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Journal articles on the topic 'National Union of Mineworkers (South Africa)'
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1
CRUSH, JONATHAN. "MIGRANCY AND MILITANCE: THE CASE OF THE NATIONAL UNION OF MINEWORKERS OF SOUTH AFRICA." African Affairs 88, no. 350 (January 1989): 5–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a098153.
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Dunbar Moodie, T. "‘Igneous’ means fire from below: the tumultuous history of the National Union of Mineworkers on the South African platinum mines." Review of African Political Economy 42, no. 146 (October 2, 2015): 561–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03056244.2015.1088432.
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Rees, G. "Regional Restructuring, Class Change, and Political Action: Preliminary Comments on the 1984–1985 Miners' Strike in South Wales." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 3, no. 4 (December 1985): 389–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d030389.
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This paper sets out an analysis of the determination of the character of the 1984–1985 miners' strike. This character is to be understood in terms of the continuities between the strike and preceding developments in terms of (1) the reorganisation of the British coal industry, (2) wider patterns of change in the economic and social structure of the coalfields, and (3) active and self-conscious political organisation, especially within the National Union of Mineworkers and left political parties. By means of a detailed analysis of the South Wales coalfield, the highly differentiated regional character of these developments is demonstrated.
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Mathekga, Mmanoko Jerry. "Fighting the battles of the mine workers: The emergence of the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU)." African Journal of Employee Relations (Formerly South African Journal of Labour Relations) 39, no. 2 (February 19, 2019): 190–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2520-3223/5878.
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The Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) was formed in post-apartheid South Africa. AMCU organises workers in the mining and construction sector. The importance and relevance of AMCU in democratic South Africa should not be de-emphasised, given the high levels of labour exploitation by mining companies. The mining sector is regarded as a crucial engine for economic growth and social development. AMCU, as the mining and construction labour movement, plays an important role in ensuring that its members are well represented, work in decent working conditions and are not exploited but are protected instead from the capitalist system in which the global economy operates. However, in the post-apartheid era, trade unions have not been forceful enough in advancing the interests of their members; instead they have been accused of being too close to employers and of having been co-opted by the new government. They are faced with the challenges of outsourcing, labour brokers and contracting-out of services by employers. Trust in trade unions has also decreased. This paper examines the emergence of AMCU and its rise in the mining sector.
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Mathekga, Mmanoko Jerry. "Fighting the battles of the mine workers: The emergence of the Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU)." African Journal of Employee Relations 39, no. 2 (February 19, 2019): 190–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2664-3731/5878.
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The Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU) was formed in post-apartheid South Africa. AMCU organises workers in the mining and construction sector. The importance and relevance of AMCU in democratic South Africa should not be de-emphasised, given the high levels of labour exploitation by mining companies. The mining sector is regarded as a crucial engine for economic growth and social development. AMCU, as the mining and construction labour movement, plays an important role in ensuring that its members are well represented, work in decent working conditions and are not exploited but are protected instead from the capitalist system in which the global economy operates. However, in the post-apartheid era, trade unions have not been forceful enough in advancing the interests of their members; instead they have been accused of being too close to employers and of having been co-opted by the new government. They are faced with the challenges of outsourcing, labour brokers and contracting-out of services by employers. Trust in trade unions has also decreased. This paper examines the emergence of AMCU and its rise in the mining sector.
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Adam, Heribert, and Kogila Moodley. "Negotiations About What in South Africa?" Journal of Modern African Studies 27, no. 3 (September 1989): 367–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00020346.
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Widespread scepticism prevails that the proper conditions for negotiations do not as yet exist in South Africa. Yet, most major parties to the conflict (with the exception of the Pan-Africanist Congress) flaunt negotiations as the magic formula for settling a seemingly intractable dispute. From the western governments to the Soviet Union, from the African National Congress to the National Party, all advocate negotiations. In 1989 the N.P. fought a successful election campaign to receive a mandate for talks. The A.N.C. issued a lengthy policy document that aims at preparing its constituency and setting wellknown preconditions (lifting of the emergency, release of political prisoners and return of exiles, free political activity). Even the Conservative Party admits that it eventually will have to negotiate the boundaries of a Boerestaat when it ‘opts out’ of an increasingly integrated, undivided one-nation state.
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Murray, Jill, and Ntombizodwa Ndlovu. "O-096 EVALUATION OF PRODUCTION OF 45 YEARS OF OCCUPATIONAL LUNG DISEASE RESEARCH PRODUCTIVITY." Occupational Medicine 74, Supplement_1 (July 1, 2024): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/occmed/kqae023.0688.
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Abstract Introduction The Pathology Division (National Institute for Occupational Health) performs autopsies on mineworkers for statutory occupational lung diseases (OLD) compensation. From 1975, the PATHAUT database contains findings from over 110 000 autopsies. The data have been used extensively for OLD research, surveillance and findings have informed preventative disease initiatives. We explored factors that influenced the production of research outputs (1975-2019). Methods Research outputs were identified from the Division’s records. Production was explored by year of publication, population, disease and commodity mined in relation to contextual factors. Results There were 218 peer-reviewed journal articles and 73 scientific reports. The publication rate increased from 2.9 per year before 1994 (the year of democratic elections) to 6.5 per year post-1994. Studies shifted from descriptive to analytical (epidemiological). Research focused largely on OLDs in gold mineworkers. From the 1990s, studies on platinum miners increased as the industry grew. Other commodities studied include coal and manganese. Most studies were on silicosis, tuberculosis, and emphysema. Fewer studies were on asbestos-related diseases. Emerging health concerns e.g., ischaemic heart disease and HIV were investigated. Increasingly, studies focused on black mineworkers, a hitherto neglected sub-population. 34% of the scientific reports were funded by the Mine Health and Safety Council (South Africa). More recently, international collaborative partnerships became important influences. Discussion Over the 45-year period reviewed, several contextual factors, including changes in disease patterns, methodological approaches, politics, legislation, funding, and collaborative partnerships influenced research outputs. Conclusion Contextual factors have influenced research using the PATHAUT data. Studies have provided useful information for OLD control and prevention.
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Dixon, Bill. "Power, politics and the police: lessons from Marikana." Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 2 (June 2019): 203–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000053.
