Academic literature on the topic 'National Union of Mineworkers (South Africa)'
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Journal articles on the topic "National Union of Mineworkers (South Africa)"
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CRUSH, JONATHAN. "MIGRANCY AND MILITANCE: THE CASE OF THE NATIONAL UNION OF MINEWORKERS OF SOUTH AFRICA." African Affairs 88, no. 350 (January 1989): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098153.
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Dunbar Moodie, T. "‘Igneous’ means fire from below: the tumultuous history of the National Union of Mineworkers on the South African platinum mines." Review of African Political Economy 42, no. 146 (October 2, 2015): 561–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2015.1088432.
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Rees, G. "Regional Restructuring, Class Change, and Political Action: Preliminary Comments on the 1984–1985 Miners' Strike in South Wales." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 3, no. 4 (December 1985): 389–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d030389.
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This paper sets out an analysis of the determination of the character of the 1984–1985 miners' strike. This character is to be understood in terms of the continuities between the strike and preceding developments in terms of (1) the reorganisation of the British coal industry, (2) wider patterns of change in the economic and social structure of the coalfields, and (3) active and self-conscious political organisation, especially within the National Union of Mineworkers and left political parties. By means of a detailed analysis of the South Wales coalfield, the highly differentiated regional character of these developments is demonstrated.
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Mathekga, Mmanoko Jerry. "Fighting the battles of the mine workers: The emergence of the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU)." African Journal of Employee Relations (Formerly South African Journal of Labour Relations) 39, no. 2 (February 19, 2019): 190–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2520-3223/5878.
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The Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) was formed in post-apartheid South Africa. AMCU organises workers in the mining and construction sector. The importance and relevance of AMCU in democratic South Africa should not be de-emphasised, given the high levels of labour exploitation by mining companies. The mining sector is regarded as a crucial engine for economic growth and social development. AMCU, as the mining and construction labour movement, plays an important role in ensuring that its members are well represented, work in decent working conditions and are not exploited but are protected instead from the capitalist system in which the global economy operates. However, in the post-apartheid era, trade unions have not been forceful enough in advancing the interests of their members; instead they have been accused of being too close to employers and of having been co-opted by the new government. They are faced with the challenges of outsourcing, labour brokers and contracting-out of services by employers. Trust in trade unions has also decreased. This paper examines the emergence of AMCU and its rise in the mining sector.
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Mathekga, Mmanoko Jerry. "Fighting the battles of the mine workers: The emergence of the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU)." African Journal of Employee Relations 39, no. 2 (February 19, 2019): 190–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2664-3731/5878.
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The Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) was formed in post-apartheid South Africa. AMCU organises workers in the mining and construction sector. The importance and relevance of AMCU in democratic South Africa should not be de-emphasised, given the high levels of labour exploitation by mining companies. The mining sector is regarded as a crucial engine for economic growth and social development. AMCU, as the mining and construction labour movement, plays an important role in ensuring that its members are well represented, work in decent working conditions and are not exploited but are protected instead from the capitalist system in which the global economy operates. However, in the post-apartheid era, trade unions have not been forceful enough in advancing the interests of their members; instead they have been accused of being too close to employers and of having been co-opted by the new government. They are faced with the challenges of outsourcing, labour brokers and contracting-out of services by employers. Trust in trade unions has also decreased. This paper examines the emergence of AMCU and its rise in the mining sector.
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Adam, Heribert, and Kogila Moodley. "Negotiations About What in South Africa?" Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 3 (September 1989): 367–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020346.
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Widespread scepticism prevails that the proper conditions for negotiations do not as yet exist in South Africa. Yet, most major parties to the conflict (with the exception of the Pan-Africanist Congress) flaunt negotiations as the magic formula for settling a seemingly intractable dispute. From the western governments to the Soviet Union, from the African National Congress to the National Party, all advocate negotiations. In 1989 the N.P. fought a successful election campaign to receive a mandate for talks. The A.N.C. issued a lengthy policy document that aims at preparing its constituency and setting wellknown preconditions (lifting of the emergency, release of political prisoners and return of exiles, free political activity). Even the Conservative Party admits that it eventually will have to negotiate the boundaries of a Boerestaat when it ‘opts out’ of an increasingly integrated, undivided one-nation state.
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Murray, Jill, and Ntombizodwa Ndlovu. "O-096 EVALUATION OF PRODUCTION OF 45 YEARS OF OCCUPATIONAL LUNG DISEASE RESEARCH PRODUCTIVITY." Occupational Medicine 74, Supplement_1 (July 1, 2024): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/occmed/kqae023.0688.
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Abstract Introduction The Pathology Division (National Institute for Occupational Health) performs autopsies on mineworkers for statutory occupational lung diseases (OLD) compensation. From 1975, the PATHAUT database contains findings from over 110 000 autopsies. The data have been used extensively for OLD research, surveillance and findings have informed preventative disease initiatives. We explored factors that influenced the production of research outputs (1975-2019). Methods Research outputs were identified from the Division’s records. Production was explored by year of publication, population, disease and commodity mined in relation to contextual factors. Results There were 218 peer-reviewed journal articles and 73 scientific reports. The publication rate increased from 2.9 per year before 1994 (the year of democratic elections) to 6.5 per year post-1994. Studies shifted from descriptive to analytical (epidemiological). Research focused largely on OLDs in gold mineworkers. From the 1990s, studies on platinum miners increased as the industry grew. Other commodities studied include coal and manganese. Most studies were on silicosis, tuberculosis, and emphysema. Fewer studies were on asbestos-related diseases. Emerging health concerns e.g., ischaemic heart disease and HIV were investigated. Increasingly, studies focused on black mineworkers, a hitherto neglected sub-population. 34% of the scientific reports were funded by the Mine Health and Safety Council (South Africa). More recently, international collaborative partnerships became important influences. Discussion Over the 45-year period reviewed, several contextual factors, including changes in disease patterns, methodological approaches, politics, legislation, funding, and collaborative partnerships influenced research outputs. Conclusion Contextual factors have influenced research using the PATHAUT data. Studies have provided useful information for OLD control and prevention.
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Dixon, Bill. "Power, politics and the police: lessons from Marikana." Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 2 (June 2019): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000053.
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AbstractThis article examines the relationship between politicians and the police in the days before the shooting by members of the South African Police Service of 34 striking mineworkers at the Marikana platinum mine in South Africa on 16 August 2012. Drawing on evidence presented to the official inquiry into events at Marikana, it argues that political influence over the police may be exercised most effectively when it is least obvious. Instead of issuing directives, or openly exerting pressure on the police, it is suggested that politicians may secure compliance with their wishes when chief officers share their priorities, and act accordingly. The senior officers in command at Marikana did not need to be told what to do. In ordering an intervention that led to 34 deaths they were behaving as conscious political actors attuned to the needs of a dominant elite aligned to the ruling African National Congress.
