s ambition and scope.
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Klimentov, Vassily. "Conclusion." In A Slow Reckoning, 227–34. Cornell University Press, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501773808.003.0008.

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This chapter concludes that the Soviet–Afghan War has been a crucial issue within the Muslim world. It highlights the importance of the war since it helped with the emergence of Islamic solidarity by providing a consensus on Afghanistan. The assessment of Soviet policy in Afghanistan parallels the Soviet domestic realm since the Kremlin went through a double reckoning process during the Soviet–Afghan War after realizing that Islamism could challenge the Soviet state. The chapter explains how the definition of Islamism as a threat to the state, particularly Russia's Islamist moment, emerged only belatedly and before the Second Chechen War. It cites that the Islamist threat would become central in defining Russia's national security after the rise to power of Yevgeny Primakov and then Vladimir Putin.
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Coraggio, José Luis. "Towards a new economics: concepts and experiences from Latin America." In Towards Just and Sustainable Economies. Policy Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/policypress/9781447327226.003.0002.

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In this chapter the Social and Solidarity Economy is presented both as an alternative theory and a counterhegemonic program of political action that challenges the tenets of the market economy of neoliberal doctrine. The proposal is framed within a substantive economy approach based on the works of Marx and Polanyi. The categories of a substantive economic analysis regarding ethical and specifically economic principles and institutions are outlined. Recent advances in the line of a Social and Solidarity Economy are sketched for some of the Latin American national-popular political processes (Bolivia, Ecuador, Venezuela and Argentina, with some references to Brazil), including an especial reference to the new constitutions and public policies and the tensions between different objectives revealed within them.
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Sarkar, Swatahsiddha, and Babika Khawas. "The Promise of Class Analysis in Understanding Nepali National Identity in Darjeeling." In Darjeeling Reconsidered, 177–94. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199483556.003.0009.

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The class question of Nepali identity in Darjeeling lacks adequate attention, except in the writings of historian Kumar Pradhan. Pradhan has emphasized class as the primary factor that reinforced national unity among the Indian Nepalis (i.e. ‘Gorkhas’) settled in Darjeeling. This chapter explores the interstices between class and culture in order to illustrate how community solidarity rather than class polarization galvanized the pan-ethnic Gorkhas of Darjeeling. The chapter draws on Marxian class analysis with a Weberian tint to conceptually situate the perennial problem of Gorkha identity. Putting Darjeeling, Pradhan’s work, and social theory into dialogue, the chapter shows how the identity question in Darjeeling calls for a new program of research. Situating Pradhan in his life and time, the chapter concludes by asking what lessons one can draw from his proposals in understanding related questions of nationalism, federalism, and pan-ethnic unity across the Indo-Nepal border in the twenty-first century.
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McCoy, Alfred W. "The Stimulus of Prohibition: A Critical History of the Global Narcotics Trade." In Dangerous Harvest. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195143201.003.0007.

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The current war on drugs being waged by the United States and United Nations rests upon a fundamental misunderstanding of the global nar­cotics traffic. In 1998, for example, the White House issued a National Drug Con­trol Strategy, proclaiming a 10-year program “to reduce illegal drug use and avail­ability 50 percent by the year 2007,” thereby achieving “the lowest recorded drug-use rate in American history.” To this end, the U.S. program plans to reduce foreign drug cultivation, shipments from source countries like Colombia, and smuggling in key transit zones. Although this strategy promises a balanced attack on both supply and demand, its ultimate success hinges upon the complete eradi­cation of the international supply of illicit drugs. “Eliminating the cultivation of il­licit coca and opium,” the document says in a revealing passage, “is the best ap­proach to combating cocaine and heroin availability in the U.S.” (U.S. Office of National Drug Control Policy 1998: 1, 23, 28). Similarly, in 1997 the new head of the United Nations Drug Control Program, Dr. Pino Arlacchi, announced a 10-year program to eradicate all illicit opium and coca cultivation, starting in Afghanistan. Three years later, in the United Nation’s World Drug Report 2000, he defended prohibition’s feasibility by citing China as a case where “comprehensive narcotics control strategies . . . succeeded in eradicat­ing opium between 1949 and 1954”— ignoring the communist coercion that al­lowed such success. Arlacchi also called for an “end to the psychology of despair” that questions drug prohibition, and insisted that this policy can indeed produce “the eradication of coca and opium poppy production.” Turning the page, however, the reader will find a chart showing a sharp rise in world opium production from 500 tons in 1981 to 6,000 tons in 2000— a juxtaposition that seems to challenge Ar-lacchi’s faith in prohibition (Bonner 1997; Wren 1998a, 1998b; United Nations 2000d, 1–2, 24). Examined closely, the United States and United Nations are pur­suing a drug control strategy whose success requires not just the reduction but also the total eradication of illicit narcotics cultivation from the face of the globe. Like the White House, the United Nations Drug Control Program (UNDCP) re­mains deeply, almost theologically committed to the untested proposition that the prohibition of cultivation is an effective response to the problem of illicit drugs.
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Reports on the topic "National Solidarity Program (Afghanistan)"

1

Lindo-Ocampo, Gloria Inés, and Hilda Clarena Buitrago-García. English for Business Course. Thematic Unit: Business Events. Ediciones Universidad Cooperativa de Colombia, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.16925/gcnc.24.

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This didactic unit is aimed at the fifth semester students of the Business Administration, Marketing and International Business program, who have already completed the four basic levels of the Open Lingua program. This proposal seeks to develop skills and competencies that allow them to perform in different fields related to private, public and solidarity economy companies, and in various mediation and negotiation processes at national and international levels. The instructional design of this unit contains real-life situations, focused on the world of business, that allow students to interact in various types of business events. The grammatical and lexical concepts, necessary to interact successfully in these types of communicative situations, are introduced and applied. The educational activities are designed to offer opportunities to interact in business conferences, international exhibitions, and seminars, among others. The contents are framed in natural and meaningful contexts. This leads to a greater understanding of the type of language used in business and the way it is used to communicate. The contents are structured in three lessons in which the level of complexity of the topics, tasks, texts and transitions (4Ts) have been considered. Also, various types of activities that activate and reinforce previous knowledge and that, subsequently, evaluate the progress of the students, are included.
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Community approaches and government policy reduce HIV risk in the Dominican Republic. Population Council, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.31899/hiv15.1003.

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Effective programs that avert new HIV infections among sex workers and their partners, and hence the general population, are critical components of national HIV-prevention strategies. Prevention efforts have frequently relied on interventions that reach members of these vulnerable groups as individuals, such as condom promotion and STI management. Now, many researchers and program implementers are increasingly turning to “environmental-structural” interventions that address the physical, social, and political contexts in which individual behavior takes place. A recent Horizons study conducted jointly with two Dominican NGOs—Centro de Orientación e Investigación Integral and Centro de Promoción e Solidaridad Humana—and the National Program for the Control of STDs and AIDS assessed the impact of two environmental-structural models in reducing HIV-related risk among female sex workers in the Dominican Republic and compared their cost-effectiveness. As detailed in this brief, the models, built on years of experience gained from sex worker peer education programs, drew from the strengths of both community solidarity and government policy initiatives and engaged community members in both program and policy development.
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