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AbstractThis article examines the relationship between politicians and the police in the days before the shooting by members of the South African Police Service of 34 striking mineworkers at the Marikana platinum mine in South Africa on 16 August 2012. Drawing on evidence presented to the official inquiry into events at Marikana, it argues that political influence over the police may be exercised most effectively when it is least obvious. Instead of issuing directives, or openly exerting pressure on the police, it is suggested that politicians may secure compliance with their wishes when chief officers share their priorities, and act accordingly. The senior officers in command at Marikana did not need to be told what to do. In ordering an intervention that led to 34 deaths they were behaving as conscious political actors attuned to the needs of a dominant elite aligned to the ruling African National Congress.
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Kappo-Abidemi, Christiana O., Charles Allen-Ile, and Chux Gervase Iwu. "The underbelly of trade unionism in Africa: A comparative analysis of two national trade union federations." Corporate Ownership and Control 12, no. 2 (2015): 455–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.22495/cocv12i2c4p5.
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Since the evolution of organised labour, workers the world-over have depended upon and trusted their trade union federations to defend and advance their social, political and economic interests. These and other worker-related issues have been the focus of successful trade unionism before the emergence of globalization, privatization, outsourcing, contracting and labour-related phenomena associated with diminishing power of organised labour. These factors have been used as indices to determine the growth and effectiveness of trade union federations globally. This article, however, examines ways by which selected trade union federations in Africa have been able to tackle factors militating against their effectiveness. The article draws on perspectives from two biggest federations in Africa- Congress of South Africa Trade Unions (COSATU) and the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC). These two countries are often referred to as ‘African powerhouses’. COSATU is by far, the largest of the three union federations in South Africa. The NLC on the other hand, is the only recognized trade union federation in Nigeria. The aim of this paper is to shed ‘new’ light on the performance of trade union federations in Africa by comparatively analysing how they are perceived by their general membership in relation to their effectiveness in securing or promoting governance and the resultant effect on their members and non-members alike are examined and compared with respect to their effectiveness in both countries. The paper is based on research that utilised quantitative and primary data collected through survey questionnaires administered to members of selected trade unions that are affiliated to these two trade union federations. Results emerging from empirical analyses indicate that COSATU and NLC activities go far beyond traditional workers representation
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Mashilo, Alex M., and Edward Webster. "Upgrading in Automotive Global Production Networks: Workers’ Power in South Africa." Journal of Labor and Society 24, no. 4 (August 2, 2021): 525–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24714607-bja10021.
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Abstract The introduction of the concept of social upgrading was a welcome development in the study of Global Production Networks (gpns). We argue that although social upgrading is primarily a result of labour agency rather than automatically trickling down from economic upgrading, without economic upgrading social upgrading will not be sustainable. We show how it was through the use of their structural power, the development of associational power through building a national industrial union, the National Union of Metal Workers of South Africa, and institutional and societal power, that workers realised social upgrading improvements in the automobile industry in South Africa. The rights consolidated in legislation and the institutions established were the result of workers using their power in strategic ways. We argue for an alternative approach to social upgrading that foregrounds workers power as a crucial determinant of social upgrading. This, we conclude, will require a labour-led development path.
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Chitimira, Howard. "Selected Aspects of the Regulation of Insider Trading and Market Manipulation in the European Union and South Africa." African Journal of Legal Studies 8, no. 3-4 (April 29, 2015): 183–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17087384-12342062.
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The increasingly global market has given rise to increased interaction and interdependence among national regulators as well as investors in different jurisdictions. However, this has brought several regulatory problems to the enforcement authorities particularly with regard to the detection, investigation and prosecution of cross-border market abuse activities in many jurisdictions, such as the European Union and South Africa. Consequently, the European Union became the first body to establish multinational market abuse laws in order to enhance the detection and combating of cross-border market abuse practices. The European Union Insider Dealing Directive was subsequently adopted in 1989 and was the first law that harmonised the insider trading ban among the European Union member states. Thereafter, the European Union Directive on Insider Dealing and Market Manipulation was adopted in a bid to increase the combating of all the forms of market abuse in the European Union’s securities and financial markets. Similar anti-market abuse regulatory efforts were also made in South Africa. In light of this, selected regulatory aspects of market abuse in the European Union and South Africa will be briefly and comparatively discussed in tandem. Thereafter, some concluding remarks will be provided.
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Weisfelder, Richard F. "Lesotho and the Inner Periphery in the New South Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 30, no. 4 (December 1992): 643–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00011095.
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Reform and the transformation of authoritarian régimes in Eastern Europe, the former Soviet Union, and the Horn of Africa have been associated with rampant nationalism, secession of component units, and ultimately, demands for the return of lost territories. By contrast, within supposedly ‘tribal’ Southern Africa, the African National Congress (A.N.C.) and its Africanist opponents are agreed that any settlement must apply to the whole of the Republic of South Africa, including the so-called ‘independent Homelands’.
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Kenny, Bridget. "The South African labour movement." Tempo Social 32, no. 1 (April 15, 2020): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/0103-2070.ts.2020.166288.
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This paper reviews the state of the South African labour movement. It discusses trade unions within the context of national political dynamics, including the Tripartite Alliance and neoliberalism, as well as growing precarianization of work within South Africa. It examines splits within the major federation and explores debates around union renewal and new worker organizations. It argues that the political terrain is fragmented and shifting, but workers’ collective labour politics abides.
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Rosenberg, Scott. "The National Union of Mines’ struggle for employment in Lesotho and South Africa." Journal of Southern African Studies 47, no. 1 (January 2, 2021): 145–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2021.1855924.
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Msila, Vuyisile. "Teacher Unions, Schools and Success: Opportunities and Contradictions." International Journal of Learning, Teaching and Educational Research 21, no. 3 (March 30, 2022): 263–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.26803/ijlter.21.3.14.