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Kappo-Abidemi, Christiana O., Charles Allen-Ile, and Chux Gervase Iwu. "The underbelly of trade unionism in Africa: A comparative analysis of two national trade union federations." Corporate Ownership and Control 12, no. 2 (2015): 455–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv12i2c4p5.
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Since the evolution of organised labour, workers the world-over have depended upon and trusted their trade union federations to defend and advance their social, political and economic interests. These and other worker-related issues have been the focus of successful trade unionism before the emergence of globalization, privatization, outsourcing, contracting and labour-related phenomena associated with diminishing power of organised labour. These factors have been used as indices to determine the growth and effectiveness of trade union federations globally. This article, however, examines ways by which selected trade union federations in Africa have been able to tackle factors militating against their effectiveness. The article draws on perspectives from two biggest federations in Africa- Congress of South Africa Trade Unions (COSATU) and the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC). These two countries are often referred to as ‘African powerhouses’. COSATU is by far, the largest of the three union federations in South Africa. The NLC on the other hand, is the only recognized trade union federation in Nigeria. The aim of this paper is to shed ‘new’ light on the performance of trade union federations in Africa by comparatively analysing how they are perceived by their general membership in relation to their effectiveness in securing or promoting governance and the resultant effect on their members and non-members alike are examined and compared with respect to their effectiveness in both countries. The paper is based on research that utilised quantitative and primary data collected through survey questionnaires administered to members of selected trade unions that are affiliated to these two trade union federations. Results emerging from empirical analyses indicate that COSATU and NLC activities go far beyond traditional workers representation
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Mashilo, Alex M., and Edward Webster. "Upgrading in Automotive Global Production Networks: Workers’ Power in South Africa." Journal of Labor and Society 24, no. 4 (August 2, 2021): 525–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24714607-bja10021.
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Abstract The introduction of the concept of social upgrading was a welcome development in the study of Global Production Networks (gpns). We argue that although social upgrading is primarily a result of labour agency rather than automatically trickling down from economic upgrading, without economic upgrading social upgrading will not be sustainable. We show how it was through the use of their structural power, the development of associational power through building a national industrial union, the National Union of Metal Workers of South Africa, and institutional and societal power, that workers realised social upgrading improvements in the automobile industry in South Africa. The rights consolidated in legislation and the institutions established were the result of workers using their power in strategic ways. We argue for an alternative approach to social upgrading that foregrounds workers power as a crucial determinant of social upgrading. This, we conclude, will require a labour-led development path.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "National Union of Mineworkers (South Africa)"
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Botiveau, Raphaël. "Negotiating union South Africa’s National Union of Mineworkers and the end of the post-apartheid consensus." Thesis, Paris 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014PA010332.
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Cette thèse de doctorat s’intéresse au principal syndicat sud-africain, le National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), fondé en 1982. Partant de ses premières années, au cours de la dernière décennie du régime d’apartheid, elle retrace sa trajectoire, en tant qu’organisation syndicale, dans l’après apartheid. L’industrie des mines emploie aujourd’hui près d’un demi-million de travailleurs en Afrique du Sud et cette recherche, entamée à l’automne 2009, a été marquée par les grandes grèves de mineurs qui ont débuté en janvier 2012. Plusieurs mines de platine visitées avant et, pour certaines, après ces conflits, ont été affectées et, notamment, celle où a été perpétré le « massacre de Marikana ». Le 16 août 2012, des unités de la police antiterroriste ont ouvert le feu sur les grévistes et tué 34 mineurs. Cette répression étatique d’une violence inégalée depuis l’apartheid n’a pas pour autant mis un terme aux grèves qui ont atteint leur paroxysme au cours du premier semestre 2014Based on a case study of South Africa’s largest union – the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), this dissertation puts the current mining crisis in historical perspective. Beyond mining, it proposes keys to understand South Africa’s “negotiated” transformation from apartheid to democracy. It concludes that this country currently experiences what one can call the “end of the post-apartheid consensus”; a moment in which shared elitist conceptions of political and socioeconomic change developed during South Africa’s 1990s transition are starting to be decisively challenged. Departing from the NUM’s early years, in apartheid’s last decade, it analyses the union’s trajectory as a mineworker’s organisation after the end of while minority rule. Questioning NUM representations, in traditional struggle iconography, as a militant and revolutionary organisation, it argues that this union was also historically developed into a disciplined union, structured by and around strong core leadership. In other words, the main questions raised here here are : how are we to understand, in time, tensions between militancy on the one hand, and organisation on the other hand? How are we to accound in non-linear terms for the build up to 2012 Marikana strike and massacre, in a democratic context in which labour relations has supposedly become less adversarial and more workers friendly? What, in the NUM’s organisational ethos, can help us understand what happened, not as if Marikana was the expression of fundamental and untenable contradictions – class betrayal by another name, but as the result of sometimes unintended consequences of a nevertheless conscious and deliberate process aimed at organisation building and development? The main hypothesis that is put to work here is that NUM founders strategically built a centralised and efficient organisation, in order to survive in the mines’ repressive environment. This, in turn, generated tensions, which were to remain, between the grassroots and the top the organisation. In order to fulfil its organisational goals, the union also crucially invested in leadership development, at the expense of membership development. While claiming to be a socialist union that produced professional organisers and revolutionaries, the NUM nevertheless gave birth to professional negotiators who were more inclined towards negotiation than conflict. If the NUM achieved tremendous gains for workers through collective bargaining, the 2012 strikes and their aftermath have shown that mineworkers still aspire to militancy at the grassroots, and that they are ready to fight in order to transform the mining industry. This implies that the workers’ bread and butter demands are also rooted in more structural claims, which have gradually brought the “post-apartheid consensus”, which until 2012 prevailed as a shared narrative of how mining was to be democratised, into question
La presente tesi di dottorato si interessa del principale sindacato sudafricano il National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), fondato nel 1982. Partendo dai primi anni della sua creazione, che corrispondono all’ultimo decennio del regime dell’apartheid, ne ripercorre la traiettoria in quanto organizzazione sindacale nel postapartheid. L’industria mineraria impiega all’incirca mezzo milione di lavoratori in Sudafrica e la presente ricerca, avviata nell’autunno del 2009, si è svolta in parte durante gli importanti scioperi di minatori iniziati a gennaio 2012. Diverse miniere di platino visitate prima e, in alcuni casi, dopo le manifestazioni sono state protagoniste di questi eventi. Un esempio fra tutti è la miniera in cui si è perpetrato il “massacro di Marikana”. Il 16 agosto 2012, alcune unità della polizia antiterroriste hanno aperto il fuoco sui manifestanti e ucciso 34 minatori. Nonostante una repressione statale di tale violenza non si fosse più verificata dai tempi dell’apartheid, gli scioperi sono proseguiti e la situazione ha raggiunto il suo parossismo nel corso del primo semestre 2014
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Rubushe, Melikaya. "Trade union investment schemes: a blemish on the social movement unionism outlook of South African unions?" Thesis, Rhodes University, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1003119.
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South African trade unions affiliated to Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) have taken advantage of the arrival of democracy and newly found opportunities available through Black Economic Empowerment to venture into the world of business by setting up their own investment companies. The declared desire behind these ventures was to break the stranglehold of white capital on the economy and to extend participation in the economic activities of the country to previously disadvantaged communities. Using the National Union of Mineworkers and the Mineworkers’ Investment Company as case studies, this dissertation seeks to determine whether unions affiliated to the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) are advancing the struggle for socialism through their investment schemes. Secondly, the dissertation determines whether, in the activities of the schemes, internal democracy is preserved and strengthened. The theoretical framework of this dissertation emerges from arguments advanced by Lenin and Gramsci on the limitations of trade unions in terms of their role in the struggle against capitalism. In addition, the argument draws on the assertions by Michels regarding the proneness of trade union leadership to adopt oligarchic tendencies in their approach to leadership. Of interest is how, according to Gramsci, trade unions are prone to accepting concessions from the capitalist system that renders them ameliorative rather than transformative. Drawing from Michels’ ‘iron law of oligarchy’, the thesis examines whether there is space for ordinary members of the unions to express views on the working of the union investment companies. By looking at the extent to which the investment initiatives of the companies mirror the preferences of the ordinary members of the unions, one can determine the level of disjuncture between the two. The study relies on data collected through interviews and documentary material. Interviews provide first-hand knowledge of how respondents experience the impact of the investment schemes. This provides a balanced analysis given that documents reflect policy stances whereas interviews provide data on whether these have the stated impact. What the study shows is a clear absence of space for ordinary members to directly influence the workings of union investment companies. It is also established that, in their current form, the schemes operate more as a perpetuation of the capitalist logic than offering an alternative system.
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Graham, Clarissa Jane. "The role of national trade union organisations in South Africa’s foreign policy processes : 1999-2012." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/85684.
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Thesis (MA)-- Stellenbosch University, 2013.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The role and influence of interest groups and non-state actors in the foreign policy process remains an interesting topic for debate. This study explores the role of three South African trade union organisations, COSATU, FEDUSA and Solidariteit, in the foreign policy process of South Africa. It asks what role these trade union organisations played between 1999 and 2012 in the South African foreign policy process and what factors had a bearing on that role. The core argument of this study is that trade union organisations participate in creating public awareness of foreign policy issues among its members and the broader population. Through this role they, in turn, get involved in the foreign policy debate by promoting the participation of the masses. The dual approach of quantitative and qualitative content analysis of online news articles, statements and policy documents produced interesting results about the factors that motivate trade union interests in the South African foreign policy process. The main findings show that South African trade union organisations attempt to influence or engage in the economic and foreign policy processes when it affects their members. Their economic focus is on the extent to which economic factors have a bearing on how the macro-economic policy of the state favours the wealth and development of its citizens over the financial gain of international investors. Interesting findings are presented by the political factors that have a bearing on trade union organisations‟ roles in the foreign policy process of South Africa. The results show that trade union organisations have an inherent interest in the strengthening of democratic values, governance and the protection of human rights. Similar to the analysis of economic factors, it was found that South African trade unions show a greater interest in foreign policy events or issues that affect trade unions or workers domestically or in other states. This can be attributed to the strong sense of solidarity among trade union organisations for greater representation in political and policy processes. The findings of this study imply that South African trade union organisations are part of a growing trend among non-state actors and domestic interest groups that take an interest in issues and events beyond national borders. The results of this study correspond with arguments made in existing literature that South Africa trade union organisations play a minimal role in the making of foreign policy.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die rol en invloed van belangegroepe en niestaatsrolspelers in die vorming van buitelandse beleid bly 'n interessante onderwerp vir bespreking. Hierdie studie verken die rol van drie Suid-Afrikaanse vakbondorganisasies – Cosatu, Fedusa en Solidariteit – in die ontwikkeling van die land se buitelandse beleid. Dit ondersoek die rol wat hierdie organisasies tussen 1999 en 2012 in buitelandse beleid gespeel het, en die faktore wat daardie rol beïnvloed het. Die kernargument van hierdie studie is dat vakbondorganisasies hul lede sowel as die groter publiek van kwessies met betrekking tot buitelandse beleid help bewus maak. Deurdat hulle massadeelname aanmoedig, word die organisasies op hulle beurt by die debat oor buitelandse beleid betrek. Die dubbele benadering van kwantitatiewe én kwalitatiewe inhoudsontleding van aanlyn nuusberigte, verklarings en beleidsdokumente bring interessante resultate oor die redes vir vakbondbelangstelling in Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleid aan die lig. Die hoofbevindinge toon dat Suid-Afrikaanse vakbondorganisasies die vorming van ekonomiese en buitelandse beleid probeer beïnvloed of daaraan deelneem wanneer dit hul lede raak. Ekonomies konsentreer hulle veral op die mate waarin die makro-ekonomiese beleid van die staat die welvaart en ontwikkeling van sy burgers bo finansiële gewin vir internasionale beleggers stel. Dit is egter veral die politieke beweegredes vir vakbonddeelname aan die land se buitelandse beleid wat insiggewende resultate oplewer. Die studie bevind dat vakbonde 'n inherente belang het by die versterking van demokratiese waardes en bestuur, en die beskerming van menseregte. Soos met die ekonomiese faktore, dui die ontleding van die politieke faktore ook daarop dat Suid-Afrikaanse vakbonde 'n groter belangstelling toon in gebeure of kwessies insake buitelandse beleid wat vakbonde of hul lede binnelands sowel as in ander state raak. Dít kan toegeskryf word aan die sterk samehorigheidsgevoel onder vakbondorganisasies om gesamentlik beter verteenwoordiging in politieke en beleidsprosesse te bekom. Die bevindinge van hierdie studie impliseer dat Suid-Afrikaanse vakbondorganisasies deel uitmaak van 'n toenemende tendens onder niestaatsrolspelers en binnelandse belangegroepe om al hoe meer in kwessies en gebeure buite landsgrense belang te stel. Die resultate van die studie ooreenstem met die argumente gestel in bestaande literatuur dat Suid-Afrikaanse vakbond organisasies ʼn beperkte rol binne buitelandse-beleidsmaking speel.