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Teacher unionisation is among the under-researched themes in South Africa. The few teacher union studies focus on the notoriety of teacher unions’ activities, especially the impact of teacher strikes. Studies frequently demonstrate how teacher unions disturb education with a tendency to make schools ungovernable. In fact, in many studies, results have shown that strong union activity undermines school effectiveness. Additionally, these studies people revealed how various role-players such as parents, communities and district officials have maintained that effective teacher unions are the missing link to successful leadership as well as meaningful teaching and learning. This case study examined the potentially positive role of unions in two historically black schools in the Eastern Cape Province, South Africa. In both schools the principals were active members of two of the most powerful teacher unions in South Africa. At the time of the study, one principal was an office bearer in the South African Democratic Teachers’ Union (SADTU) whilst the other was aligned with the National Professional Teachers’ Organisation of South Africa (NAPTOSA). The paradox in both schools was that, despite the strong unionism, the union and school management collaboration appeared to bolster learner success, teaching and school principals’ effectiveness. The conclusions demonstrate that strong teacher unions are pivotal in building self-fulfilled teachers, the management of diversity and high levels of learner achievement. Finally, the school leaders proved that, with meaningful cooperation among role-players including teacher unions, underperforming schools have the potential to thrive.
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Matlala, Motsepe. "The 2011 Green Paper on Land Reform: Opportunities and Challenges - The National African Farmers Union (NAFU SA)." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal/Potchefstroomse Elektroniese Regsblad 17, no. 2 (April 21, 2017): 866. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2014/v17i2a2188.
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The National African Farmers' Union (NAFU SA) was established in 1991 with the aim of creating a "home" for thousands of black farmers who had previously been excluded from mainstream agriculture. At the time of its formation there was no farmer organisation operating at national level in South Africa.
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Vally, Salim, Mphutlane wa Bofelo, and John Treat. "Worker Education in South Africa: Lessons and contradictions." Articles 48, no. 3 (January 29, 2014): 469–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1021915ar.
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Worker education played a crucial role in the development of the trade union movement in South Africa and in the broader struggle for social transformation. This article reviews key moments and dynamics in the trajectory of worker education in South Africa. We argue that international developments, the rise of neoliberalism, and the negotiated compromise between the African National Congress (ANC) and the apartheid state, as well as corporatism resulted in changes to worker education. While the latter as it existed in the past has weakened, the centre of gravity has shifted to community organizations where various forms of learning and creativity continue. Despite the challenges and setbacks of recent years, there remains a significant legacy and influence of the traditions of worker education and militant trade unionism in South Africa, which can and should be drawn upon.
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Duncan, G. A. "Back to the Future." Verbum et Ecclesia 24, no. 2 (November 17, 2003): 359–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/ve.v24i2.331.
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The Uniting Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa was formed on 26th September 1999 as the result of the union of the black Reformed Presbyterian Church in Southern Africa and the white-dominated Presbyterian Church of Southern Africa. Various unsuccessful attempts had been made since the latter part of the nineteenth century to effect union. In the spirit of national euphoria which surrounded the first democratic elections in South Africa in1994, the Reformed Presbyterian Church initiated union discussions with the Presbyterian Church. The subsequent union was based on what are now considered to be inadequate preparations and many unresolved problems have emerged to test the witness of the new denomination, not the least of which is racism. At its 2002 General Assembly, as the result of what appeared to be a financial crisis, the Uniting Presbyterian Church appointed a Special Committee on Reformation was established to investigate the problems in the denomination and to bring proposals for dealing with these issues.
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Patel, Saliem. "Metal that will not bend: National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa 1980–1995." Social Dynamics 41, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 393–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02533952.2015.1066968.
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Adler, Glenn. "Shop Floors and Rugby Fields: The Social Basis of Auto Worker Solidarity in South Africa." International Labor and Working-Class History 51 (April 1997): 96–128. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900002003.
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When 4,000 black workers at Volkswagen South Africa went on strike on the morning of June 16, 1980, their walkout and march through Uitenhage—twenty-five kilometers inland from the Indian Ocean city of Port Elizabeth—did far more than disturb the streets of a conservative industrial town. The Workers struct after an impasse in negotiations between the automobile companies and their union, the National Union of Motor Assembly and Rubber Workers of South Africa (NUMARWOSA) over the union's demand for a “living wage.” Within days the entire town was engulfed in a general strike. The South African Police declared Uitenhage a “security area,” effectively cutting it off from the outside world. The other strikes soon ended or were repressed, most fiercely at the American multinational Goodyear, where the work force was dismissed and then selectively reemployed under police guard. However, Volkswagen workers continued their action for more than three weeks before winning awage increase and returning to work with their jobs intact and their union strengthened (Plates 1, 2, 3).
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van Jaarsveld, F. A. "Recent Afrikaner Historiography." Itinerario 16, no. 1 (March 1992): 93–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300006586.
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In 1961, when the Union of South Africa became a republic, I wrote in ‘Interpretations and Trends in South African Historical Writing’: ‘The Afrikaner had won the constitutional struggle against the Briton but at the very moment that he was about to reap the rewards of his victory in a new Republic, he stood confronted with the challenge of a non-white majority, threatening to deprive him of his gains […] A national myth has already become established - that South Africa is an innocent nation and the victim of attack in an evil world, and that attempts to solve the racial problem by territorial divisions or separate development are “misunderstood”.’
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ROGERSON, Christian M. "TRANSNATIONAL TOURISM DEVELOPMENT: AN EARLY EPISODE FROM COLONIAL SOUTHERN AFRICA." Revista Română de Geografie Politică 26, no. 1 (June 28, 2024): 14–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.30892/rrgp.261102-374.
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Cross-border tourism marketing and promotion is a widely endorsed approach for encouraging regional tourism development. The aim in this paper is to uncover an early historical example of regional tourism development which occurred in colonial Southern Africa. Using archival sources the study pinpoints the contributions of publicity material produced by South African Railways for the promotion of tourism in the territories of colonial Zimbabwe and Mozambique. In encouraging international tourism to South Africa during the 1920s and 1930s there was an understanding that South Africa’s leading national tourism assets were best packaged together for ‘transnational tourism development’ with marketing for the iconic attraction of Victoria Falls as well as Lourenço Marques. The destination which was promoted as ‘South Africa’ in tourism guidebooks did not correspond with the geopolitical entity of the Union of South Africa, instead it embraced the attractions of Portuguese-controlled Mozambique and several tourism products in the British-controlled territory of Rhodesia.
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Kanduza, Ackson M. "Metal that will not Bend: National Union of Metal Workers in South Africa, 1980–1995." African Historical Review 45, no. 2 (November 2013): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17532523.2013.857097.
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Gwande, Victor Muchineripi. "'For our self-sufficiency and autonomy': International Worker Solidarity and the Global Networks of FOSATU in the Democratic Struggle in South Africa." Historia 68, no. 1 (July 6, 2023): 86–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-8392/2023/v68n1a4.
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This article examines the place of the trade union movement in the democratisation project in South Africa. While scholarship exists which shows the role of the labour movement in the ending of apartheid, the focus tends to emphasise what has been called political or social movement unionism. However, one labour centre, the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU), pursuing a workerist approach to its trade unionism, created and extended tentacles of democracy during apartheid, outside the ambit and influence of political parties and the nationalist movement. FOSATU also created global networks and outreach in search of international worker solidarity. That solidarity was imperative for FOSATU's self-sufficiency and autonomy as well as that of the broader anti-apartheid movement. The article argues that FOSATU broadened the platforms of the democratic struggle in South Africa beyond the nation-state boundary. In doing so, it contributes to the historiographies of the trade union movement, the struggle for democracy in South Africa and the transnational turn in the South African labour movement. The study uses the minutes and reports of FOSATU's national executive, its central committee meetings and also news reports from the FOSATU Worker News, all of which are housed at Wits University's William Cullen Library, in the Historical Papers section.
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Neunsinger, Silke. "Translocal Activism and the Implementation of Equal Remuneration for Men and Women: The Case of the South African Textile Industry, 1980–1987." International Review of Social History 64, no. 1 (March 27, 2019): 37–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859019000166.
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AbstractThe struggle by women workers has largely been overlooked in the historiography of trade unions in South Africa during apartheid. This article analyses the strategies of the National Union of Textile Workers (NUTW) to end wage discrimination against women as part of the struggle against poverty wages in the South African textile industry during the last years of apartheid, c.1980 to 1987. The first South African equal pay legislation came into force in 1981, covering the minimum wages of just a small number of the workforce; it was not until 1984 that legislation set minimum wages for all workers. Before the legal reform, new domestic and foreign political opportunities helped the NUTW to create new mobilization structures and offered possibilities to connect levels of scale and make local action visible at home and abroad. Global framing of wage equality combined with a translocal repertoire was used in the cases of multinational companies to make relevant connections between levels of scale (international, transnational, national, and local) to add to the visibility of the violations. After the reform of labour legislation in South Africa, the union made reference to domestic legislation, but translocal activism remained important in bringing foreign companies to the local negotiating table. Drawing on these cases, the NUTW developed a national strategy to make wage setting more transparent across the entire industry, adding to the visibility of all forms of wage discrimination.
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Nattrass, Nicoli. "Meeting the Challenge of Unemployment?" ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 652, no. 1 (January 30, 2014): 87–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716213511189.
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South Africa has one of the highest rates of unemployment in the world. Job creation is a national priority, yet labor-intensive options are derided by the trade union movement as an unacceptable throwback to the “cheap labor” policies of apartheid, and effectively ruled out by the government in its recent National Development Plan (NDP). Instead, minimum-wage setting in South Africa continues to contribute to job destruction (as evidenced most recently in the clothing industry). Policy-makers hope that support for high-productivity firms and rapid economic growth will make up for job losses and solve the unemployment problem. Unfortunately, South Africa’s economic performance has been comparatively disappointing and constrained by negative investor sentiment, especially with regard to the labor market. The NDP has called for a social accord between labor and capital. But the prospects are not promising, and unemployment is likely to remain a significant feature of the South African economic landscape.
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Murwirapachena, Genius, and Kin Sibanda. "Exploring The Incidents Of Strikes In Post-Apartheid South Africa." International Business & Economics Research Journal (IBER) 13, no. 3 (April 28, 2014): 553. http://dx.doi.org/10.19030/iber.v13i3.8592.
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Since the right to strike was recognised in the South African Constitution, strike actions have been a common phenomenon in the country. Causes of strikes in South Africa are multifaceted and their effects detrimentally catastrophic. This paper explored the incidents of strikes in post-apartheid South Africa and it analysed newspaper and other published articles to track down the occurrence, causes, and effects of strikes in South Africa. In this paper, it was established that the main causes of strike actions range from poverty, inequality, and unemployment to union rivalry and the undemocratic nature of the labour relations. It also established the effects of strike actions which are both social and economic. To achieve labour market stability, this paper recommended the democratisation of labour relations, the creation of sound stakeholder relations, turning employees into employers through indigenisation policies, and the implementation of a national minimum wage.
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Tieku, Thomas Kwasi. "The African Union Makes Its Mark in the Pandemic." Current History 120, no. 826 (May 1, 2021): 172–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2021.120.826.172.
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A new spirit of pan-Africanism guided the continent’s response to the pandemic. Led by South African President Cyril Ramaphosa, the African Union provided multilateral coordination and worked with external partners to obtain support, while the Africa Centres for Disease Control and Prevention organized the pandemic responses of national public health agencies. The pandemic showed the risks of continued reliance on foreign donors for resources such as vaccines, but the collective response demonstrated that the AU has become a strong institution capable of addressing regional and global challenges.
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Trafford, Zara, Alison Swartz, and Christopher J. Colvin. "“Contract to Volunteer”: South African Community Health Worker Mobilization for Better Labor Protection." NEW SOLUTIONS: A Journal of Environmental and Occupational Health Policy 27, no. 4 (November 20, 2017): 648–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1048291117739529.
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In this paper, we explore the increasing activity around labor rights for South African community health workers (CHWs). Contextualizing this activity within broader policy and legal developments, we track the emergence of sporadic mobilizations for decent work (supported by local health activist organizations) and subsequently, the formation of a CHW union. The National Union of Care Workers of South Africa (NUCWOSA) was inaugurated in 2016, hoping to secure formal and secure employment through government and the consequent labor and occupational health protections. Various tensions were observed during fieldwork in the run up to NUCWOSA's formation and raise important questions about representation, legitimacy, and hierarchies of power. We close by offering suggestions for future research in this developing space.
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Fuo, Oliver, and Daniel Mirisho Pallangyo. "A Comparative Legal Analysis of Local Government Autonomy in South Africa and Tanzania." Journal of Comparative Law in Africa 10, no. 2 (2023): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/jcla/v10/i2a1.