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Mosana, Nombulelo Pascaline. "A model to improve relations between management of the Eastern Cape provincial legislature and national education health and allied workers union (NEHAWU)." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/1026.
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This study seeks to generate a model that will give rise to improved working relations between the management of the Eastern Cape Provincial Legislature and NEHAWU. In the community of the Eastern Cape Provincial Legislature there are perceptions that management and NEHAWU do not trust each other. Based on the above, the main aim of the study therefore is to investigate the truth or falsehood of the perceptions mentioned above and to generate a model. As Punch (1993:37) explains, the researcher provides the hypothesis which is the predicted answer to the research question or problem identified in the study. The formulated hypothesis in this study is that “the application of a model to improve working relations will result in improved working relations between management of the Eastern Cape Provincial Legislature and NEHAWU”. Findings revealed in the answers received from respondents prove the accuracy of the hypothesis. The methodological framework used in this investigation is the qualitative research. Winberg (1997:411) states that in using the qualitative research approach, the researcher looks at people within a specific context. An appropriate research design selected for this research project is the empirical study that utilises the primary data sourced through a survey. A v survey has been conducted targeting different respondents in the legislature community. Findings reveal that in order to improve working relations an enabling environment in the ECPL should be created. Effective and user friendly systems and standard operating procedures should be put in place. Findings also reveal that interaction between management and the union takes place mainly around bargaining issues. Managament and NEHAWU do not trust each other and as a result of that relations are poor. Again, findings reveal a strong support by management and NEHAWU for the development of a “model to improve relations between management of the Eastern Cape Provincial Legislature and NEHAWU”. After analysing and interpreting the findings, the study recommends a model that will help improve working relations between management and NEHAWU. The proposed integrated model deals with institutional strategy that is informed by national policies and legislations, structure (inclusive of MPLs, management and the labour union), systems and standard operating procedures and cultural re-invigoration. Central to this model is an effort to build a team with a common purpose. The model recognises the importance of inter-relation and inter-dependency of its various elements in order to build a successful organization and to cultivate good corporate governance.
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Mwangi, Oscar Gakuo. "Democracy and party dominance in Kenya and South Africa : a comparative study of the Kenya African National Union and the African National Congres." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1008431.
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Kenya and South Africa can be described as dominant party systems, under the dominance of the Kenya African National Union CKANU) and the African National Congress CANC) respectively. A dominant party system is in essence a democracy. The spirit of democracy may, however, apparently be contradicted by the weight of party dominance, thus questioning the content of and prospects for democracy under party dominance in both Kenya and South Africa. The study is a comparative analysis of party dominance in Kenya and South Africa. The main objective is to exan1ine the relationship between party dominance and democracy in both countries. It seeks to find out how party dominance is reproducing itself and surviving the post 1990 transition processes in Kenya and South Africa. More importantly, the study also seeks to find out how party dominance impacts upon institutions that support or uphold democratization and subsequently democracy. The findings of the study demonstrate that party dominance has reproduced itself and survived the post-1990 period, and is also impacting upon democratization and democracy. The dominant parties take a similar trajectory in pursuit of dominance over the state and its apparatuses. However, they differ when it comes to their relationship with the civil society. That between KANU and civil society is antagonistic, as the ruling party seeks to augment political power through authoritarian dominance of the latter to, while that of the ANC and civil society is responsive, as the former seeks to enhance political stability in the country. The impact of party dominance upon institutions that support democracy takes similar and different trajectories in both countries. Similarities arise with respect to the detrimental impact upon institutions of the Executive that ensure accountability and transparency, evident in the increasing cases of corruption, nepotism and political patronage appointments. Similarly, there has been a detrimental impact upon the Legislature regarding parliamentary proceedings. Parliamentary committees and opposition parties are being rendered ineffective as organs of ensuring transparency and accountability, and are often subject to delegitimation. The impact of party dominance on the Judiciary, however, differs in both countries. In Kenya, the judiciary continues to suffer from excessive interference from the Executive and the ruling party, whereas in South Africa the judicial system remains largely independent with regard to the application of justice, despite constant criticisms from the dominant party. The study concludes that South Africa is, gradually, going the Kenyan way. If this condition is left unchecked there is the possibility that South Africa could eventually end up a psuedo-democracy like Kenya, where formal democratic political institutions such as multiparty elections, exist to mask the reality of authoritarian dominance. The thesis recommends that strengthening civil society organizations, opposition political parties, and state institutions in both countries to ensure greater accountability and transparency, will reverse this detrimental effect of party dominance. It also recommends meaningful constitutional reforms that will guarantee greater independence of these institutions, and the decentralization of governmental and political power to check and limit the powers of the dominant party. Also recommended are areas for further research.KMBT_363
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Mcaciso, Zola. "Did the Constitutional Court decision in Assign Services (Pty) Limited v National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa and Others(CCT194/17) [2018] ZACC 22 do away with the TES practice in South Africa?" Master's thesis, Faculty of Law, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/32415.
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This paper is on the impact of the Labour Relations Amendment Act 6 of 2014(LRAA) on the Temporary Employment Services(TES) in South Africa. The TES practice involves a triangular relationship where the TES places workers/employees with a client to provide labour for the benefit of the client. Over the years, there has been an outcry from organised labour for the ban of the TES practice on the basis that it encouraged the exploitation of workers and undermined job security. Other issues associated with the practice were low wages and inferior conditions of service of the placed workers compared to employees employed by the client doing same or similar work. Initially, the TES practice was regulated in a limited way by the Labour Relations Act of 1956 as well as the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 (LRA). The LRA initially only regulated the TES practice in so far as it recognised that the TES is the employer of placed workers and it created provisions for joint and several liability for the client and the TES under certain limited circumstances. Despite these attempts to regulate the practice, organised labour felt it was still not good enough as the same problems continued to persist, as a result they continued to challenge the constitutionality of this practice and called for it to be completely banned. In response, the legislature introduced the Labour Relations Amendment Act No 6 of 2014 (LRAA) in an effort to close the loopholes identified. Section 198A(3)(b)(the deeming provision) introduced by the LRAA stipulates that after a period of three months of placement of workers by a TES with a client, the client is deemed the employer of those workers. It is the interpretation of this deeming provision that has sparked a legal debate in South Africa, resulting in two views on how the deeming provision should be interpreted. The first view is the ‘dual employment' interpretation which suggests that after the three months placement has lapsed, both the TES and the client become employers of the placed workers. The second view is the ‘sole employment' interpretation and it proposes that after the three months has lapsed, the client becomes the sole employer of the placed employees. This legal debate was eventually settled by the Constitutional Court(CC) in 2018 in the Assign Services (Pty) Limited v National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa and Others(CCT194/17) [2018] ZACC 22(Assign Services). The majority view in the CC ruled that the sole employment interpretation is the correct interpretation to be ascribed to the deeming provision, whilst the minority view favoured the dual employment interpretation. This dissertation will critically analyse the legal jurisprudence involved in this debate as well as the implications of the CC decision on the operations of the TES practice in South Africa.