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Over the past thirty years, there has been an increased drive towards decentralisation in Africa with the adoption of national constitutions that guarantee varying degrees of protection to local governments. In 2014, the African Union (AU) adopted the African Charter on Values and Principles of Decentralisation, Local Governance and Local Development (2014) to guide the decentralisation project for member states. The Charter acknowledges that the protection of local autonomy in decentralised legal frameworks is necessary for local governments to deliver on their developmental mandates. In this article, we explore from a comparative law perspective, how local autonomy is protected in the constitutions of South Africa and Tanzania. We also consider legislation regulating decentralisation in South Africa and Tanzania, comparing the similarities, differences, and challenges to local autonomy in these two countries in view of their different national legal frameworks. The comparative legal analysis helps to show the unique nature of the systems of decentralisation in both countries and lessons that can inform law reform. Although there are comparative studies on subnational autonomy in Africa, none has specifically compared local government autonomy in South Africa and Tanzania. The research is based on a critical and integrated analysis of primary and secondary sources of law.
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Kenny, Bridget. "Trading Time: Retail working time and precarious labour in South Africa, 1960s–1980s." Journal of Labor and Society 24, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 163–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24714607-20212006.
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Abstract This is a historical piece that traces debates and struggles over store trading times (which determined working time) from the 1960s to the 1980s in Johannesburg, South Africa, to explore the connection of working time debates to the precarianisation of retail labour in South Africa over the ensuing decades. Debates about trading time and working time, and how unions engaged therein, were fundamentally linked with changes to the labour market of service workers over this period. This paper explores how the emergence of precarious labour in sectors like retail can be explained as conjunctural moments written from the global South. This research is based on extensive archival research which links regulatory changes, union politics, national debate and labour market changes to how shift systems in retailing changed between the 1960s and the 1980s.
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Petrica, Dan. "National Liberation Movements and Their Vocation for Party Politics in Southern Africa. The Case of the African National Congress and Zimbabwe African National Union." Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Studia Europaea 66, no. 1 (June 30, 2021): 41–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbeuropaea.2021.1.03.
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"The paper aims to shed light on the particularities of two national liberation movements - turned political parties and how they embraced their new role after the liberation struggle had ended and majority rule had been obtained. South Africa’s ANC and Zimbabwe’s ZANU-PF are analyzed in an attempt to ultimately underline why democracy was approached distinctively by the too. We also bring some arguments as to why South Africa failed to stop ZANU-PF’s descent into autocracy, amidst internal and international pressures to intervene. After a short historical background of the two NLMs, we discuss the links between them, the particular political and social conditions which shaped their behaviours and the commonalities and differences in said behaviours. We argue that, as long as the democratic principles identified with ZANU-PF’s struggle for the empowerment of a new elite, the former were pursued; when the two no longer overlapped, stronghold politics and policies took primacy. We also argue that faced with similar contestation as ZANU-PF, the ANC might chose to sacrifice democracy for the sake of regime survival. Keywords: party-politics, international relations, regional influence, democracy, colonialism, discourse "
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Kline, Benjamin. "The National Union of South African Students: a Case-Study of the Plight of Liberalism, 1924–77." Journal of Modern African Studies 23, no. 1 (March 1985): 139–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x0005655x.
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Liberalism in South Africa has had a history of importence because of its failure to adhere consistently to the belief that when the ‘loss of liberty for non-whites’ occurs, it ‘inevitably meant [the] loss of liberty for whites as well’. Instead, the predominantly English-speaking South Africans who backed this movement have attempted to promote liberal ideals while maintaining their white prerogatives, and have subsequently found the two to be ‘incompatible’.1 As a result, neither the uncompromising Afrikaner Nationalists nor the demanding Africans and revolutionaries have supported liberalism, and those South Africans in the middle have been discouraged by its vacillating nature. The National Union of South African Students is an example of a liberal organisation's inability to solve this dilemma. Initially Nusas concentrated on academic needs, following a ‘students as such’ policy, and then later transformed its ideals into a ‘students in society’ view, becoming socially active in defiance of the Nationalist Government.2
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P. Krüger, Louis. "Black economic empowerment in post-1994 South Africa: ANC curse and/or socialist/communist covenant?" Problems and Perspectives in Management 14, no. 3 (September 6, 2016): 162–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/ppm.14(3-1).2016.03.
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After more than 21 years under the leadership of the African National Congress (ANC), post-1994 South Africa finds itself yet again embroiled in race-related politics. Government policies such as black economic empowerment (BEE) and employment equity (EE) have not brought about the economic growth, social development and political democracy that the late former President Nelson Mandela had envisaged and what the ANC had promised to all the people of South Africa. South Africa is currently disengaging itself from the West including the Unites States of America (USA) and certain European Union (EU) countries and appears to rather embrace and align itself with countries such as Russia and China that pursue socialist and communist ideologies. Both these two issues may have a profound impact on how businesses will be managed in the future. In an exploratory, qualitative study using a “5 Star” research methodology, the direct and indirect impacts of BEE policies were investigated and the possible movement in South Africa’s ideological stance was explored. BEE does not appear to have helped to bring about high economic growth to help to reduce unemployment and eradicate the high levels of poverty and inequality, and government graft and corruption have increased at all levels of government, including local municipalities. BEE appears to have become the ANC’s curse to economic, social and political progress and should be scrapped. A national debate should follow on whether the ANC’s current covenant with pro-socialism and pro-communism rather than Western free-market capitalism is the appropriate ideology for South Africa to pursue. Keywords: black economic empowerment (BEE), employment equity (EE), African National Congress (ANC), capitalism, socialism, communism. JEL Classification: M14, M21
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Leeuw, Lerothodi L., and Jarita Holbrook. "The Role of the IAU Gleaned From Oral Histories of Individuals Involved in Astronomy in South Africa." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 13, S349 (December 2018): 240–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921319000371.