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Makwembere, Sandra. "Public sector industrial relations in the context of alliance politics : the case of Makana Local Municipality, South Africa (1994-2006) /." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2007. http://eprints.ru.ac.za/1175/.
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BOTIVEAU, RAPHAEL. "Negotiating union. South Africa’s national union of mineworkers and the end of the post-apartheid consensus." Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11573/917998.
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Based on a case study of South Africa’s largest trade union – the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM), this dissertation puts the current mining crisis in historical perspective. Beyond mining, it proposes keys to understand South Africa’s “negotiated” transformation from apartheid to democracy. It concludes that this country currently experiences what one can call the “end of the post-apartheid consensus;” a moment in which shared elitist conceptions of political and socioeconomic change developed during South Africa’s 1990s transition are starting to be decisively challenged.
Departing from the NUM’s early years, in apartheid’s last decade, it analyses the union’s trajectory as a mineworkers’ organisation after the end of white minority rule. Questioning NUM representations, in traditional struggle iconography, as a militant and revolutionary organisation, it argues that this union was also historically developed into a disciplined union, structured by and around strong core leadership. In other words, the main questions raised here are: how are we to understand, in time, tensions between militancy on the one hand, and organisation on the other hand? How are we to account in non-linear terms for the build up to the 2012 Marikana strike and massacre, in a democratic context in which labour relations had supposedly become less adversarial and more workers friendly? What, in the NUM’s organisational ethos, can help us understand what happened, not as if Marikana was the expression of fundamental and untenable contradictions – class betrayal by another name, but as the result of the sometimes unintended consequences of a nevertheless conscious and deliberate process aimed at organisation building and development?
The main hypothesis that is put to work here is that NUM founders strategically built a centralised and efficient organisation, in order to survive in the mines’ repressive environment. This, in turn, generated tensions, which were to remain, between the grassroots and the top of the organisation. In order to fulfil its organisational goals, the union also crucially invested in leadership development, at the expense of membership development. While claiming to be a socialist union that produced professional organisers and revolutionaries, the NUM nevertheless gave birth to professional negotiators who were more inclined towards negotiation than conflict. If the NUM achieved tremendous gains for workers through collective bargaining, the 2012 strikes and their aftermath have shown that mineworkers still aspire to militancy at the grassroots, and that they are ready to fight in order to “transform” the mining industry. This implies that the workers’ bread and butter demands are also rooted in more structural claims, which have gradually brought the “post-apartheid consensus,” which until 2012 prevailed as a shared narrative of how mining was to be democratised, into question.
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Mthwecu, Menzi Melrose. "The role of trade unions in Adult Basic Education and Training: A case study of the National Union of Mineworkers in South Africa." 1996. https://scholarworks.umass.edu/dissertations/AAI9619416.
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The administration of basic education and training in South African mines lacks democratic participation, among other problems. This is because stakeholders like worker-learners, educators, and trade unions are mostly not involved when employers plan, implement, and evaluate programs. Currently, the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) is exploring ways in which the Adult Basic Education and Training (ABET) system can be transformed. This case study explains strategies and proposals of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM). Qualitative research methods were used in data gathering. From 1993 to 1994, on-site, I observed and participated in NUM and national ABET activities; interviewed labor and liberation leaders and educators, managers, worker-learners, and NGO adult educators; and analyzed union resolutions, an agreement between NUM and the Chamber of Mines, and national ABET policy proposals. Through workshops, NUM is in the process of building the capacity of mineworkers to participate in the running of programs. Through negotiations with management, an ABET framework has been agreed. Through COSATU and the African National Congress (ANC), NUM contributes in national efforts for reconstruction and development. The defining characteristics/principles of the new industry and national ABET framework are: ABET qualifications will be equivalent to ten years of free and compulsory schooling, leading to a General Education Certificate; both general education and technical training will be certified in a common integrated framework; a national core curriculum, in a competency-based modular format, will allow for assessment and recognition of prior learning and experience. Negotiations are continuing between unions and employers about paid education and training leave, and how education and training can relate to job grading systems. ABET provision, within a national qualifications framework, is intended to: redress the apartheid legacy, and respond to economic and social needs by offering both technical and social skills. Consequently, the ABET framework more than combines the formal, functional, and Freirean adult literacy models. In conclusion, the study highlights some major labor accomplishments, challenges, and questions of this transitional period. It is recommended that, in implementing the ABET vision, joint workplace partnerships/forums be pursued as viable vehicles for learner empowerment.
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Munshi, Naadira. "Platinum politics: the rise, and rise, of the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU)." Thesis, 2017. https://hdl.handle.net/10539/24628.
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Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts by Research in the Department of Sociology, University of the Witwatersrand, March 2017The massacre of 34 workers in Marikana in August 2012 represented a turning point in labour relations in South Africa. The killings, and the show of force that accompanied it, had a direct impact on trade unionism in the platinum belt, where the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) has enjoyed remarkable growth, compared to the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM). The events of 2012 helped catapult AMCU to lead a historic five-month long strike in 2014 that brought the platinum industry to its knees. The 2014 strike indelibly altered labour relations in the sector. This dissertation aims to understand the character of AMCU on the platinum belt in the aftermath of the Marikana massacre. Tracing AMCU’s rise on the platinum mines from 2012 to 2014, the dissertation concludes with three features that emerge from AMCU’s organising style. These are its insistence on a non-partisan, independent trade union movement, its return to a democratic, workplace-centred struggle and a call for wageled economic growth
XL2018
Books on the topic "National Union of Mineworkers (South Africa)"
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Masinga, Gilbert Vusumuzi. The National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) and the mining industry in South Africa 1982-1985. [s.l.]: typescript, 1986.
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Cheadle, Thompson, and Haysom (Firm). [Legal files and documents from the firm of Cheadle, Thompson & Haysom regarding the National Union of Mineworkers, South Africa, 1984-1988]. Braamfontein, South Africa]: DataFilm, 1990.
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Mathison & Hollidge. Labour trends in the South African mining industry: The pains of discovery. Johannesburg: Mathison & Hollidge, 1985.
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Allen, Victor Leonard. History of black mine workers in South Africa, vol.3: The Rise and struggles of the National Union of Mineworkers, 1982-1994. Keighlry, UK: Moor Pr., 2003.
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Citino, Robert M. Germany and the Union of South Africa in the Nazi period. New York: Greenwood Press, 1991.
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Citino, Robert M. Germany and the Union ofSouth Africa in the Nazi period. New York: Greenwood Press, 1991.
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National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa. Constitution of the National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa, as amended by the Fourth National Congress, July 1993. Excom: The Union, 1994.
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Mbeki, Thabo, writer of foreword, ed. The Union of South Africa and the Soviet Union: Fractured solidarity between the African Nationalist Movement, the Trade Union Movement, the Communist International and the Communist Party of South Africa, 1910-1961. Johannesburg: Skotaville Publishing (Pty) Ltd., 2020.
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Ngavirue, Z. Political parties and interest groups in South West Africa (Namibia): A study of a plural society (1972). Basel, Switzerland: P. Schlettwein Pub., 1997.
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Schleicher, Ilona. Die DDR im südlichen Afrika: Solidarität und Kalter Krieg. Hamburg: Institut für Afrika-Kunde, 1997.
Find full textBook chapters on the topic "National Union of Mineworkers (South Africa)"
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Teye, Joseph Kofi, and Linda Oucho. "Policies towards Migration in Africa." In The Palgrave Handbook of South–South Migration and Inequality, 609–30. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-39814-8_28.
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AbstractWhile media narratives tend to suggest an exodus from Africa to Europe, the majority of migrants from Africa move to destinations within the region. Although the African Union Commission and Member States have formulated various policies to govern migration, there is little understanding of the implementation outcomes of these policies on the ground. This chapter draws on a review of policy documents to examine the continental, regional, and national level migration policies implemented over the years in Africa. While the African Union and regional economic blocs have been making efforts to promote free movement of persons, implementation has been poor due to lack of political will to fully implement free movement policies. Additionally, while many of the individual countries have formulated migration related policies that seek to harness the benefits of migration for economic development, resources constraints have affected the implementation of these policies. The findings indicate that to improve migration governance in Africa requires the commitment of governments to implement regional frameworks in their respective countries. There is also a need to invest in capacity training of relevant actors, and better coordination of efforts to address the needs of labour migrants on the continent.
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Monjane, Boaventura. "Agrarian Neoliberalism, Authoritarianism, and the Political Reactions from below in Southern Africa." In Edition Politik, 219–38. Bielefeld, Germany: transcript Verlag, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.14361/9783839462096-014.
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Southern Africa has a very peculiar past. It is a region where settler colonialism used land and agriculture as instruments of domination and oppression. The legacy of this past is visible. Agrarian capital is instrumentalizing this past and advancing agrarian neoliberalism through international financial institutions and other actors. But this is not happening without resistance. Agrarian movements are among those that play an important role in resisting what I call agrarianauthoritarianism,whilepointingthewaytoemancipatorycounter- responses.Advancing with unprecedented alacrity throughout Southern Africa, agrarian authoritarianism is combined with the process of financialization of the land and agricultural sector and instrumentalization of state institutions and policies to foster frameworks that benefit capital while expropriating, expelling, and exploiting peasants and other small-scale food producers. This is the new phase of agrarian capitalism, manifesting itself with varying degrees of authoritarianism, especially through the imposition of neoliberal policies. Looking at Mozambique, South Africa, and Zimbabwe, this chapter discusses the manifestation of agrarian authoritarianism in SouthernAfricaandexploresthewaysinwhichthreeagrarianmovementsinthosecountries , namely the National Union of Peasants in Mozambique (UNAC), the Zimbabwe Smallholder Organic Farmers' Forum (ZIMSOFF), and South Africa's Right to Agrarian Reform for Food Sovereignty Campaign (FSC) forge emancipatory initiatives to counter the authoritarian wave and challenge agrarian authoritarianism in the region.
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"Hoyce Phundulu, the Mpondo Revolt, and the Rise of the National Union of Mineworkers." In Rural Resistance in South Africa, 141–64. BRILL, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004214958_008.
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Moodie, T. Dunbar. "Mobilization on the South African Gold Mines." In Social Movements, 47–65. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195143553.003.0004.
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Abstract In August 1982, Cyril Ramaphosa announced the formation of the National Union of Mineworkers (NUM) in South Africa. South African mining is an industry composed largely of migrant workers, barracked in large concentrated compounds. Black miners typically live at mines located far from large cities, insulated from workers in secondary industry, moving from bed to heavy work to mass feeding to bed in a cycle that John Rex (1973) once called the most effective form of labor control ever invented. Conventional wisdom in South Africa was that such workers were “unorganizable.” In 1987, however, only five years after the launching of the NUM, more than 300,000 black South African mine workers embarked on a legal wage strike. It was the largest black strike ever in South Africa. Black miners stayed out for three weeks before being forced back by mass dismissals. Even the failure of the strike could not conceal the colossal organizational achievement of the NUM, which has become the largest of what Eddie Webster (1988) called “social movement unions” in South Africa. When I began to study the rise of the NUM, I turned eagerly to social movement theory, hoping for a perspective to guide my understanding of actors and events. Although certain monographs were helpful, social movement theory itself was a disappointment. I turned to other, more dialectical, theoretical traditions. In this chapter, I shall use social movement theory to analyze the making of the NUM while challenging and modifying basic assumptions that haunt (and, I believe, hamper) sociological efforts to understand social movements. Three general questions set the focus here. First, what should social movement theory (or any other social theory for that matter) do? Second, what does social movement theory actually do? Third, what is it possible for social movement theory to do?
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Houston, Gregory F. "Trade Union Organisations." In The National Liberation Struggle in South Africa, 147–78. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429442988-7.
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"Changing Leadership Representations and Loss of Union Authority in South Africa’s Mineworkers’ Strikes." In Collective Mobilisations in Africa / Mobilisations collectives en Afrique, 205–23. BRILL, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004300002_010.