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AbstractThe South African Astronomical Observatory (SAAO), formerly known as the Royal Observatory, Cape of Good Hope, will be 200 years old in 2020. Also, South Africa (SA), formerly a British colony known as the Cape of Good Hope, will celebrate her 100-year anniversary as an International Astronomical Union (IAU) member in 2020, following the IAU centenary in 2019 that this IAU Symposium 349 celebrates. In light of all this, particularly in anticipation of the 200-year anniversary of SAAO in 2020, the SA National Research Foundation (NRF) has developed a Roadmap for the History of Astronomy in South Africa. As part of this we are conducting an oral history of astronomers to complement the historical celebrations of the institutions and science relating to astronomy in SA, supported by the SA NRF. Primarily drawing on literature and setting the scene for this work, here we present a snippet of the on-going oral histories, to glean the role of the IAU in astronomy in South Africa and show the potential of the oral histories to inform and complement written history.
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Stemmet, Jan-ad, and Burgert A. Senekal. "Threats of Communist expansion in Apartheid South Africa: NP claims versus CIA intelligence perspectives in the years 1960 to 1990." New Contree 68 (December 31, 2013): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/nc.v68i0.280.
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There is a popular perception that the threat of Soviet expansionism during the time of South Africa’s Border War (1966-1989) was a fabrication by the National Party government to motivate young men to fight to maintain Apartheid as the main political ideology. This perception is voiced by numerous authors of “grensliteratuur”, as well as some historians, e.g. Baines and Drewett. The claim of the National Party was that the Soviet Union attempted to expand its political influence in South Africa in order to obtain control over South Africa’s mineral resources and the country’s strategically located shipping routes and harbours. This article uses declassified CIA intelligence reports to engage with both claims, and asks: Was Soviet/ Communist expansion in South Africa true or a fabrication? The finding is that the CIA shared Botha and Malan’s views, and since CIA reports – unlike ministerial speeches – were not intended for wide circulation, they cannot be accused of serving propaganda purposes. The conclusion is therefore that the declassified documents indicate that the NP Goverments of Malan and his successors agreed with the CIA, and therefore the claim of a Soviet threat in Namibia and Angola cannot be labelled an NP fabrication.
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Mukheibir, André. "Notes: Revisiting Uber Drivers as Employees — Comparing South African and UK Law." Industrial Law Journal 45, no. 1 (2024): 24–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.47348/ilj/v45/i1a2.
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The UK Supreme Court in the case Uber BV v Aslam [2021] UKSC 5 recently held that Uber drivers in London were workers for the purposes of inter alia minimum wage regulations. In South Africa, the Labour Court in Uber SA Technology Services (Pty) Ltd v National Union of Public Service & Allied Workers (2018) 39 ILJ 903 (LC) (Uber SA) held that the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration (CCMA) had erred in finding that South African Uber drivers were employees of Uber SA. This note compares the two cases, as well as considering the distinction between ‘employees’, ‘workers’ and ‘independent contractors’.
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Schiavone, Michael. "Social Movement Unions and Political Parties (in South Africa and the Philippines): A Win-Win Situation?" African and Asian Studies 6, no. 4 (2007): 373–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156921007x236954.
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AbstractSocial movement unionism is increasingly being seen as the strategy that US unions should adopt. However, what is often forgotten is that social movement unionism originated in the Third World. As part of the strategy it is argued that unions should form alliances with political parties. However, by analyzing the alliances between the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) and the African National Congress (ANC), and the Kilusang Mayo Uno (KMU) and the Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP) I argue that union alliances with political parties have badly damaged social movement unions.
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Arkhangelskaya, Alexandra A., and Dmitriy V. Kochetov. "Foreign Policy of the Union of South Africa and Its Relationship with the USSR in 1950-1960th." Vestnik Yaroslavskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta im. P. G. Demidova. Seriya gumanitarnye nauki 16, no. 1 (March 17, 2022): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.18255/1996-5648-2022-1-52-63.
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This article discusses Union of South Africa (UAS) in the 1950s-1960s, in perspective of the double diplomacy that was formed in connection with the establishment of apartheid. On one hand, the diplomacy of the official foreign Ministry of the UAS, which was adapting to the international isolation that began to develop around it (in many ways controversial), primarily from the independent countries of Africa and the USSR. On the other hand, it was the diplomacy of the national liberation movements that fought against this regime, namely the ANC. On the basis of archival documents, it can be seen that in 1959, even before the world-wide shooting in Sharpeville (1960), in the USSR, a high-level proposal was made to support the ANC and oppose the government of the UAS in all diplomatic directions.
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Guerreiro, José. "Africa Integrated Maritime Policy, blue growth and a new ocean governance: case studies from the Atlantic and the Indian Ocean." Western Indian Ocean Journal of Marine Science, no. 1/2022 (November 29, 2022): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/wiojms.si2022.1.2.
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Integrated maritime and blue economy policies are changing ocean governance by introducing new policy drivers, reshaping institutional frameworks, as well as demanding new management instruments (e.g., Maritime Spatial Planning (MSP)). This started in 2007 though the European Union Integrated Maritime Policy approach, and in 2009 the Africa Union initiated a similar process, leading both to the Africa integrated maritime strategy as well as a blue economy strategy. Several countries, particularly in sub-Saharan Africa, began to look to blue economy as a booster to socioeconomic welfare and initiated the development of national strategies, together with the necessary adaptation of institutional and legal networks. Case studies address those processes at the transition from the Atlantic to the Indian Oceans, focusing on Angola, Namibia, South Africa, Tanzania and Kenya in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region, as well as several African Small Islands Developing States (SIDS), particularly Cape Verde, S. Tomé and Príncipe, Seychelles, Madagascar and Mauritius. Findings show that all countries covered in the case studies are developing national ocean and/or blue economy strategies and adapting their governmental, institutional, and legal frameworks, although there is a deeper political impact in SIDS. Overall, these new policy drivers are leading to a new model of ocean governance by addressing integrated maritime policies and blue growth strategies, as well as introducing MSP as a new EEZ governance tool.
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VINSON, ROBERT TRENT. "‘SEA KAFFIRS’: ‘AMERICAN NEGROES’ AND THE GOSPEL OF GARVEYISM IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY CAPE TOWN." Journal of African History 47, no. 2 (July 2006): 281–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853706001824.