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"National Report for South Africa." In Commencement of Insolvency Proceedings, edited by Kathleen van der Linde. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199644223.003.0015.
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That South Africa has a mixed legal system is aptly illustrated by the origin and current structure of its insolvency law. Roman-Dutch law, including the procedure of cessio bonorum, was introduced when the Dutch East India Company established a presence at the Cape of Good Hope in 1652. The Ordinance of Amsterdam of 1777 is still regarded as the basis of South African insolvency law. The first local insolvency legislation was enacted under British rule. While the 1829 Cape Ordinance introduced some English bankruptcy principles, it retained certain features of the Ordinance of Amsterdam. The English influence was extended in the subsequent Cape Ordinance 6 of 1843 which in turn formed the basis of insolvency legislation in Natal as well as in the former pre-union republics, the Orange Free State and the Transvaal. After unification in 1910, the Insolvency Act 32 of 1916 was passed. It was replaced by the current Insolvency Act 24 of 1936. This legislation does not codify the law of insolvency but applies alongside the common law principles derived from Roman-Dutch law.
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Simpson, Thula. "Founders." In History of South Africa, 19–32. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197672020.003.0003.
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Abstract The birth of satyagraha as developed by Mohandas Gandhi during the Indian passive resistance campaign of 1906-7 opens this chapter. Also considered is the 1907 conflict between white miners and mine-owners, as the former sought to protect their racial privileges against the latter's cost-cutting measures. The white workers won a major victory when Louis Botha, the prime minister of the Transvaal, decreed the repatriation of the Chinese miners. Botha's premiership owed to a British decision to grant self-government to the former Boer republics. The chapter discusses the next stages of this reconciliation process, as the Transvaal and the Orange Free State joined the colonies of the Cape and Natal in advancing towards "Closer Union". The process culminated with the creation of the Union of South Africa in May 1910. White unity encouraged parallel efforts among the black population, leading to the January 1912 formation of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC), the forerunner of the African National Congress.
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Beinart, William. "The Settler State in Depression and War, 1930-1948." In Twentieth-Century South Africa, 114–40. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192893185.003.0006.
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Abstract White authority was securely established after the tumultuous decades of the early twentieth century. Union was given political and administrative content and the challenges of popular protests were seen off by ruling groups. The great depression of the early 1930s signalled a sharp break in South African history. Hertzog’s National Party, victorious in the late 1920s, succumbed to the economic whirlwind. As a result, Afrikaners lost their relatively united political front between 1934 and 1948. Smuts and the South African Party were brought into a national government that presided over a period of rapid economic expansion. From 1939 to 1948, Smuts again ruled as Prime Minister. Despite Afri kaner demographic preponderance, white party affiliations remained fluid. The broad accommodations that had been reached by different white interest groups under the umbrella of segregation did not preclude bitter divisions. White dominance was assured but its pattern was by no means predictable.
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Mesthrie, Rajend. "South Africa: The Rocky Road to Nation Building." In Language and National Identity in Africa, 314–38. Oxford University PressOxford, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199286744.003.0017.
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Abstract South Africa is a country which has witnessed spectacular and far-reaching changes from the 1990s until the present, having emerged as a constitutional democracy with equal rights for all races and ethno-linguistic groups only in 1994. Prior to this, the country was subject to two forces of colonization and the assertion of their associated languages, Dutch rule from the mid-seventeenth century and British from the early nineteenth century. It then experienced a twentieth century dominated by increasing racial separation and inequality under the system of apartheid, which took colonial dynamics to an extreme and promulgated a near-complete segregation of people into four main groups: White, Black, Indian, and Coloured. In the colonial period first Dutch and then Dutch and English were imposed as the official languages of the territories within South Africa. The twentieth century saw the rapid rise of Afrikaans as the language of power in the Union of South Africa. This was a form of Dutch which had emerged since early European settlement showing considerable influence from local languages, and which came to be seen and promoted as a central symbol of White Afrikaner nationalism during the course of the twentieth century. Under the domination of apartheid, recognition was given to indigenous African languages, but only in their designated ‘homelands’, areas within South Africa assigned the status of self-governing territories and demarcated along ethno-linguistic lines, KwaZulu being the homeland established for Zulu-speaking people, KwaNdebele that of Ndebele-speakers, and so on. The Afrikaner government thus supported a Herderian view of nation–language–culture, and saw not one nation but many nations in the territory, which would be allowed to ‘develop separately’ (Alexander 1989). These homelands had little legitimacy in the eyes of the Black population, however, as they were illresourced, primarily rural, and sustained the apparent divide-and-rule policy of the White government. The extremism of apartheid finally came to a head in the late 1970s and 1980s, with the country close to civil war and under increasing international
Conference papers on the topic "National Union of Mineworkers (South Africa)"
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Heard, R. G. "International Initiatives Addressing the Safety and Security of Disused Sealed Radioactive Sources (DSRS)." In ASME 2010 13th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2010-40028.
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High activity radioactive sources provide great benefit to humanity through their utilization in agriculture, industry, medicine, research and education, and the vast majority are used in well-controlled environments. None-the-less, control has been lost over a small fraction of those sources resulting in accidents of which some had serious — even fatal — consequences. Indeed, accidents and incidents involving radioactive sources indicate that the existing regime for the control of sources needs improvement. Additionally, today’s global security environment requires more determined efforts to properly control radioactive sources. Consequently, the current regimes must be strengthened in order to ensure control over sources that are outside of regulatory control (orphan sources), as well as for sources that are vulnerable to loss, misuse, theft, or malicious use. Besides improving the existing situation, appropriate norms and standards at the national and international levels must continue to be developed to ensure the long-term sustainability of control over radioactive sources. In order to improve the existing situation, concerted national and international efforts are needed and, to some degree, are being implemented to strengthen the safety and security of sources in use, as well as to improve the control of disused sources located at numerous facilities throughout the world. More efforts must also be made to identify, recover, and bring into control orphan sources. The IAEA works closely with Member States to improve the safety and security of radioactive sources worldwide. Besides the IAEA Technical Assistance Programme and Technical Cooperation Fund, donor States provide significant financial contributions to the Nuclear Security Fund and/or direct technical support to other States to recover condition and transfer disused sources into safe and secure storage facilities and to upgrade the physical protection of sources that are in use. Under the USA-Russian Federation-IAEA (“Tripartite”) Initiative, for example, disused sources of a total activity of 2120 TBq (57251 Ci) were recovered and transported into safe and secure storage facilities in six countries of the former Soviet Union. Additionally, physical protection upgrades were performed in thirteen former Soviet Union republics at facilities using or storing high activity radioactive sources. Other donors have also provided funding for projects related to the safety and security of radioactive sources in the same region. Additionally, the EU and other countries are making regular and significant contributions to the IAEA for projects aimed at upgrading the safety and security of radioactive sources in South-Eastern Europe, the Middle East, Asia and Africa. Depending on the status of the radioactive source (in use, disused, or orphan) and the actual technical, safety and security situation, several options exist to ensure the source is properly brought or maintained under control. This paper will describe those options and the systematic approach followed by the IAEA in deciding on the most appropriate actions to take for the high activity sources that need to be recovered or removed from the countries under that request assistance.