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This article demonstrates that black British West Indians and black South Africans in post-First World War Cape Town viewed ‘American Negroes’ as divinely ordained liberators from South African white supremacy. These South-African based Garveyites articulated a prophetic Garveyist Christianity that provided common ideological ground for Africans and diasporic blacks through leading black South African organizations like the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA), the African National Congress (ANC) and the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU). This study utilizes a ‘homeland and diaspora’ model that simultaneously offers an expansive framework for African history, redresses the relative neglect of Africa and Africans in African diaspora studies and demonstrates the impact of Garveyism on the country's interwar black freedom struggle.
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Bijl, Andre J. Van der. "Integrating the World of Work Into Initial TVET Teacher Education in South Africa." Journal of Education and Research 11, no. 1 (May 18, 2021): 13–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.51474/jer.v11i1.496.
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South African Policy on Professional Qualifications for Lecturers in Technical and Vocational Education and Training (2013) provides a framework of professional qualifications for lecturers in the TVET system, which requires work-integrated learning placements in both education and industry settings. South Africa, however, does not have a convention of industry placement for vocational lecturers. This absence led the Department of Higher Education and Training, with the European Union, to co-fund a research and development project, the ‘effective delivery of the work-integrated learning (WIL) component of TVET and adult and community education and training lecturer qualification programmes’. The key output of this project was the development of a comprehensive curriculum framework for the industry-WIL component of the qualifications. This paper provides a reflective analysis of the multiple institutions, the national process through which the curriculum framework was developed and the knowledge generated through it.
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Kibble, Steve, and Ray Bush. "Reform of Apartheid and Continued Destabilisation in Southern Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 24, no. 2 (June 1986): 203–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00006856.
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Continuous pressure against the South African Government has led to what previously seemed unthinkable: the reform of apartheid. Strikes from 1973 onwards, the Soweto revolt in 1976, the increasing resistance from school and consumer boycotts, the strengthening black trade-union movement and mass political organisations, and the unceasing campaign by the African National Congress, have led the State President, P. W. Botha, to declare in early 1986 that apartheid in its present form cannot be maintained, despite strong reactions from sections of Afrikaner interests. Many of the structures thought essential to racial segregation are to go: the pass laws controlling the movement of African men and women, the fiction that the ‘Bantustans’ are ’independent’ or ‘national’ states, and that urban blacks are citizens of other countries. There is even the promise of political representation for Africans. These measures appear to mark the end of Botha's attempt to create a divided black working class — some with residence rights in white-only areas, and others, notably unskilled migrants, without. The specific shape of the more racially-integrated South Africa which Botha promises remains unclear. It is not surprising in a recession that the President appears to have recognised the inappropriateness and disproportionate cost which maintaining structures of black recruitment to white employers has on the state's exchequer — not including the cost of policing influx control.
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Keith-Bandath, Rasheed. "The evasion of Section 187(1)(c) of the Labour Relations Act: National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa v Aveng Trident Steel (a division of Aveng Africa Proprietary Ltd) (JA25/18) [2019] ZALAC 36; (2019) 40 ILJ 2024 (LAC); [2019] 9 BLLR 899 (LAC)." Obiter 41, no. 3 (January 1, 2021): 642–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/obiter.v41i3.9587.
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Section 187(1)(c) of the Labour Relations Act 66 of 1995 (LRA), has over the years proven to be a controversial section. At the heart of the controversy is the question as to whether an employer may terminate employees’ contracts of employment based on operational requirements in circumstances where they refuse to accept changes to terms and conditions of employment. This question came before the courts on a number of occasions and answered in the affirmative by the Labour Appeal Court in Fry’s Metals (Pty) Ltd v National Union of Metalworkers of SA ((2003) 21 ILJ 133 (LAC)), and confirmed on appeal by the Supreme Court of Appeal in National Union of Metalworkers of SA v Fry’s Metals (Pty) Ltd (2005 (5) SA 433 (SCA)). However, the LRA has since been amended with the Labour Relations Amendment Act 6 of 2014 (LRAA). Whether an employer may, in light of the amendments, adopt this approach, was recently considered by the LabourAppeal Court in National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa v Aveng Trident Steel (a division of Aveng Africa Proprietary Ltd) ((JA25/18) [2019] ZALAC 36; (2019) 40 ILJ 2024 (LAC); [2019] 9 BLLR 899 (LAC) (13 June 2019) (Aveng case (LAC)). The judgment is noteworthy as it is the first time that the Labour Appeal Court (LAC) delivered judgment relating to section 187(1)(c) of the LRA post-amendment, thus providing a degree of judicial certainty on the interpretation to be accorded to the amended section.
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Kenefick, William. "Confronting White Labourism: Socialism, Syndicalism, and the Role of the Scottish Radical Left in South Africa before 1914." International Review of Social History 55, no. 1 (April 2010): 29–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859009990617.
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SummaryDominated by the ideas of the “communist school”, the early history of the socialist and revolutionary syndicalist movement in South Africa has (until relatively recently) been largely overlooked by labour historians. From this approach emerged the view that the dominant voice of white workers in South Africa was British, and to a lesser extent Australian, and that their blend of class and racial consciousness resulted in the widespread support for the common ideology of white labourism. Indeed, support for this system of industrial and racial segregation was prevalent across the British Empire, was widely supported by the imperial working class, and in South Africa was never seriously challenged or confronted before 1914. Over recent years, however, South African labour historians have made efforts to rethink their national labour history by examining the early labour movement and the ideology of white labourism in a global context. This article adopts a similar approach and argues that the politics of white labourism was not uniformly embraced by the imperial working class, and that in South Africa there was a vocal and active non-racialist movement which sought to confront racism and segregation, dispute the operation of the “colour bar”, and challenge the white protectionist policies of the labour and trade-union movement. In conclusion, it will be argued that the campaign to confront white labourism was disproportionately influenced by radical left Scottish migrants who adhered firmly to the colour-blind principles of international socialism and revolutionary syndicalism.
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Seema, Naran, and Paul Kibuuka. "Innovative financing mechanisms for government to leverage private sector investment in infrastructure for sustainable development in South Africa: case study in the water sector." Public and Municipal Finance 6, no. 3 (December 7, 2017): 33–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21511/pmf.06(3).2017.04.
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The research article presents catalytic and innovative mechanisms for the use of fiscal grant funding to crowd in private sector investment for water infrastructure projects in the Republic of South Africa. Chapter Two of the South African Constitution (1996) includes a series of socio-economic rights, of which the right of access to water is one of those afforded its people, but this access is not currently provided to the entire population. The study uses a mixed methods approach, utilizing both quantitative and qualitative data sequentially. The data gathered involved a non-random purposive sample of best practice from European Union-funded projects internationally, South Africa-based projects, and qualitative interviews with officials from international development finance institutions and the National Treasury. It was found that the strategic targeting of grant funding to mitigate project risks, better enabled investor confidence. Through the use of three innovative financing tools, specifically investment grants, interest rate subsidies and technical assistance, government was able to leverage further investment into projects. The research concluded that blended grants for debt financing should be a consideration in South Africa. Specifically, as the current challenges in the water sector relate to constrained financial gaps, as well as capacity and skills deficits, these could be addressed strategically and deliberately through the use of blended fiscal grants targeting innovative financing tools. To allow for blending as recommended, budget reforms in South Africa are necessary.
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CAMPBELL, JAMES T. "ROMANTIC REVOLUTIONARIES: DAVID IVON JONES, S. P. BUNTING AND THE ORIGINS OF NON-RACIAL POLITICS IN SOUTH AFRICA." Journal of African History 39, no. 2 (July 1998): 313–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853798007208.
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The Delegate for Africa: David Ivon Jones, 1883–1924. By Baruch Hirson and Gwyn A. Williams. London: Core Publications, 1995. Pp. x+272. £8.50, paperback (ISBN 897640-02-1).S. P. Bunting: A Political Biography, new edition. By Edward Roux. Bellville: Mayibuye Books. 1993. Pp. 200. No price given, paperback (ISBN 1-86808-162-1).Outsiders looking at the recent history of South African politics are apt to be struck by two conundrums. How can a nation that pushed the logic of ‘race’ as far as any society in history also have produced one of the world's most enduring non-racial political traditions? And how, in a period that has seen the crumbling of the Soviet Union and the discrediting of communist parties throughout the world, has the South African Communist Party (SACP) not only survived but risen to power, in coalition with the African National Congress and the Congress of South African Trade Unions?
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Phooko, Tshidi. "The Direct Applicability of SADC Community Law in South Africa and Zimbabwe: A Call for Supranationality and the Uniform Application of SADC Community Law." Potchefstroom Electronic Law Journal 21 (March 27, 2018): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/1727-3781/2018/v21i0a1758.
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The Southern African Development Community Tribunal (SADC Tribunal) became operational in 1992 and delivered several judgments against Zimbabwe. Some of those decisions are yet to be enforced. The attempt to enforce them contributed to the demise of the SADC Tribunal. The tension between community law and domestic law, international law and national law, and community law and international law is as old as the hills. The monist and dualist theories of international law assist in attempting to clarify the nature of the relationship between international law and municipal law. However, there is no guidance when it comes to community law and national law. This paper will explore on how SADC Community law can be applied uniformly by South Africa and Zimbabwe including all other SADC member states. This will be done through decided cases with specific reference to South Africa and Zimbabwe. In order to learn best practices from other jurisdictions, the paper will to the extent relevant, make reference to the East African Court of Justice, the European Union (EU) and the European Court of Justice (ECJ). The discourse will conclude by making a proposal for the adoption of a revised Protocol on the SADC Tribunal that will assist in clarifying the nature of the relationship between SADC Community law and national laws of SADC member states.
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Itambu, Makarius P. "Endangered African Wild Dogs: Ecological Disturbances, Habitat Fragmentations, and Ecosystem Collapse in Sub-Saharan Africa." Tanzania Zamani: A Journal of Historical Research and Writing 13, no. 1 (December 31, 2021): 171–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.56279/tza20211316.
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The African wild dog (Lycaon pictus) is among the species that have declined to the point where it is now listed as endangered by the International Union for the Conservation of Nature (IUCN, 2012). Formerly, the African wild dog population was estimated to span 39 African countries, but today, they have disappeared from much of their former habitats, now occupying just 7% of their former geographic range. They are presently found in only 14 countries primarily in the southern part of the continent, including South Africa, Tanzania, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Namibia, and Botswana. The largest populations are presently found in northern Botswana, the Selous Game Reserve in Tanzania, and in Kruger National Park in South Africa. In East Africa, the largest population is found in Tanzania and Kenya in the Serengeti-Maasai-Mara ecosystems and in the Selous Game Reserve. The current, global population is estimated to be between 3000-5000 which is comprised of less than 1400 mature individuals. Methodically, this study deeply underscored these data from critical library research i.e., archival sources, books and articles, and other published literatures across the globe which are pertinent to this research topic.
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Netshakhuma, Nkholedzeni Sidney. "Assessment of a South Africa national consultative workshop on the Protection of Personal Information Act (POPIA)." Global Knowledge, Memory and Communication 69, no. 1/2 (July 25, 2019): 58–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/gkmc-02-2019-0026.
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Purpose This paper aims to assess the Protection of Personal Information Act (No. 4 of 2013) (POPIA) in South African (SA) universities sector with the objective to formulate code of conduct to improve compliance. Design/methodology/approach The case study approach was used in this study. Data were collected using interviews with the SA universities’ representatives during the POPIA consultative workshop. Findings The results showed that most of the participants were not aware of the POPIA, lack of collaboration between the legal practitioners, records managers and archivist. Internal control systems with Information Communication Technology (ICT) need to be in in place to provide information integrity and the value of international integrity with regard to the international students and staff. Research limitations/implications This paper is based on the first phase of the national consultative workshop with 25 SA public universities held between January and November 2018. The findings of the study are transferable to other sectors like health and infrastructure. Practical implications The findings are expected to be instrumental to the formulation of universities’ code of conduct in line with POPIA. Social implications The POPIA, if not properly implemented, can contribute to the violation of information integrity of the international students with regard to research and cultural exchange programme. Furthermore, it can affect SA trade relations with the European countries as it is a requirement for non- European countries to comply with the European Union General Data Protection Regulations (GDPR). Originality/value This study is useful to ensure consultation of the POPIA. Is also essential for the POPIA to be aligned with the international norms and standards such as GDPR.