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Silvestru, Ramona camelia, Lavinia Nemes, and Catalin ionut Silvestru. "CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES IN KNOWLEDGE SHARING IN E-LEARNING PROGRAMS FOR PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION." In eLSE 2014. Editura Universitatii Nationale de Aparare "Carol I", 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-14-212.
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The G20 Moscow summit from 2013 highlighted the fact that human resource development remained a major priority for developing countries, especially low-income countries, with important impact on the priorities of other low income countries. When discussing about the current global economic development, about increasing economic competitiveness and reducing economic risks of global crises, we take also into consideration the role that governments and their staff can play in ensuring the adequate implementation of the various policy measures. In order for the government staff to perform at high levels of competence both in high and low income countries, especially in G20 members (Argentina, Australia, Brazil, Canada, China, France, Germany, India, Indonesia, Italy, Japan, the Republic of Korea, Mexico, Russia, Saudi Arabia, South Africa, Turkey, the United Kingdom, the United States of America plus the European Union member states), we consider that continuous education / lifelong learning would be crucial in providing an enabling environment, with e-learning holding a key position, as it enables people, civil servants to deal with future challenges raised by knowledge and information society. In the framework of the technological, normative and procedural evolutions that influence how the staff from public administrations works and possible openness towards e-learning programs, while aware of the various pedagogic, administrative and economic factors that provide incentives as well as drawbacks in using e-learning in providing training to civil servants, we are interested in analyzing e-learning programs developed and used for public administration staff from several G20 states. Our analysis will be focused on assessing the dimensions of the e-learning systems, variety of courses via e-learning platforms, methodologies used in e-learning, possible limitations and challenges in providing e-learning programs to civil servants in several G20 states. The analysis will be conducted using public information available from national agencies with responsibilities in providing such trainings in various G20 states. Our recommendations are oriented towards stimulating the development of an enabling environment for improving inter-agencies and ministerial coordination by intervening at the levels of human resources from the government levels. In this respect, we promote a wider usage of electronic means in lifelong learning for the staff from public administrations and the sharing of information by electronic means aimed at ensuring further human resource development from the public administration. Moreover, we strongly consider that continuous human resource development in the public administration apparatus from the G20 states and knowledge sharing would provide adequate framework for ensuring that government priorities and policy coordination in order to achieve global economic stability, sustainable growth could be achieved, while also contributing to the development of knowledge and information society and economy.
Reports on the topic "National Union of Mineworkers (South Africa)"
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Kira, Beatriz, Rutendo Tavengerwei, and Valary Mumbo. Points à examiner à l'approche des négociations de Phase II de la ZLECAf: enjeux de la politique commerciale numérique dans quatre pays d'Afrique subsaharienne. Digital Pathways at Oxford, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-dp-wp_2022/01.
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Realities such as the COVID-19 pandemic have expedited the move to online operations, highlighting the undeniable fact that the world is continuing to go digital. This emphasises the need for policymakers to regulate in a manner that allows them to harness digital trade benefits while also avoiding associated risk. However, given that digital trade remains unco-ordinated globally, with countries adopting different approaches to policy issues, national regulatory divergence on the matter continues, placing limits on the benefits that countries can obtain from digital trade. Given these disparities, ahead of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) Phase II Negotiations, African countries have been considering the best way to harmonise regulations on issues related to digital trade. To do this effectively, AfCFTA members need to identify where divergencies exist in their domestic regulatory systems. This will allow AfCFTA members to determine where harmonisation is possible, as well as what is needed to achieve such harmonisation. This report analyses the domestic regulations and policies of four focus countries – South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya and Senegal – comparing their regulatory approaches to five policy issues: i) regulation of online transactions; ii) cross-border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection; iii) access to source code and technology transfer; iv) intermediary liability; and v) customs duties on electronic transmissions. The study highlights where divergencies exist in adopted approaches, indicating the need for the four countries – and AfCFTA members in general – to carefully consider the implications of the divergences, and determine where it is possible and beneficial to harmonise approaches. This was intended to encourage AfCFTA member states to take ownership of these issues and reflect on the reforms needed. As seen in Table 1 below, the study shows that the four countries diverge on most of the five policy issues. There are differences in how all four countries regulate online transactions – that is, e-signatures and online consumer protection. Nigeria was the only country out of the four to recognise all types of e-signatures as legally equivalent. Kenya and Senegal only recognise specific e-signatures, which are either issued or validated by a recognised institution, while South Africa adopts a mixed approach, where it recognises all e-signatures as legally valid, but provides higher evidentiary weight to certain types of e-signatures. Only South Africa and Senegal have specific regulations relating to online consumer protection, while Nigeria and Kenya do not have any clear rules. With regards to cross border data flows, data localisation, and personal data protection, the study shows that all four focus countries have regulations that consist of elements borrowed from the European Union (EU) General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR). In particular, this was regarding the need for the data subject's consent, and also the adequacy requirement. Interestingly, the study also shows that South Africa, Kenya and Nigeria also adopt data localisation measures, although at different levels of strictness. South Africa’s data localisation laws are mostly imposed on data that is considered critical – which is then required to be processed within South African borders – while Nigeria requires all data to be processed and stored locally, using local servers. Kenya imposes data localisation measures that are mostly linked to its priority for data privacy. Out of the four focus countries, Senegal is the only country that does not impose any data localisation laws. Although the study shows that all four countries share a position on customs duties on electronic transmissions, it is also interesting to note that none of the four countries currently have domestic regulations or policies on the subject. The report concludes by highlighting that, as the AfCFTA Phase II Negotiations aim to arrive at harmonisation and to improve intra-African trade and international trade, AfCFTA members should reflect on their national policies and domestic regulations to determine where harmonisation is needed, and whether AfCFTA is the right platform for achieving this efficiently.